Guibon Goddard's Journal: Commentary

Pages cxxxiv-cxlv

Diary of Thomas Burton Esq: Volume 1, July 1653 - April 1657. Originally published by H Colburn, London, 1828.

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This hasty dissolution, before the Parliament could compleat, and present for the acceptance of the Protector, the new constitution, left him to rule, as he was not ill-inclined, in cases unconnected with his personal interests, according to the ancient laws, under the authority of his own Instrument of Government; unsupported even by the semblance of a Parliamentary sanction.

His first attention, in concert with the Council, (fn. 1) was engaged to publish various ordinances of a popular tendency. (fn. 2) Nor would the industry of his enemies, both royalists and republicans, sometimes in an unnatural union, yet against a common enemy, permit any relaxation of his well-tried and consummate vigilance. (fn. 3)

The Protector had sent Blake into the Mediterranean, to chastise the marauding corsairs of Algiers, for their plunder of English vessels. He had also dispatched Penn and Venables, to commence hostilities against the power of Spain in the West Indies. The fleet under Penn, with a military force commanded by Venables, had sailed from Portsmouth, December 24th. Arriving at Barbadoes, March 30th, 1655, (fn. 4) they opened their sealed orders, which directed an attack on Domingo. In this they miserably failed, from the alleged misconduct of the commander of the land forces; but, on their return, they made an easy conquest of Jamaica. (fn. 5)

The war against Spain produced, as might have been expected, a disposition towards peace and amity between "Louis XIV. the most Christian King of France and Navarre;" or rather, those who governed in the name of the royal minor, and " the Most Serene and Potent Protector of the Republic of England, Scotland, and Ireland." (fn. 6) To England was dispatched " the Lord de Bordeaux, Lord Ambassador;" and the Protector " deputed Commissioners, (Nathaniel Fiennes and Walter Strickland,) for so holy a work;" which was " done at Westminster, the third of November, 1655." (fn. 7)

Of the amicable tendencies, which issued in this alliance, the Protector had availed himself, in May this year, in favour of the foreign Protestants. (fn. 8) Afterwards, in the secret articles of the treaty, he patronized, in a manner probably without example, the interests of the reformed in France; even making the English nation a guarantee for the freedom of their public worship. (fn. 9)

At home, to detect and depress the impugners of his authority, and especially to weaken their influence by sequestrations of their property, the Protector divided England into twelve districts, and added a district for South Wales. Over these he placed major-generals, ruling a Committee in each district, with uncontrolled authority. (fn. 10) For this measure he has been generally censured. The conduct of these irresponsible officers became, indeed, so obnoxious, that in a few months he revoked their appointment. (fn. 11)

It appears, that in this year, there was a " petition of divers counties, humbly to desire his Highness to accept the title and exercise the power of a king." (fn. 12) Bishop Burnet relates, on the authority of one of Cromwell's courtiers, a very different proposal, even a premature project for the restoration of the Stuarts. (fn. 13)

Amidst anxieties thus inseparable from a usurped sovereignty, exacting general acquiescence, but ill-supported by general approval; and to which Royalists, whose power he had subdued, and Republicans, (fn. 14) whose interests he had be trayed, were equally disinclined; the Protector did not fail to recommend his administration, by acts of liberal and enlightened policy. Thus, he was desirous of conceding to the Jews, the equal rights of citizens, (fn. 15) while he availed himself of their commercial resources, and of their well-known facilities for continental intelligence. (fn. 16) He also assembled a council of merchants, " to consider how to improve, order, and regulate, the trade and navigation of the Commonwealth." (fn. 17)

Restraints on the press, that chief guardian of freedom, and the detector of despotism, under every disguise, had been disgracefully sanctioned by the Long Parliament, " deaf to the voice of the charmer," in the Areopagitica of Milton. These restraints still continued, and were too often enforced by the Protector, to preclude the agitation of political questions; (fn. 18) though he is said, in some happy moment of just and liberal feeling, to have uttered the generous sentiment, that if his Government would not stand against paper-shot it was not worthy of preservation. Yet he was disposed, with few, if any exceptions, to rescue the victims of religious intolerance out of the power of their oppressors; (fn. 19) whether these were the misguided Independents, violating their own sacred principle, that the profession of religion is a concern strictly personal; or those more consistent persecutors, the Presbyterians, who, according to one who could well describe them, were only " priests writ large."

Though, at the commencement of the year. 1656, the Protector had further success against the Spaniards, (fn. 20) yet his project of drawing from the New World pecuniary resources for the suppprt of his government, (fn. 21) appears to have entirely failed. Thus he was at length constrained again to encounter the animadversions of a Parliament. (fn. 22)


  • 1. They appear, by an article of Court-intelligence, to have occasionally attended the Protector at his country palace, whither hastened that incessant intruder Care; Oeyor cervis, et agente nimbos Ocyor Euro. " Friday, 22 June, 1655. This evening, his Highness the Lord Protector went from Whitehall to Hampton Court, whither members of the Council also went, and there the great affairs of the nation are transacted with labour and care, as if they were at Whitehall.'' Perfect Proceedings, No. 300.
  • 2. Among the rest, to follow up the Parliamentary project (supra, p. 1. note ||) respecting proceedings in Chancery. See Whitlock, pp. 601–608.
  • 3. See infra, pp. 231, 232, 357, notes; vol. ii. p. 76, note ; iii. 151, 531 –533; iv. 151,155, 156, notes. " Feb. 28, 1655. Major-general Harrison, Captain Courtney, and Mr. Carew, sent prisoners to three several places westward. 'Tis said, one to Pendennis, one to Portland, and the third to the Isle of Wight." Mercurius Fumigosus, p. 306. "The Cavaliers," says Mrs. Hutchinson, " had not patience to stay till things ripened of themselves, but were every day forming designs, and plotting for the murder of Cromwell and other insurrections, which being contrived in drinke, and managed by false and cowardly fellows, were still revealed to Cromwell, who had most excellent intelligence of all things that passed, even in the King's closet; and by these unsuc cessful plots, they were the only obstructors of what they sought to advance, while, to speake truth, Cromwell's personal courage and magnanimity upheld him against all enemies and malcontents." Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, (1810,) ii. 212.
  • 4. Mercurius Fumigosus, No. 60, mentions," Sep. 5, 1655. The return of General Fenn from the Indies; he coming into Portsmouth with twenty-four sail of ships."
  • 5. See vol. iii. pp. 102,103, note. In " The secret Discoveries, which Don Fennyn, a Spanish Secretary, made to the Duke of Buckingham, 1623, at Madrid," this island is thus described: "Jamaica commands all the Gulph of Mexico, and all the fleets which do come from the main land must pass in sight of it. The same abounds in all necessaries, and doth enjoy a very excellent air. It is able to maintain a million of inhabitants. There are about 3 or 4000 slaves. It hath an excessive number of horses, of beavers, and of boars. "It is 50 leagues in length, and 25 in breadth at the most: and hath not above 7 or 800 men that bear arms; all which are seated in three small open towns, without any defence at all, viz. Seville, Oriestan, and Mellila. Most of them are Portugalls, who, as well as the negroes, long for nothing so much as to be freed from the Spanish yoke. The surprisal of the said isle is very easy, for that it is not fortified, and that the inhabitants are not trained up to arms. "The secret golden mine, which hath not yet been opened by the King of Spain, or by any other, is four miles from Niestan, towards the east. It is near the way towards Mellila. The earth is black. Rivulets discover the source of the mine." See " Clarendon State Papers," (1767,) i. 19.
  • 6. See infra, p. 40; vol. iii. pp. 314, 388–390. " Some modern politicians," says Bishop Warburton, on Lord Clarendon, " have affected to think contemptuously of Cromwell's capacity, as if he knew not that true policy required that he should have thrown himself into the lighter balance, which was that of Spain, or as if he did not know which was become the lighter. "But this is talking as if Cromwell had been a legal hereditary monarch, whom true policy would have thus directed. But true policy required that the usurper should first take care of himself, before he busied himself in adjusting the balance of Europe. "Now France, by its vicinity, was the most dangerous power to disoblige, as well as by the near relationship of the two royal families of France and England. So that, though Cromwell gave out that which of the two states would give most for his friendship should have it, in order to raise the price, he was certainly determined in himself that France should have it." History of Rebellion, (1826,) vii. 640.
  • 7. " That there be no room hereafter for suspicion, the Ambassador of the King of France and Navarre engages and promises, in the name of his most Christian Majesty, to the Lord Protector of the Republic of England, Scotland, and Ireland, that the persons whose names are mentioned in the list hereunto annexed, and subscribed by the Lords Commissioners, shall not stay, neither they, nor any one of them, in the kingdom of France, beyond 40 days after the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty signed this day; nor shall they, or any one of them, return, or at any time hereafter be admitted into the said kingdom. "Those to be banished out of France, were Charles, eldest son of Charles, late King of England, James Duke of York, Henry Duke of Gloucester, after ten years, if required. The Lord of Ormond, Sir Edward Hyde, Sir John Culpeper, Lord Gerrard, Daniel O'Neale, Lord Wilmot, Sir Marnaduke Langdale, Sir Edward Nicholas, Lord Wentworth, eldest son of the Earl of Cleveland, Sir Richard Greenville, Sir Francis Doddington, Sir John Berkeley, the Lord Bellasis, O'Sullivan Beare, Lieutenant-general. Middleton, Lord Muskerie, the father, Major-general Edward Massey." Treaties, (1732,) pp. 160,161.
  • 8. See vol. ii. p. 354.
  • 9. " Art. VI. Qu'en toutes les villes et bourgs de ce royaume, où il y aura des havres et des ports, la nation Angloise y aura commerce, et y pourra faire bastir des temples pour l'exercise de la religion, et sera permis aux François de la religion, qui y seront aux environs d'y faire prescher en Francois. "Art. VII. Que les édits de Janvier et de Nantes, seront executez, selon leurs formes et teneurs, et toute le nation Angloise demeurera caution pour l'exécution des dits édits." See " Articles du Traité d'entre la France et L'Angleterre, fait par le Cardinal Mazarine et Cromwell;" in Charles Davenant's " Essays upon the Balance of Power," (1701,) pp. 13, 125. The Edict of Nantes, 1598, is well known. The Edict of January designs, I apprehend, the " Declaration du Roy, et confirmation de I'Edit de Nantes. Donné À Paris, le 15 Decembre, 1612; et verifié le 2 Jan. vier, 1613." See " Recueil des Edicts et Declarations, des Roys Henry IV. Lovys XIII. et Lovis XIV. Sur la Pacification des Troubles de ce Royaume." A Paris, (1669,) Avec Privilege de sa Majesté, p. 88. I am here reminded how Professor Limborch relates " a noble instance, given by Oliver Cromwell, Protector of England," of interference with the " unrighteous practices" of the Holy Office. "Thomas Maynard, Consul of the English nation at Lisbon, was thrown into the prison of the Inquisition, under pretence that he had said or done something against the Roman religion. Mr. Meadows, who was then resident, and took care of the English affairs at Lisbon, advised Cromwell of the affair; and after having received an express from him, went to the King of Portugal, and, in the name of Cromwell, demanded the liberty of Consul Maynard. The King told him, it was not in his power: that the Consul was detained by the Inquisition, over which he had no authority. "The Resident sent this answer to Cromwell, and having soon after received new instructions from him, had again audience of the King, and told him, that since his Majesty had declared he had no power over the Inquisition, he was commanded by Cromwell to declare war against the Inquisition. This unexpected declaration so terrified the King and the Inquisition, that they immediately determined to free the Consul from prison, and immediately opened the prison doors, and gave him leave to go out. The Consul refused to accept a private dismission, but, in order to repair the honour of his character, demanded to he honourably brought forth by the Inquisition. This story was well known to all foreign merchants, who lived at that time, and many years after, at Lisbon." See "The History of the Inquisition," (1731,) i. 214.
  • 10. See infra, p. 235, note. " He divided England," says Ludlow, "into cantons, over which he placed a Bashaw, under the title of Majorgeneral, who was to have the inspection and government of inferior commissions in every county, with orders to seize the persons, and distrain the estates of such as shall be refractory, and to put in execution such further directions' as they should receive from him." Memoirs, ii. 519. Ludlow mentions " a farmer in Barkshire, who being demanded to pay his tenth, desired to know of the Commissioners, in case he did so, what security he should have for the other nine parts. And answer being made that he should have Cromwell's order and theirs for the enjoyment of the rest, he replied: 'If Goodman such an one,' and another whom he named of his neighbours,' will give me their bond for it, I know what to say to such a proposal; for if they break their agreement, I know where to right myself, but these sword-men are too strong for me.' " Ibid. pp. 559, 560. "These Major-generals," says Mrs. Hutchinson, " rul'd according to their wills, by no law, but what seem'd good in their owne eies; imprisoning men, obstructing the course of justice betweene man and man, perverting right, through partiality, acquitting some that were guilty, and punishing some that were innocent, as guilty." Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, (1810,) ii. 210.
  • 11. See vol. iii. p. 527, note. To Lord Clarendon's assertion, that this rigorous measure " brought a vast incredible sum of money into Cromwell's coffers,'' Bishop Warburton replies:— "This is absolutely false, as appears by the letters of the several Major-generals to Cromwell, in the collection of Thurloe's Papers, whereby it appears, that the money raised by decimation, did, at most, only support those new-raised troops, which the Major-generals raised in their several districts, to enable them to put their authority in execution." History of Rebellion, (1826,) vii. 640.
  • 12. Mercurius Fumigosus, (Aug. 8, 1655,) p. 500.
  • 13. " The Earl of Orrery [Lord Broghill, see infra, p. 357, ad fin.] told me," says the bishop, " that coming one day to Cromwell, and telling him that he had been in the city all that day, Cromwell asked him, what news he had heard there. The other answered, that he was told, he was in treaty with the King, who was to be restored, and to many his daughter. "Cromwell expressing no indignation at this, Lord Orrery said, in the state to which things were brought, he saw not a better expedient. They might bring him in, on what terms they pleased, and Cromwell might retain the same authority he then had, with less trouble. Cromwell answered, 'the King ean never forgive his father's blood.' Orrery said,' he was one of many that were concerned in that, but he would be alone in the merit of restoring him.' Cromwell replied, 'he is so damnably debauched, he will undo us all;' and so turned to another discourse, without any emotion, which made Orrery conclude he had often thought of that expedient." Own Time, (1724,) i. 71, 72. Oldmixon relates this story more at large," as told by Lord Broghill's chaplain," and adds, on the Protector's character of Charles Stuart; " as debauched as he was, I have heard him a hundred times called 'our most religious and gracious king,' in very sacred and solemn places." House of Stuart, (1730,) p. 113.
  • 14. Ludlow has recorded an interesting conversation with the Protector, about this time: He " came to Westminster," from Ireland, with his family, " in the evening of the 10th of December." After relating an interview with "Lieutenant-general Fleetwood," he thus proceeds:— " The next Wednesday after my arrival, about eight in the evening, Cromwell sent a gentleman, one Mr. Fenwick, to let me know that he would speak with me. I found him in his bed-chamber, at Whitehall, and with him, Major-general Lambert, Colonel Sydenham, Mr. Walter Strickland, Colonel Montague, and soon after came in Lieutenant-general Fleetwood. The first salute I received from him was, to tell me, that I had not dealt fairly with him, in making him to believe that I had signed an engagement not to act against him, and yet reserving an explanation, whereby I made void that engagement. "He asked me, wherefore I would not engage not to act against the present Government, telling me, that if Nero were in power, it would be my duty to submit. To which I replied, that I was ready to submit, and could truly say, that I knew not of any design against him. ' But,' said I, 'if Providence open a way, and give an opportunity of appearing in behalf of the people, I cannot consent to tie my own hands beforehand, and oblige myself not to lay hold on it.'—' However,' said he, 'it is not reasonable to suffer one that I distrust to come within my house, till he assure me he will do me no mischief.' I told him, I was not accustomed to go to any house, unless I expected to be welcome; neither had I come hither, but upon a message from him; and that I desired nothing but a little liberty to breathe in the air, to which I conceived I had an equal right with other men. "Then beginning to carry himself more calmly, he said, that he had been always ready to do me what good offices he could, and that he wished me as well as he did any one of his Council; desiring me to make choice of some place to be in, where I might have good air. "I assured him that my dissatisfactions were not grounded upon any animosity against his person; and that if my own father were alive, and in his place, they would, I doubted not, be altogether as great. He acknowledged that I had always carried myself fairly and openly to him, and protested that he had never given me just cause to act otherwise. "When Cromwell had finished his discourse, some of those who were present, began to make their observations, and particularly Colonel Montague [See vol. iv. pp. 432, 433, note,] thought it worthy his notice, that I had intimated, if Providence should offer an occasion, I was ready to act against the present Government; but the rest of the company seemed ashamed of what he said." Memoirs, ii. 551, 552.
  • 15. See infra, p. 309; vol. iii. p. 479, notes. " Major-general Whalley" thus writes " to Secretary Thurloe. Nottingham, Dec. 12, 1655. "I am glad so godly and prudent a course is taken concerning the Jews; yet cannot conceive the reason, why so great a variety of opinion should, he amongst such men, as I hear are called to consult about them. It seems to me, that there are both politique and divine reasons, which strongly make for their admission into a cohabitation and civil commerce with us. Doubtless, to say no more, they will bring in much wealth into this Commonwealth." See "Thurloe State Papers," iv. 308. "Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, Major-General of the army in Ireland. "We have had many disputations concerninge the admittance of the Jewes to dwell in this Commonwealth, they havinge made an earnest desire to his Highnesse to be admitted; whereupon he hath beene pleased to advise with some of the judges, merchants, and divines. "The point of conscience hath beene only controverted yet, viz. whether it he lawefull to admit the Jewes, now out of England, to return again into it. The divines doe very much differ in their judgments about it, some beinge for their admittance upon fitting cautions, others are in expresse termes against it, upon any termes whatsoever. The like difference I finde in the counsell, and soe amongst all Christians abroad. "The matter is debated, with great candor and ingenuitye, and without any heat. What the issue thereof will be, I am not able to tell you; but am apt to thinke that nothing will be done therein." lbid. p. 321.
  • 16. "When he understood," says Bishop Burnet, "what dealers the Jews were every where, in that trade which depends on news, the advancing money upon high or low interests, in proportion to the risque they run, or the gain to be made, as the, times might turn, and in the buying and selling of the actions of money so advanced, he, more upon that account, than in compliance with the principles of toleration, [a mere assertion,] brought a company of them over to England, and gave them leave to build a synagogue." Own Time (1724), i. 71.
  • 17. Whitlock. "This was a business," he adds, " of much importance to the Commonwealth, and the Protector was earnestly set upon it." Memorials, p. 618.
  • 18. " October, 1655. The Council at Whitehall ordered, that no person presume to publish in print, any matter of public news or intelligence, without leave and approbation of the Secretary of State.—Order of the Protector and Council against printing unlicensed and scandalous books and pamphlets, and for regulating of printing." Ibid. p. 617. A diurnal of this time complains how " The single-sheeted incendiaries walk now in state," and the instance given is a pamphlet, intitled: " Some Mementos for the Officers and Soldiers of the Army, from some Sober Christians." Among many passages quoted, is the following: "Before this Parliament had sat nine days, his Highness commanded part of the militia to lock up the Parliament doors against the Parliament, and hath sent away such members, as will not betray the cause of their country into his hands." Another of the " Mementos," discovers how he " broke in pieces the Parliament that intrusted him with his command, under a false pretence that they would have sat for ever;" though " they were, at that instant, passing an Act for dissolving themselves and settling successive Parliaments; but the Protector broke them, in haste, to prevent the passing that Act, which had otherwise passed within an hour." To controvert this statement, the courtly diurnal adds: " sure they had no mind to rise, as you may read in his Highness's speech to the Parliament." This, no doubt, in 1654, was a conclusive argument. "The master has said it." See Observator, (1654,) No. 2. pp. 14, 28, 29.
  • 19. This disposition the Protector now discovered, by interfering to rescue from the penalties of an unrighteous Ordinance (see vol. iii. p. 208, note *) a learned and exemplary Christian professor, who had largely experienced the bigotry and intolerance of the late Parliament (see supra, p. cxxx.) From the following article of intelligence, it appears that his Christian persecutors had not relaxed in their efforts for his destruction: "The Diurnal Newes, July 11–18, 1655. The Tryall of Mr. John Biddle, at the Sessions in the Old Baily, for seeking to divide the Deitie, being try'd upon the Ordinance made in 1648, against blasphemy and heresie." Mercurius Fumigosus, No. 60, p. 468. See infra, p. 57, note.
  • 20. Whitlock mentions: "Jan. 1655–6, Letter of a gallant action performed by the English in Jamaica, against the Spaniards in the Indies." Memorials, p. 619.
  • 21. "Gage, who had been a priest," says Bishop Burnet, "came over from the West Indies, and gave such an account of the feebleness, as well as the wealth of the Spaniards in those parts, as made him conclude, that it would be both a great and an easy conquest to seize on their dominions. By this he reckoned he would be supplied with such a treasure, that his government would be established, before he should need to have any recourse to a Parliament for money. "He equipped a fleet. with a force sufficient, as he hoped, to have seized Hispaniola and Cuba. And Gage had assured him that success in that expedition would make all the rest fall into his hands. "Stoupe [see vol. ii. p. 354 note] being, on another occasion, called to his closet, saw him, one day, very intent in looking on a map, and in measuring distances. Stoupe saw it was a map of the Bay of Mexico, and observed who printed it. So, there being no discourse upon that subject, Stoupe went next day to the printer to buy the map. The printer denied he had printed it. . Stoupe affirmed he had seen it. Then, he said, it must be only in Cromwell's hand; for he only had some of the print's, and had given him a strict charge to sell none, till he had leave given him. So Stoupe perceived that there was a design that way." Own Time, (1724,) i. 74, 75. Whitlock says: " Many were very eager to engage in this design; but it was kept very secret, till the fleet had been gone a long time." Memorials, p. 602.
  • 22. " Whitehall, July 10. This day, the writs for summoning the Parliament, were sealed before the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal, and from this day they bear date; so that the time of electing fit persons to serve in Parliament, being; (according to the tenor, of the Government,) to be the Wednesday five weeks after the date of the Writs; the general day of election will fall out to be on Wednesday, the 20th of August. The Parliament is to assemble on the 17th of September following." See Public Intelligencer, No. 40, p. 690. See also Mercurius Politicus. "July 10," says Whitlock, " the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal, sitting at the Temple, sealed the writs of summons for a Parliament, to meet the 17th of September." Memorials, (1732,) p. 649. "The Protector, by warrant to Sir John Barkstead, Lieutenant of the Tower, discharged Mrs. Lucy Barlow from imprisonment. She had a young son with her, which she publicly declared to be King Charles's son, and that she was his wife. "The officers found a grant, when she was apprehended, signed Charles R., by which she had an annuity, or yearly pension of 5000 livres, granted to her for her life, with an assurance to better the same, when it should please God to restore him to his kingdoms; and it was subscribed, by his Majesty's command, 'Edward Nicholas.' " Ibid. See Dr. Harris's Lives, (1814,) iv. 162–168. Mr. Evelyn says, " Aug. 18, 1649. I went to St. Germain's to kisse his Majesty's hand. In the coach, which was my Lord Wilmot's, went Mrs. Barlow, the King's mistresse, and mother to the Duke of Monmouth, a browne, beautiful, bold, but insipid creature." Diary, (1827,) ii. 11. A few pages later, Mr. Evelyn describes, and probably had witnessed, a representation on Christmas Day, which seems to have been not ill got up, for stage effect. " The King" performs the principal character. It does not appear that " the King's mistresse" sustained any part, and what " the Lords" were acting, I am at a loss to determine, being unacquainted with the ceremonial by which princes are distinguished from plebeians, when receiving the Sacrament:— " Dec. 25, 1651. The King and Duke received the sacrament, first by themselves, the Lords Biron and Wilmot holding the long towell, all along the altar." Ibid. p. 45; see vol. iii. p. 273, ad fin. Whitlock has recorded the following occupations of Cromwell. and his Court, during this interval, before the assembling of the Parliament:— "July 25. The Swedish Ambassador, having taken his leave of the Protector, received great civilities and respects from, him, and afterwards dined with him, at Hampton Court, and hunted with him. The Protector bestowed the dignity of knighthood upon one of his gentlemen, Sir Gustavus Du Vale, the Mareschal. "August 13. The Ambassador of Sweden dined at Sir George Ays cough's house, in Surrey, where they had very noble entertainment. The house stands environed with ponds, motes, and water, like a ship at sea, a fancy the fitter for the master's humour, who is himself so great a seaman. There, he said, he had cast anchor, and intended to spend the rest of his life in a private retirement. "The Ambassador, understanding the abilities of Sir George in sea affairs, did (according to his custom) endeavour to improve his own knowledge, by his discourses and questions to the company, according to their several capacities and abilities. They had much discourse of. this nature, which added pleasure to the entertainment. "In his return home, the ambassador went into Hampton Court to take his leave of the Lady Elizabeth Cleypole and her sisters, where he was received with much state. "20. The Swedish Ambassador designed to have gone away this day, but his jewel, and other present of 1200l. worth of white cloth, not being ready, he was well contented to stay for them. And they were now resolved to be bestowed on him, since the news of his master's great victory against the King of Poland. "23. The Ambassador, having been yesterday to take his last leave of the Protector, was this day to go to Gravesend, and the Lord Strickland and Sir Gilbert Pickering, were appointed by the Council to accompany the Ambassador to the water-side. The Protector's coaches, and many other coaches, were appointed to conduct him in state to the Tower wharf, where the Protector's barges were attending upon him. "The Ambassador wore the rich jewel which the Protector gave him, tied with a blue ribbon to his button holes. The jewel was his Highness's picture in a case of gold, about the bigness of a five shillings' piece of silver, set round the case with 16 fair diamonds, each diamond valued at 60l. in all about 1000l. "September 3. The Protector and his Council kept a solemn day of thanksgiving for the two victories obtained at Dunbar and Worcester, on this day of the month." Memorials, pp. 649, 650. In an " advertisement of several books now published," about this time, is the following title-page, remarkable, as London was burned in 1666; and unfortunate for the author's discernment, as the end of the world has not yet arrived. It is Calvin, I think, who says, very sensibly, that the scriptural prophecies were not designed to make prophets. "Romce Ruina finalls, Anno Dom. 1666. Mundique finis sub Quadragesimum quintum post Annum; or a Treatise wherein is declared, that Babylon in the Revelation is Pontificiall Rome, and the Pope Antichrist; and that Rome will be utterly destroyed, and laid in ashes, in the year 1666. Sold by S. Thomson, at the White Horse in Paul's Church-yard, and John Shirley, at the Pelican in Little Britain." Mercurius Politicus (" July 17 to July 24, 1656,") No. 319.