The Diary of Thomas Burton: 20 January 1657-8

Pages 316-330

Diary of Thomas Burton Esq: Volume 2, April 1657 - February 1658. Originally published by H Colburn, London, 1828.

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Wednesday, January 20,1657-8. (fn. 1)

Mr. Speaker. The clerk is gone, (fn. 2) and you could not carry on your business without one. There is one Mr. Smythe waiting at the door, that was appointed. I desire to know your pleasure.

Colonel Cox. I move first to clear our privilege; whether we shall name or approve a clerk, or both.

Mr. Lister. I move that it be considered who has power to dispose of our places.

Colonel Matthews. We have lately all taken an oath, part whereof was to maintain the privilege of Parliament. I desire it may be debated whether we may approve a clerk, or name another.

Colonel Chadwick and Colonel Rouse moved to call in Darling, the clerk-assistant, and then to debate about the naming or approving him.

Mr. Darby. I move that a Committee be appointed to inquire of your privilege, and report in the morning. I saw, in tertio Caroli, where one Wright had a patent, and it was debated whether a clerk might be appointed without doors.

Mr. Lister. I move not to part with our privileges. We must judge of our members, much more of our clerk.

Mr. Speaker. I have known the Clerk that was appointed stand where the Serjeant does, and show his patent, and then it was unbarred, and the Clerk admitted. It was Mr. Scobell's case. I desire first to clear your clerk, and then to appoint a deputy.

Mr. Thistlethwaite. It is our undoubted right to choose a Clerk as well as a Speaker. It is true, Mr. Scobell, by force of the patent, took his place without any debate; but he was checked for it.

Colonel Grosvenor. You may, without breach of privilege, call in Mr. Darling, for he has a patent to be Clerk-Assistant. I desire he may be called in first, and then debate the other gentleman.

Mr. Speaker. This is but as an adjournment from Saturday till Monday. You had Mr. Darling attending as assistant the last day. You may call him in without a question.

Mr. Darling was called in accordingly.

Mr. Solicitor-General (Ellis). I move that you call in Mr. Smythe. You have had experience of him. I know not well whether it be your privilege or not to appoint the Clerk. I would have you not to take notice of the patent, but call him in upon his now deserts. Certainly none ought to come here to know your secrets without our consent.

Mr. Lister. I move first to declare that it is the undoubted right of this House to appoint our own clerk.

Mr. Thistltthwaite. To pass any such previous vote is to call in question what is your undoubted right. I would rather second the motion of Mr. Ellis, that you would take no notice of a grant or patent, but put him to the question.

The question was put in the affirmative.

Mr. Turner. By the constitution of this House, as they are now three estates, the clerk ought to be appointed by patent.

Colonel Mildmay. I move that, now it is questioned, you would consider something of your privilege in this: otherwise, I could have been contented that the question should have passed.

It was " Resolved, that this House doth make choice of John Smythe, Esq. to be clerk of this House." (fn. 4)

Mr. Solicitor-General moved, that when Mr. Smythe is called in, he be told that the House themselves do make choice of him for their clerk; which was said accordingly. Some thought he had had instructions to have stood a little upon his patent, but that was waived on all sides, and passed sicco calamo. (fn. 5)

Colonel Mathews. I move that the clerks be sworn to secresy. The chief magistrates have formerly been acquainted with whatever passed here. The Parliament, in 1648, caused the clerks to be sworn.

Mr. Speaker moved, that the books of that year be brought in, to see the entries in that case.

The clerk went for them accordingly, but could not speak with Mr. Scobell.

Colonel Cox. Your order concerning Sir Harbottle Grim stone's Reports (fn. 6) was broken; it was a violation of your privilege. I desire the petition may be read.

The title was " To the Right Honourable the High Court of Parliament," and it was read without further debate. The substance of it was, that against the orders of the House, the book was reprinted, in bad paper, with many faults, &c. and that they called it a monopoly, and the Parliaments were so consequently.

Mr. Speaker. Upon complaint in this case, and to assert your privilege, I sent for three or four of the offenders, and bound them over. to appear here the first day. There were some of them at the door even now.

Major Beake. This is no breach of privilege; but rather a breach of the law. I would not have you to stay at the threshold, to take no order in this case. Public business must take place, and if politicians meet with such an order upon your books, it will not look well to be the Antisignartus of this House.

Mr. Speaker moved that a Bill be read; but it was called on to adjourn.

Mr. Nathaniel Bacon. I move, that a day be appointed to supplicate for a blessing upon your endeavours, and a Committee to consider of the heads.

Mr. Darby. I heartily second that motion. Religion is the first of the four pillars of a Commonwealth. The best motion must be seconded: otherwise you cannot put a question.

Resolved, that Wednesday next be a day of humiliation in this House.

Major Beake moved, that Mr. Calamy may preach.

Resolved accordingly. (fn. 7)

Mr. Trenchard and Major-General Kelsey moved for Mr. Griffith of the Charter. House, (fn. 8) to be another, and It was resolved accordingly. (fn. 9)

Mr. Speaker. The Black Rod is at the door, and has somewhat to say to you.

He was called in accordingly, but the mace was directed to lie still upon the table.

Mr. Willoughby, being come in with the black rod, came to the middle of the room, and said,

"Mr. Speaker, his Highness is in the Lords' House, and desires to speak with you." (fn. 10)

Mr. Speaker reported it " the other House," but was called to correct his mistake, and desired direction how to carry the mace, whether upon the serjeant's shoulder, or to leave the mace at the door.

Mr. Highland. It was the resolution of this House, in the former debate, to go not with cap and congee, but with your mace, as formerly. (fn. 11)

The Speech of his Highness the Lord Protector. (fn. 12)

My Lords, and Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

I meet you here, in this capacity, by the Advice and Petition of this present Parliament, after so much expence of blood and treasure, to search and try what blessings God hath in store for these nations.

I cannot, but with gladness of heart, remember and acknowledge the labour and industry that is past, which hath been spent upon a business worthy of the best men and the best Christians. It is very well known unto you all what difficulties we have passed through, and what we are now arrived at. We hope we may say we have arrived at what we aimed at, if not at that which is much beyond our expectations.

The state of this cause, and the quarrel; what that was at the first, you all very well know. I am persuaded most of you have been actors in it.

It was the maintaining of the liberty of these nations; our civil liberties as men, our spiritual liberties as Christians.

I shall not much look back, but rather say one word concerning the state and condition we are all now in.

You know very well, the first declaration after the beginning of this war, (fn. 13) that spake to the life, was a sense held forth by the Parliament, that for some succession of time, designs were laid to innovate upon the civil rights of the nations; and to innovate in matters of religion. And those very persons that a man would have thought should have had the least hand in the meddling with civil things, did justify them all; all transactions that were in pulpits, in presses, and otherwise. Which was verily thought would have been a very good shelter to them, to innovate upon us in matters of religion also; and so to innovate, as to eat out the core, and power, and heart, and life, of all religion, by bringing on us a company of poisonous popish ceremonies, and imposing them upon those that were accounted the puritans of the nation, and professors of religion among us; driving them to seek their bread in an howling wilderness, as was instanced to our friends who were forced to fly for Holland, New England, (fn. 14) almost any whither, to find liberty for their consciences.

Now, if this thing hath been the state and sum of our quarrel, and of those ten years' wars, wherein we have been exercised; and that the good hand of God (for we are to attribute it to no other) hath brought the business thus home unto us, as it is stated in the Petition and Advice, I think we have all cause to bless God, and the nations have cause to bless him.

I well remember I did a little touch upon the 85th Psalm, when I spake unto you in the beginning of this Parliament, (fn. 15) which expresseth well that we may say as truly and as well as it was said of old by the penman of that Psalm. The first verse is an acknowledgement to God, that he had been favourable to his land, and had brought back the captivity of his people; and that he had pardoned all their iniquities, and covered all their sin, and taken away all his wrath; and indeed, of these unspeakable mercies, blessings, and deliverances out of captivity, pardoning national sins and national iniquities; pardoning, as God pardons the man whom he justifieth, he breaks through, and overlooks iniquity; and pardoneth because he will pardon: and sometimes God pardoneth nations so; and if the enjoyment of our present peace, and other mercies, may be witnesses for God, we feel and we see them every day.

The greatest demonstration of his favour and love appears to us in this: that he hath given us peace, and the blessing of peace; to wit, the enjoyments of our liberties, civil and spiritual: and I remember well the church falls into prayer, and into praises, great expectations of future mercies, and much thankfulness for the enjoyment of present mercies; and breaks into this expression, " Surely salvation is nigh unto them that fear him, that glory may dwell in our land." In the beginning, he calls it his land; " Thou hast been favourable to thy land." Truly I hope this is his land; and, in some sense, it may be given out that it is God's land. And he that hath the weakest knowledge and the worst memory, can easily tell we were a redeemed people, (when first God was pleased to look favourably upon us,) out of the hands of popery, in that never-to-be-forgotten reformation, that most significant and greatest the nation hath felt or tasted.

I would but touch upon that, and but a touch: How hath God redeemed us, as it is this day, not only from trouble, and sorrow, and anger; but unto a blessed and happy estate and condition, comprehensive of all the interest of every member, of every individual of those mercies, as you very well see!

And then in what sense it is our land, through this grace and favour of God, that he hath vouchsafed unto us, and bestowed upon us, with the Gospel, with peace, and rest, out of ten years' war, and given us what we would desire ! Nay, who could have forethought, when we were plunged into the midst of our troubles, that ever the people of God should have had liberty to worship God without fear of enemies? which is the very acknowledgement of the promise of Christ, that he would deliver his from fear of enemies, that they might worship him in holiness and in righteousness all the days of their life.

This is the portion that God hath given us; and I trust we shall for ever heartily acknowledge it. The church goes on there, and makes her boast yet further: " His salvation is nigh them that fear him, that glory may dwell in our land." His glory, not carnal, nor any thing else that accompanies this glory of a free possession of the Gospel; this is that we may glory in. And he says further: " Mercy and truth are met together; righteousness and peace have kissed each other."

And it shall be such righteousness as comes down from Heaven: " Truth shall grow out of the earth, and righteousness shall come down from Heaven." Here is the truth of all; here is the righteousness of God, under the notion of righteousness, confirming our abilities, answerable to the truth that he hath in the Gospel revealed towards us: and he closeth with this: " Righteousness shall go before him, and shall set us in the way of his steps." That righteousness, that mercy, that love, and that kindness which we have seen, and have been made partakers of from the Lord: it shall be our guide to teach us to know the right and the good way, which is to tread in the steps of mercy, righteousness, and goodness, that our God hath walked before us in.

We have a peace this day. I believe in my very heart you all think the things that I speak to you this day; I am sure you have cause. And yet we are not without the murmurings of many people, who turn all this grace and goodness into wormwood, who indeed are disappointed by the works of God. And those men are of several ranks and conditions, great ones, lesser ones, of all sorts; men that are of the episcopal spirit, with all the branches, the root and the branches, who gave themselves a fatal blow in this place, when they would needs make a protestation that no laws were good which were made by this House and. the House of Commons in their absence, and so, without injury to themselves, cut off themselves. (fn. 16)

Indeed, men that know not God, that know not how to account upon the works of God; how to measure them out; but will trouble nations for an interest which is but mixt at the best; made up of iron and clay, like the feet of Nebuchadnezzar's image; (fn. 17) whether they were more civil or spiritual, was hard to say, but their continuance was like to be known beforehand: iron and clay make no good mixtures, they are not durable at all.

You have now a godly ministry; you have a knowing ministry; such a one as, without vanity be it spoken, the world has not; men knowing the things of God, and able to search into the things of God; by that only that can fathom those things in some measure. The spirit of a beast knows not the spirit of a man: nor doth the spirit of a man know the things of God. The things of God are known by the spirit. Truly, I will remember but this one thing of those: their greatest persecution hath been of the people of God; men of the Spirit of God, as I think very experiences will sufficiently demonstrate.

Besides, what is the reason, think you, that men slip in this age wherein we live ? As I told you before, they understand not the works of God; they consider not the operation of his laws; they consider not that God resisted and broke in pieces the powers that were, that men might fear him; might have liberty to do and to enjoy all things that we have been speaking of; which certainly God hath manifested that this was the end, and that he hath brought the things to pass. Therefore it is that men yet slip, and engage themselves against God; and for that very cause, in the 28th Psalm, saith David, " He shall break them down, and not build them up." If, therefore, you would know upon what foundation you stand, own your foundation from God. He hath set you where you are; he hath set you in the enjoyment of your civil and of your spiritual liberties.

I deal clearly with you. I have been under some infirmity; therefore dare not speak further unto you, but to let you know thus much, that I have, with truth and simplicity, declared the state of our cause and attainments in it to you, by the industry and labour of this Parliament, when they last met upon this foundation, (you shall find I mean the foundation of a cause and quarrel thus attained to,) wherein we are thus estated; I should be very glad to lay my bones with your's; I would have done it with all heartiness and cheerfulness, in the meanest capacity that I was ever yet in, to serve the Parliament. (fn. 18)

If God give you, as I trust he will, he hath given it you; for what have I been speaking of but what you have done ? He hath given you strength to do what hath been done; and if God should bless you in this work, and make this meeting happy upon this account, you shall all be called the blessed of the Lord; the generations to come will bless us; you shall be the repairers of breaches, and the restorers of paths to dwell in. And if there be any work that mortals can attain to in the world, beyond this, I acknowledge my ignorance. As I told you, I have some infirmities upon me; I have not liberty to speak more unto you; but I have desired an honourable person here by me to discourse a little more particularly what may be more proper for this occasion, and this meeting.


  • 1. " The House, having adjourned itself by Act of the present Parliament unto this day, did this day meet and sit." Journals. Six of the Commissioners appointed by the Lord Protector, " under the Great Seal of England," attended this day to administer the oath required (supra, p. 297, note) of all the members of Parliament. " During the time the said oath was administering to the members, the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal came, attended with their Serjeant-atArms, &c.; and afterwards, taking their leave of the other Commissioners then present at the table, retired, and went to the other House." See the forms, on this occasion, in the Journals. Art. iii. of the humble Petition and Advice had provided, " that those persons who are legally chosen by a free election of the people, to serve in Parliament, be not excluded from sitting in Parliament to do their duties, but by judgement and consent of that House, whereof they are members." See supra, p. 309. Sir P. Warwick (Memoirs, p. 424,) describes the Protector as "being overpersuaded by the Speaker and those members in the last session who had then so submissively conformed to him, in this session to admit those whom he had then excluded." It has, however, sufficiently appeared in the preceding pages, that the Protector had no option. If he would acquire a parliamentary confirmation of his executive power, (see supra, p. 494,) he was constrained to accept or reject the Petition and Advice in toto. Thus, those who had been excluded at the opening of this Parliament, (See Vol. i. p. 262) as not approved by the Council, were now admitted, "about one hundred, as computed, of Cromwell's most inveterate enemies, who had obtained great credit and interest in the House, by having been excluded for their fidelity to the Commonwealth." It has been further remarked, " that the Protector, when he selected out of the House of Commons those who were his ablest managers there, in order to institute his new House of Lords, had not taken care to supply their places with men equally attached to his interest." Parl. Hist. xxi. 131, 194.
  • 2. Henry Scobell; who had been Clerk to the Long Parliament. See supra, p. 313.
  • 3. Not so expressed, supra, p. 297, note.
  • 4. Journals.
  • 5. "Mr. Smythe was called in Mr. Speaker did acquaint Mr. Smythe that the House had commanded him to acquaint him, that this House had made choice of him for their clerk." Ibid.
  • 6. " Tuesday, June 9, 1657. Whereas, Sir Harbottle Grindstone, Baronet, hath, of late, revised and published in English, a book, intituled, 'The Reports of Sir George Crooke, Knight, late one of the Justices of the Court of Upper-Bench, of divers Select Cases, adjudged in his time of being a Judge, briefly and judiciously collected and written by himself:' which book is lately allowed and approved of, by all the judges of England: It is therefore Ordered, by this present Parliament, that no person, other than the said Sir Harbottle Grimstone, and his assigns, or such as shall be authorized by him or them, presume to publish in print any of the said books, or any copy thereof, either in French or English." Journals. Sir Harbottle Grimstone had subscribed the Solemn League and Covenant, and represented Colchester in the Long Parliament, from whence he was secluded in 1648. In this Parliament, he was one of the members for Essex, but probably not admitted before the adjournment. In "the Convention Parliament," 1660, he again sat for Colchester, and was chosen Speaker. See Pearl Hist. ix. 27, xxii. 214, 232. After the Restoration, he became Master of the Rolls, and appointed for his chaplain, Dr. Burnet, who frequently mentions him, in his Own Times. He died in 1684, aged 82.
  • 7. " That Mr. Calamy be desired to be assisting in carrying on the work of the day of humiliation in this House, and Major Beake is desired to give him notice thereof accordingly." Journals. Edmund Calamy, an eminent presbyterian, one of the authors of Smectymnuus, and grandfather of the Biographer of the Nonconformists, was ejected, in 1662, from his Church of Aldermanbury. During the war, his influence in the city had been frequently employed by the Parliament, and he had spoken at the Common Hall, to excite pecuniary supplies, for avowed military operations against the King. He, however, united with Baxter and other Presbyterians, in a protest against the execution of Charles, as abhorrent to " the principles of the Protestant religion, never yet stained with the least drop of the blood of a king," as if the blood of a peasant, shed unjustly, would not cry as loud for vengeance. Such inconsistency, in the case of Lord Anglesey's "sitting in judgement on the regicides," with whom he "had acted in open rebellion to his sovereign," is thus exposed by Lord Orford—" If a king deserves to be opposed by force of arms, he deserves death. If he reduces his subjects to that extremity, the blood spilt in the quarrel lies on him; the executing him afterwards is a mere formality." See " A Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors," (1759), ii. 69. " In Oliver's time," according to his grandson's account, "Mr. Calamy kept himself as private as he could, but had a considerable hand in causing things afterwards to return into their proper channel; encouraging and persuading General Monk to bring in the King. He preached before the Convention Parliament, the day before they voted the King home, and was one of those divines who were sent over to him into Holland;" and, as the biographer might have added, whom Charles cajoled, by placing them within hearing of his secret devotions. Yet, with other Presbyterians, who had sanctioned the base hypocrisy of Monk, and thus sacrificed the best interests of their country, to the hope of a comprehension, if not of presbyterian ascendancy, Mr. Calamy " soon saw whither things were tending," and thus expressed his disappointment:— " Having General Monk for his auditor, in his own church, a little after the Restoration, on a sacrament-day, he had occasion to speak of filthy lucre.— 'And why,' said he,' is it called filthy, but because it makes men do base and filthy things? Some men,' said he, 'will betray three kingdoms for filthy lucre's sake.' Saying which, he threw his handkerchief, which he usually waved up and down while he was preaching, towards the General's pew." Dr. Calamy further relates, that his grandfather "lived to see London in ashes. He was driven through the ruins in a coach, and seeing the desolate condition of so flourishing a city, for which he had so great an affection, his tender spirit received such impressions as he could never wear off. He went home, and never came out of his chamber, but died within a month." See Dr. Calamy's Account (1713), pp. 5–7; Continuation, (1727,) p. 8. On the question of kingship, (see supra, pp. 116–119,) the name of Mr. Calamy thus occurs, according to the relation of Henry Neville, member for Reading in Richard's Parliament, and the author of Plato Redivivus:— " Cromwell, upon this great occasion, sent for some of the chief city divines, as if he made it a matter of conscience to be determined by their advice. Among these was the leading Mr. Calamy, who very boldly opposed the project of Cromwell's single government; and offered to prove it both unlawful and impracticable. "Cromwell answered readily, upon the first head of unlawful, and appealed to the safety of the nation being the supreme law. 'But,' says he, 'pray, Mr. Calamy, why impracticable?' Calamy replied, 'Oh, 'tis against the voice of the nation; there will be nine in ten against you.' ' Very well,' says Cromwell, 'but what if I should disarm the nine, and put the sword in the tenth man's hand, would not that do the business?'" See "A Critical Review of the Life of Oliver Cromwell," (1747,) p. 149, note. For the Protector's discussion of this subject with the swordsmen, see vol. i. pp. 382–384.
  • 8. From which he was ejected in 1662. See Dr. Calamy's Account, p. 51. Wood describes "George Griffith," as "a notorious Independent, a frequent preacher before Oliver and the Parliaments in his time, a publisher of certain sermons, preacher at the Charter-House, near London, and the same who was silenced after his Majesty's Restoration, for his high actings in the interval, and for nonconformity." Athen. Oxon. (1692,) ii. 690.
  • 9. "And Mr. Trenchard is desired to give him notice thereof." Journals.
  • 10. " And stays for this House." Journals.
  • 11. "This House, thereupon, went accordingly, to the Lords' House, to his Highness." Ibid.
  • 12. In this first speech of the Protector, after the Parliamentary recognition of his executive authority, with " the pomp and circumstance," though without the style of royalty, he will be seen still to present himself, rather as primus inter pares, than as a sovereign. The abundant adaptation of scriptural phraseology, more in the manner of a discourse from a pulpit than of an address to a Parliament, is not peculiar to the speeches of Cromwell, but may be found in the productions of contemporary politicians, among all parties. It is quite in accordance with the taste of that and the preceding age; a taste now justly exploded, though sanctioned by the occasional practice even of Sir Edward Coke and Lord Bacon, as well as largely indulged in the parliamentary harangues of the British Solomon, King James; not to mention the biblical mottoes prefixed by Lord Clarendon to every book of his History. I have, also, now before me, a copy of Iconoclastes, printed in 1649, in which a reader, probably a divine, of that age, has written marginal notes, consisting almost entirely of scriptural quotations; thus assailing John Milton, through every chapter, with a profusion of texts, not ill suited, when removed from their connexion, to encourage the most abject and servile devotion to regal authority. Though this speech of the Protector has found a place in the Journals and the Parliamentary History, I introduce it here to preserve the connexion of Parliamentary proceedings.
  • 13. The Declaration here intended, is, probably, that passed by the Lords and Commons August 2,1642, in which they denounce " a malignant party, now in arms—for the suppression of the true religion, the laws, and liberties of this kingdom, and the power and privilege of Parliament." See Husband's Collection, (1643,) p. 491; Rushworth, (1708,) iv. 480; Parl. Hist. xi. 350.
  • 14. To Holland, (see vol. i. p. 100, note.) several puritans had fled from the persecutions of Ecclesiastical Commissioners, appointed, and urged on to severities, by Elizabeth, who thus vainly hoped to accomplish her unworthy and impracticable project of a Protestant uniformity. From the vexatious exactions of James, who, without inheriting the political wisdom of the queen, had become the undoubted royal heir to her ill-directed zeal and her unfeeling despotism, an increasing number of nonconformists sought a refuge in both countries. In New England these exiles to " an howling wilderness," under the direction of a Providence, "from seeming evil still educing good," became the founders of that republic, now offering a great example to a mighty continent, and of which the enlightened Bishop Berkeley hailed the advance, half a century before its appearance, anticipating a condition of society, of which the royal persecutor of the puritans, engrossed by his favourites, kingcraft and demonology, could not have formed an idea; a civil state— " Where nature guides, and virtue rules; Where men shall not impose for truth and sense The pedantry of courts and schools." Such were the expectations which Berkeley indulged, in his " Verses" on the Prospect of planting Arts and Learning in America," written in 1728; in which, says his biographer, Bishop Stock, " another age perhaps will acknowledge the old conjunction of the prophetic character with that of the poet to have again taken place." The desire of emigration would naturally increase, to escape from the tyranny of church and state under the mis-government of Charles. Neale says, after Mather, that " during twelve years of Archbishop Laud's administration, there went over about 4000 planters, carrying, in materials, money, and cattle, &c. not less than to the value of 192,000l.;" and "that the four settlements of New England, drained England of four or five hundred thousand pounds, a very great sum in those days." Hist. of Puritans, (1822,) ii. 186. The following frustrated attempt to emigrate, the sequel has rendered not a little remarkable:— "1638, April 6. His Majesty and Council taking into consideration the frequent resort to New England, 'of persons disaffected to the established religion and civil government, although for some reasons he hath taken off the late restraint from merchants, passengers, and owners, and given them liberty to pursue their voyage thither, yet, knowing the factious disposition of the people in that plantation, and how unworthy they are of any support or countenance from hence, his Majesty ordered a proclamation to he drawn up, prohibiting any ship to be set forth with passengers for New England, without licence from the Lords of the Council appointed for foreign plantations." Rushworth, (1706,) ii. 496, 497. " The next day an order was made in council, that the Lord Treasurer of England should take speedy and effectual course for the stay of eight ships, now in the river of Thames, prepared to go for New England, and should likewise give order for the putting on land all the passengers and provisions therein, intended for the voyage. "In these ships were, Sir Matthew Boynton, Sir William Constable, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. John Hampden, and Oliver Cromwell." See Neal's "History of New England," (1747,) i. 168. " Thus," says Dr. Robertson, (Amer. b. x.) " Charles forcibly detained the men destined to overturn his throne, and to terminate his days by a violent death." Dr. Harris remarks, that "Cromwell or Hampden could have given little opposition to the measures of Charles in the wilds of America. In England they engaged with spirit against him, and he had reason to repent his hindering their voyage." Lives, (1814,) iii. 55. There was one more probability that the misrule of Charles might have escaped the severe and sanguinary animadversions of Cromwell. It is related that on the passing of the famous Remonstrance in 1641, after a debate, according to Whitlock, "from three in the afternoon till ten next morning," the future Protector, then just rising into public notice, thus whispered Lord Falkland, " If the Remonstrance had not passed, I would have sold all I had, the next morning, and have never seen England more." See " Critical Review of O. Cromwell," (1747,) p. 14.
  • 15. September 17,1656. The whole speech will be found, (probably printed for the first time) in the Introduction to Vol. I.
  • 16. This Protestation was presented December 30,1641. "A great number of persons," says Whitlock, "in a tumultuous manner came from the city to Westminster, where they offered many affronts and violences to divers of the bishops and others. " The Bishops, by petition and protestation in the Lords' House, set forth this, and their own right to sit and vote in Parliament, which, by reason of those tumults and insolences, they could not do. They therefore protest against all acts and votes in their absence as null and void. "Divers of their adversaries were much pleased with this unadvised act of the Bishops, being (as they wished) a way prepared by themselves for them to be set aside and removed from the House of Lords. " For this, not long after, they were accused by the Commons of high treason. Glynn was the messenger. They were brought on their knees to the Lords' bar, ten of them committed to the Tower, and the other two, in regard of their age, to the Black Rod." Memorials (1732), p. 53. One of these prelates, the eminent Bishop Hall, in his Hard Measure, describes "Glynn, with a full mouth, crying up" the protestation "for no less than high treason; and some comparing, yea, preferring it to the Powder Plot." See Part. Hist. x. 143. Lord Clarendon gives a full account of this Protestation, attributing its design and execution to Archbishop Williams. He says, that by "the indiscretion of those Bishops, swayed by the pride and passion of that Archbishop," they " gave that scandal and offence to all those who passionately desired to preserve their function, that they had no compassion, or regard of their persons, or what became of them; insomuch as, in the whole debate in the House of Commons, there was only one gentleman who spoke in their behalfs, and said, 'he did not believe they were guilty of high treason, but that they were stark-mad, and therefore desired they might be sent to Bedlam.' " History, (1705,) i. 355.
  • 17. Dan. ii. 33.
  • 18. Perhaps, as a " drudge." See vol. i. p. 383.