Cecil Papers: 1559

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306-1571. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

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'Cecil Papers: 1559', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306-1571, (London, 1883) pp. 150-165. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol1/pp150-165 [accessed 25 April 2024]

1559

563. Instructions for Cavalcanti.
1558/9, Jan. [8]. The first instructions to Sir Guido Cavalcanti from the Queen to the French King.—January, 1558.
Copy. 2 pp. [See State Papers, Foreign, 1558/1559, No. 216. Printed by Forbes, Vol. I., pp. 14–15; in extenso.]
564. Queen Elizabeth.
1558/9, Jan. 25. Act of restitution of the Queen.
Contemporary copy. 2 pp.
565. Negotiations with France.
[1558/9, Jan. 29]. A portion of the instructions given by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Guido Cavalcanti, in reply to the King of France on the subject of the restitution of Calais.—Undated.
Copy. Imperfect. 5½ pp. [These “Instructions” are printed in extenso in Forbes, Vol. I., pp. 31–36. The imperfect copy noticed above is by mistake bound up with a copy of some instructions to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. See also State Papers, Foreign, 1558/1559, No. 285.]
566. Edw. Lord North to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1558/9, Jan. 30. Cannot come as yet through the thunderstorms. Has travailed with the bearer concerning the matter for coining of halfpence and farthings. He is content to take but 400l. for the current moneys, and repay it in three months, &c., the Queen to be at no manner of charge for the same, but to receive a clear gain of 200,000 marks. Thinks the matter should not be delayed as there are others touching the mint whereby further gain will ensue. Desires to know the Queen's determination herein; if it go forward bearer should have a commission for that purpose.
P.S.—Bearer is content to serve the Queen, her Majesty to bear all charges, and he to take no penny, but to stand to Her Majesty's reward. Writer prefers his former offer.
Endorsed :—30 Jan, 1558,
1 p.
567. Lord Wm. Paget to Sir Thos. Parry, Treasurer of the Household, and Sir Wm. Cecil.
1558/9, Feb. 3. Sends two devices for the Q.'s choice for the amendment of the moneys, one of 11 oz. fine at 5s., the other of 10 oz. at 4s. The gain from the first will be the greater if diligence is used that the money be not conveyed away. It should be of the same smallness as the silver money coined already by the Q. and formerly by Q. Mary and by Edw. VI., i.e., 15 groats to the oz.; the angel if brought to the right standard, 22 carats fine, will be worth 10s. If the other standard please better, the Q. will gain little, but her subjects will be less aggrieved by loss in the decry. Money coined for Ireland to be of better value; all moneys in England, groats, twopences, &c., to be of one standard; no more testons coined; 12 groats to go to the oz.
Likes not Bumsteed's device. Warns them to inform the Q. that if the secret is not confined to her Majesty and four or five of her counsellors at most, marvellous great inconvenience will follow. The late Q., in her husband's presence, appointed the [Lord] of Ely, Mr. Englefield, Mr. Peter, Mr. Baker and another to take charge of the matter wholly, and their Majesties and the Council were content that the day of the decrying should be kept from them till the very day before it. The K. of Spain went over and never came here since: the writer went to the Bains; and the rest cared not for the calling upon it in his absence and so the matter was dashed.
If the Q. amend the coin universally there shall grow thereby a great commodity to her and the realm. They of the Mint should have warning to coin but little silver, much gold, and to keep the gold in hand.—This 3rd of February 1558.
1½ pp. [Haynes, p. 207. In extenso.]
568. Lord Wm. Paget to Sir Thos. Parry, Treasurer of the Household, and Sir Wm. Cecil.
1558/9, February 20. Puts them in remembrance of things they have known: the necessity of friendship with the house of Burgundy “which is abler to stand us in stead than in K. Edward IV. and Henry VII.'s days;” the natural enmity between England and France, their greater power to pursue their revenge. As for their disposition Wootton and Shelley can tell of their promise touching Boulogne, the like is well known touching the surprise of Calais “when we were at peace with them at both times.” And yet we believe their words still as the gospel. The French grow every day more and more patientes laboris, vigiliarum, inedie, sitis, &c., and we socordes et ignavi, &c. The Burgundians, though mighty, are cold and phlegmatic, slow in their doings, &c.
If the French invade us by sea or by Scotland, the K. of Spain would also enter as our friend or foe. “If we take part with neither, they will fasten their feet both of them here, and make a Piedmont of us. If we take part with the one, we ourselves shall be afterwards made a prey by the victor. God save us from the sword, for we have been plagued of late with famine and pestilence.”
For God's sake move the Q. to put her sword into her hand. She shall the better make her bargain with doubtful friends and enemies. Move her to cause those things that she will have done by Parliament to be shortly done.—20 February 1558.
2 pp. [Haynes, p. 208, In extenso.]
569. Preliminary Treaty of Chateau Cambresis.
1558/9, March 12. Articles agreed upon between the deputies of the King of France, the King and Queen Dauphins, and the King and Queen of Scotland, on the one part, and those of the Queen of England on the other, by the mediation of the deputies of the King of Spain, in the presence of the Duchess Dowager of Lorraine and Milan, and of the Duke of Lorraine, her son. Calais to be restored at the end of eight years, the fortifications at Eyemouth to be demolished.—Chateau Cambresis, 12 March 1558.
Endorsed :—Minute of the Articles penned by the English. [See
State Papers, Foreign, 1558/9, No. 405.]
Copy. French. 5½ pp.
570. Agreement for observation of the Truce between England and Scotland by M. D'Oysel, Lieutenant General of the French King in Scotland.
1558/9, March 18. Promising not to make, nor suffer to be made, any incursions within the limits of England during the truce, which lasts from 6th March to 6th May next, made between the Earl of Northumberland and the Count de Bandonel; and engaging if any invasion is made by accident to make, or cause to be made, prompt redress without fraud, dissimulation, or delay.—Edinburgh, 18 March 1558.
Sealed.
French. ½ p. [Haynes, p. 209. In extenso.]
571. Treaty of Chateau Cambresis.
1559 [March 25]. Epitome of the chief articles of the peace arranged between the Kings of Spain and France. The following tetrastich on the date [the day before Easter Day] precedes the articles:—
“Pacis ut excussor fuit, hanc Mars intulit orbi,
Surgit et in Christo, quæ ante sepulta fuit:
Atque resurrexit cum Christo, vivat in ipso
Æterna hæc pacis fœdera Christus alat.”
After the articles (29 in number) follows a long list of the names of those States named by each King, and included in the treaty.
Latin. 6 pp.
572. Lord Wm. Paget to Sir Thos. Parry, Treasurer of the Household.
1559, April 23. Desires to know the Queen's pleasure touching his licence for wines, whereof somewhat was treated in both Houses of Parliament. Complains of the Lord Admiral and Lord Hastings of Loughborough, for raising false tales about him; he has done the former many a great good turn; the other hates him, “because the Queen his old mistress deceased hated me.” The greatest injury is done to the Queen's Majesty as the King her father and brother first advanced him to his place. “If her Majesty think me not a man meet to continue in the place wherein I am, I would be a suitor to have a writ of dotage, whereby I shall absent myself from all Parliaments, &c.
“My lord of Sussex and I be not all one, but I hope that may be compounded by friendship. Marry, that of the others cannot be ended but by authority, they be so maliciously bent against me to verify the Italian proverb, Chi offende non mai perdona, he that doth offend doth never forgive, &c.—From my house this St. George's Day.
Endorsed:—1559.
2 pp. [Haynes, p. 210. In extenso]
573. Philip II. to the Queen.
1559, April 24. He does not write oftener as the Count de Feria always keeps her informed of all that passes. He now writes merely to express the great interest he takes in her affairs, which he cares for as much as for his own. In everything he will remain as true and good a brother as in the past. Refers her to the Count in everything, so as not to weary her with a long letter.—Brussels, 24 April 1559.
Holograph. Spanish. 1 p.
574. The Earl of Northumberland to the Queen Dowager of Scotland.
1559, May 15. Has received from his sovereign a commission directed to the Bishop of Durham, Lord Dacres, Sir James Croftes, and himself giving them power to meet with the Orators of the King and Queen Dauphins of Scotland, to conclude certain articles contained in the treaty of Cameryke [Cambray] in April last. Requests that the time and place of meeting may be appointed before the 28th instant, and desires her answer by the bearer, as well as the names of those appointed, and the place of meeting.—From Alnwick, 15 May, 1559.
Copy. ½ p. [Haynes, p. 211. In extenso.]
575. Memorial.
[1559], May 20. A Memoryall of sōdry thy[n]gs to be found out.
1. The refusall of ye K. of Spay[n]s Com[m]iss. at Casteau in Cambresy to stey ther cōclusiō of a peace wt the Fr. except they wold rēdr Calliss.
2. The loss of Calliss by entry[n]g into warr wt ye Fr. K. at ye request of ye K. of Spay[n] ageynst the my[n]d of all ye Coūsell of Englād savy[n]g ye L. Pagett.
3. The miseryes of ye realm in ye tymes of K. H. ye vi., Edw. 4th, Edw. V., Richard 3. The many rebelliōs in for. K. tymes, ye derth ye famy ye plages.
4. A note of such obstinat traytours papish as have suffred bey[n]g cōdēned for refusy[n]g ther ñall allegiāce to ye Q.
5. The causes of ye p[ro]clamat. in Novēb. uppō knolledg of ye multitud of Jesuitts and seminaryes secrettly cōē into ye realm. To have certificat of ye nōbers yt war seē cōē into ye realm.
6. The K. caused certen Jewells to be delyvered at ye first whā he also by ye Coūt Feria did wou hir to be his wiff at wc tyme also ye sayd Coūt Feria bestowed sōdry Joells of ye ladyes in the Court to furdr ye mariadg but whan ye Q. Maty moved ye Coūt to forbeare ye cause as a matter unlefull he offred in ye K.s name to p[ro]cure a dispensatiō frō ye Pope but whā the Q. also refused those meanes thā ye D. de][ar]t wt offēece leavy[n]g ye Bishop behynd to kyndle Coles of unky[n]dnes as he did in sōdry sorts. He comforted certen of ye Pooles to a rebelliō sekyng to p[re]fer on of ye Pooles to a rebelliō and kept sōe of ye Conspirators in his house frō whēce they war had (sic) and nothy[n]g doone to hy[m] but com[m]āded for a few days to kepe his house being thā frely lodged in ye Q. house called Durhä Place.
About yt tyme ye K. was moved not to suffer ye Scots to have fre traffick in his Coūtrees as frends who cōtynued warrs wt Englād as joynīg wt France wt whō K. Phillipp had p[ro]cured Q. Mary his wiff to begy[n] a war for St, Qūtys ageynst ye my[n]d of all hir Coūsell nobillite and people savy[n]g ye L. Pagett whō for a reward ye K. not wt out great unky[n]dnes urged ye Q. to mak hy[m] L. P've Seale. But for Scotland ye K. wold not assent to break wt it and for yt purpoos sent Mōs. Dasovik who I thynk yet lyveth to shew sōe collorable reasōs why it was to ye loss of his Low Coūtrees to forbyd ye trades of ye Scots. Thā ye Q. sent ābassadors to Casteau in Cābresis to joyne wt the K. to mak a peace wt Frāce & Scotlād dury[n]g wh tyme ye Fr. Kyng caused his soñ ye Dolphy[n] of Frāce & his wif ye Q. of Scotts to publish a title to ye Crown of Englād insomuch as ye Fr. K. Com[m]issioners whā motiō was made for peace wt Engl, and for delyvery of Callis the Card, of Lorray[n] and others sayd yt they douted whyther they shuld treat wt any for Eglād but wt the Dolph. & his wiff. But ye Constable of Frāce coūselled the Cardinall and his cōplyces to forbeare those speches and gave advise yt tyme yt the Dolphy and the Scots Quene shuld forbeare to putt ye arms of Englād into his Scutchyns whereof dyvers war brought thyther to be sene. And though ernest meanes war made to ye Spanish Com[m]issionars to rep[re]hēd ye Cardinall for this his fuirrios challēdg yet ther cold be nothy[n]g obteyned of thē, but the tyme was most spent by ye Spa. to cōclude a peace wt the Frōch both for ye K. of Spay[n] and ye D. of Savoy. And whā ye English p[re]ssed to have Callis restored as ye D. of Savoye had all his cōtreys and yt the Fr. refused it utterly offry[n]ng to consent to all ye Spa. demāds, ye Engl, instātly req[ui]red ye Spanish to stand fast to refuse peace except Callis might be restored, the Spanish wold not assent thereto, but advised yt sōe Covenāt might be made to restore it after certen yers uppo a pecuniary payne and except ye English wold be so cōtent the peace shuld be made wt Spay and ye D. of Savoy and ye warrs shuld cōtynew betw. Englād, Frāce, and Scotlād and so ye Engl. Comissionars adv[er]tised ye Q. of Englād wherat she and her whole Coūsell troubled, and . . . . .
Endorsed :—“Memorial 20 May.”
Cecil's holograph. 3 pp. Imperfect.
576. Edwd. Lord North to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1559, June 21. Has communed with the merchant, who, for Cecil's favour, is contented to give him a thousand marks, at the rate of 100 a month. The writer thinks there cannot be a better device for the Queen's purpose nor one that shall less offend other people. Yet the Queen will get by the same 200,000 marks clear. On Monday he will wait upon Cecil and the Treasurer at the Guildhall.—21 June 1559.
½ p.
577. Edwd. Lord North to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1559, July 9. Desires Cecil, with Mr. Treasurer, to hear the bearer, Christopher Bumpsteed, as to the objections raised to the let and hindrance of his long suit. He has made three several offers in writing touching the coinage. Begs that no man may be preferred to take the commodity, and thanks of his good meaning and trouble from him, &c.—9 July 1559.
1 p.
578. The Coinage.
1559, August 12. Bomsted's Reckoning. Calculations as to the silver coinage, e.g.:—
2,000 lb. weight of fine silver will make 43,200l., out of which take the fine silver 6,537l. 10s., and there remains in money towards the charges 36,662l. 10s. The alloy to the same will cost 333l. 16s. 8d., and the charge of coinage estimated at 1,600l., &c., &c.
Endorsed :—“M. Bomsted his reckning the xiith of August 1559.”
2 pp. and 2 half pages.
579. Edwd. Lord North to [Sir Wm. Cecil].
1559, [? Aug.]. The bearer [Bumpstead] will give you 500 marks for your pains, and offers me 500 marks to dispose at my pleasure. I am desirous to bestow unto yourself 200 marks, unto Mr. Treasurer 200 marks, and to take the rest myself. The money is to be defalked out of that which he is presently to receive of the Queen. If advice is taken touching the mints of Ireland before Cecil concludes with Petter, perchance there may be gotten 100,000 marks for the Queen.
Endorsed :—“L. North, 1559.”
Fragment. 1 p.
580. Affairs of Scotland.
1. The Lords of the Congregation to the Queen Regent.
1559, Oct. 19. Remind her how at the last convention in Hamilton they required her most humbly to desist from fortifying Leith, then enterprised and begun, which appears to be a manifest entry to a conquest and overthrow to their liberties, and against the laws and customs of the realm, seeing it was begun and yet continues without any advice or consent of the nobility or council thereof. According to their duty they now, as before, humbly require her to cause all strangers and soldiers without delay to leave the said town, and make the same patent not only to the inhabitants but to all Scottishmen her liege subjects. “Assuring your Highness that if ye in refusing the same declare thereby your evil mind towards the common weal of this realm or nation and liberty of the same, we will without delay mean, as before, the cause unto the whole nobility and commonalty thereof,” and according to their oath they will provide remedy. Request most humbly her Grace's answer in haste by the bearer, because the fact proceeds daily to the conquest as appears to all men.—At Edinburgh, 19 October 1559.
Annexed is the answer following :—
2. The Regent of Scotland to the Lords of the Congregation.
1559, Oct. 21. Having received the letter dated Edinburgh, 19th instant (which appears to come from a Prince to his subjects, rather than from subjects to one that bears authority), for answer she has sent the bearer Lion Herald, king at arms, instructed with her mind, to whom they shall give credence.—At Leith, 21 October 1559.
With note added that the copy of the credit is not yet to be had. The effect was that forasmuch as divers ways they had offended, and now especially in being in arms, she charged them upon their obedience to depart every man to his house. She burdened them also with practices out of England, naming Balnaves, Kyrcaldie, Whytlaw, &c. She knoweth also of Barnabie being in this country.
[From a Minute of Mr. Thomas Randolphe the Queen's Agent in Scotland.]
1 p. [Haynes, pp. 211, 212. In extenso. Also in Keith, p. 231, and Knox, pp. 437, 440.]
581, [Sir Thomas Challoner] to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1559, Dec. 6. Assures him that these folks are “broad mowthed” where he spoke of one too much in favour, as they esteem. He can guess whom they named, if not he will inform him further in his next. Conceives it a most false slander, yet “a Princess cannot be too wary what countenance of familiar demonstration she maketh, more to one than another.” He judges no man's service in the realm worthy the entertaining with such a tale of obloquy, or occasion of speech to such men as of evil will are ready to find faults. This delay of ripe time for marriage, besides the loss of the realm (for without posterity of the Queen what hope is left them ?) ministers matter for these lewd tongues to descant upon, and breeds contempt. Wishes for one hour's talk with him. Trust his good nature or he would not write thus.
2. Let him consider how he deals now in the Emperor's matter, much depends on it. Here they hang in expectation, as men desirous it should go forward, but yet they have small hope. In the writer's opinion (to be said to Cecil only) the affinity is great and honourable; the amity necessary to stop and cool many enterprises. They need not fear his greatness should overrule them. “He is not a Philip, but better for us than a Philip.”
3. Let the time work for Scotland as God will, for be sure the French shall never enjoy them long. When the English are stronger and more ready they may proceed with that, which yet is unripe. The time itself will work when their great neighbours fall out next. Wishes England would settle things begun, and arm and fortify the frontiers with the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth where needs, and at Dover Castle out of hand.
2 pp. [Haynes, p. 212. In extenso.]
582. Mathieu Earl of Lennox to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1559, Dec. 14. 1. On the 10th inst. the writer received a letter with credit from his brother, the Bp. of Caithness, by a Scotchman and a friend of his called the Laird of Gaston, who being desirous to return to the writer's brother, is repaired home; which letter and credit are enclosed that Cecil may participate the same to the Queen according to his [the Earl's] duty. He desires her to be gracious unto him as her progenitors have been heretofore, and that his wife and himself may have her licence in manner and form as this other is, which the bearer will show to Cecil. And (as he wrote heretofore) that which she has done for the recovery of their living in Scotland, he trusts shall redound to her own commodity, and he shall be able to do her better service there than here, &c.
2. He desires the furtherance of his suit, for he intends to send a servant to the Regent as shortly as may be after receiving the Queen's licence.—“From my house at Settrington the 14th of December.”
Endorsed :—1559.
1 p. [Haynes, p. 213. In extenso.]
583. Noailles to the Queen Dowager.
1559, Dec. 21. 1. Since his last letters to her he has been informed that certain of the Congregation have been very secretly introduced to the Queen here, one of whom, Lord Halton, was brought from Berwick by Teleby [Selby ?] Secretary Lethington and Melville have since been here endeavouring to obtain help, and have made large offers on the part of the Congregation and tried to persuade her that unless she assists them she will herself be ruined. Immediately afterwards commissions to raise money were despatched everywhere, and payments not due for five or six months have been anticipated. The arming of the navy has been pushed on with redoubled vigour, fourteen vessels are only waiting for the wind to proceed to Berwick under Winter, who is to be Vice-Admiral, while the rest remain in the river for its protection and to guard the coasts. The Duke of Norfolk is ready to proceed to the North as Lieutenant-General. Lord Gray is to supersede the Duke of Northumberland. He has obtained a summary of the Duke's commission, which is to this effect :—
2. “The hostility of the French to this realm being now notorious by transporting large forces into Scotland under the pretence of conquering that kingdom, the Queen has determined to provide against the same. Being jealous of Berwick, the chief key of her realm, she sends horse and foot-soldiers thither for its protection and that of the borders, under her Lieutenant-General the Duke of Norfolk.”
3. Thus it appears that she would make out that those scanty forces sent into Scotland are really intended for the conquest of England, thereby is found a readier pretext for thwarting the just and necessary proceedings of the [French] King and by the same means to favour the rebels. In confirmation of his opinion the writer has to-day been given to understand by his previous informant that the Queeu has just issued 500 commissions to the gentlemen nearest the North, requiring them to levy the greatest possible number of demi-lances and foot-soldiers to proceed to Newcastle, where the said Duke will receive them. Therein she states that the King's plans point not at the conquest of Scotland, but towards England, and she is driven to resist him; in order to prevent matters growing worse she must take the initiative. The writer questioned his informant as to the precise time at which these troops were to be at Newcastle, but was told the exact date was left blank and would be filled up by Cecil himself, but that January was mentioned and he imagined it would be towards the end.
4. Late yesterday a Frenchman named Nesbet (who states he is connected with the Earl of Lennox) came to the writer and said his master had been informed by Captain Bourdicq [Borthwick] (who lately called on him) of the conversation which the writer and the captain had had about the Earl, in which the writer had expressed a wish to see the Lennox pedigree. The Earl sent one specifying the advantages he possesses over the House of Arran and its present chiefs. Nesbet also stated that a Scottish gentleman, Master Gaston, had been with the Earl a short time previously, to inform him that the Queen Dowager advised him to take advantage of the present convenient season for the prosecution of his affairs, and that the Earl had sent to ask this Queen for the same permission to do so as he had under her late sister.
5. The writer admitted that he had talked with Bourdicq on the subject, but he did not know why the Earl should have taken the trouble of sending his pedigree. Nesbit said he was charged to apply to Cecil upon the subject and that he would inform the writer of the issue. He expressed the anxiety of his master to serve the Queen Dowager against the disloyal and ungrateful house of Arran.
6. When the Earl of Arran was here, the Queen and he made a secret agreement (signed by both), that if she would help him to drive the French out of Scotland, and to be crowned king of that realm, he would admit that he held it of her, would pay her a yearly acknowledgment, and deliver up to her Dumbarton, Dumfries, Dunbar, and Inchkeith. Although this is probably true, the writer cannot believe either that the Scottish Lords would accept such articles or that this Queen would marry anybody.
French. 5 pp. [Haynes, p. 213. In extenso.]
584. Philip II. to Queen Elizabeth.
1559, Dec. 24. Has received her letter of 3 Oct. in which she congratulates him upon his safe arrival in Spain. Expresses his great good will and friendship towards her. Does not approve of her determination, expressed in the said letter, of deferring her marriage, and thinks it would be better for herself and her Kingdom, if she would take a consort who might relieve her of those labours which are only fit for men. If she should decide on Charles, Archduke of Austria, Philip's cousin, it would be most pleasing to himself and beneficial to her Kingdom; and he requests that she would hear the writer's orator upon the subject. Should the matter have affected Philip's only son, he would immediately have set about preparing for his departure, but as it chiefly concerns the Emperor, Philip has written to him upon the subject, in order to avoid all misapprehension.—Toledo, 24 Dec. 1559.
Signed :—Philippus. Countersigned: G. Perezius.
Latin 2 pp. [Haynes, p. 215, In extenso.]
585. John Mydelton to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1559, Dec. 29. You shall understand that lately, I lying here at Antwerp, the Count de Feria sent for me to come to Mechlin to speak with him, who, at my coming thither, did not with a little courtesy welcome me. The next night he sent for me up into his bedchamber, where he talked with me secretly almost an hour. Amongst the rest, he told me that the lady K. [Knollys ?] with her sister were of the Queen's privy chamber and “straytely” looked to. Then he fell into other matters, of the Queen's enriching herself in her coffers and the double impoverishing herself in another way, meaning by the hearts of her subjects, which were plucked from her, for that she used no kind of liberality; that the Prince being covetous, and the councillors covetous, seeking more their own private gain than the honour of their country, being void both of liberality and courtesy, misusing and “tromping,” with princes, which in the end would turn them some displeasure, if it shall happen to have need of them; of the preparation that the Queen maketh to the seas, with the number of ships, and the provision of powder and other munition the Queen prepareth both in Antwerp and Germany. He said, that when she had all done, she shall not be able to maintain wars above four months ; the best captains, which being but few in number he rehearsed, naming but two of them to be principal and had knowledge of what belonged to wars, concluding, that a few others there were skilful in leading soldiers, but soldiers of Englishmen no number at all. And to have any from hence, “either of the Spaniards or Dutchmen, they shall be letted;” for he understood that certain captains of the Spaniards had offered to bring into England 500 harquebussiers if they were sure to be entertained, and a Dutchman called Señor Jon de Loco Novo who offered to bring 3,000 “pystolers” horsemen in like manner. He commanded me, that if I heard of any others that would go, to let him understand it, saying, that the King himself should have occasion to employ their service. “That it were as good reason that the King should aid the French King brother, as the Queen of England to aid a sort Scottish Lutheran rebels.” Here is much murmuring against England. He told me that Mr. Drury was in the Tower for conspiring against my Lord Robert, and for being too great with the ambassador. I think I can, betwixt two, guess who doth utter much of the secrets of England; by a word that escaped unbewares, the Count has very great intelligence of the affairs of England. They say here that they know the very secret bowels of England; of the removing of captains from the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth, with the names of the new; that Portsmouth is nothing strong, and that a man may gallop his horse up the ditch. Of all the ports and havens he knows them better than I who am born there, enquiring where the best landing place was, with very much suspicious talk. The Count does not think to depart before June or July, unless the King writes contrary commandment. The King with his sister of Portugal are newly sworn to be obedient unto the Inquisition in Spain. On the 10th of this present month there was no Pope chosen in Rome. I did see letters that came from thence of the entertaining of Count Mansfeldt, and what pension the Queen hath given unto him. There is such posting still to and from the Count, as if the King lay there; he hath told that he hath the King's full authority for all the affairs of this country, although he do not bear the name, and of England also.
In France there is proclamation made that the houses where Protestants do assemble shall be overthrown and rased up for ever, and the like order is taken in Spain where they take up the bodies, the same that were buried four or five years past—which, by the confession of others, being lately accused that such had conferred with heretics—and burned the said bodies. There is at present great murmuring in Spain amongst those that be condemned to wear a certain kind of coat with a cross, in token that they have been condemned by the Inquisition. The archbishop of Toledo shall do well enough in spite of the archbishop of Valladolid, who, with certain friars, for malice conspired against him.
After I had tarried three days at the Count's house I asked leave to depart, when he offered that I should save my money and lie at his house free of cost, which I thought it good to refuse, “for though I be an Englishman, yet I do stand upon my honour as well as the Spaniards doth” Then he willed me to be ready within a day's warning, for he thought upon the coming of the post he should have occasion to employ me about the King's service. I must earnestly require you to use secretness herein.—Antwerp, 29 December.
P.S.—The French King hath written unto King Philip requiring him to aid him with men and money against the Scots who rebel against him, saying, that the late wars made by his father have so impoverished both him and his realm, that [he] is not able without his brotherly friendship to withstand them. He also sent his ambassador unto the Emperor requiring him to give him leave to levy men in Germany, but the Emperor hath resolutely answered, that unless the King will render Metz with other towns under the Empire, being wrongfully withholden by the said French King, he shall not by his consent levy any men, but rather he will become his enemy and make war against him. King Philip's answer is, that the French King should not be too hasty in making of wars if he may by any other reasonable means appease the same, considering his great poverty; willing him also with extremity to chastise the great sects of Lutherans that he marvellously rooted in his country, the which being done, he should neither want men or money to withstand his enemies at all times, but he would join with him and assist him to the uttermost of his power. I fear we shall see Calais and Ardres in the custody of King Philip, I know that there is such a matter in talk and offered by the French King upon certain considerations.
Endorsed by Cecil.—“29 Dec. 1559.—Huggyns to W. [Ce.]” See No. 645.
3½ .pp
586. The Queen to the Duke of Norfolk.
1559, 29 Dec. Advertises him as follows :—Until the horsemen arrive at Newcastle he cannot well take in hand any exploit into Scotland; it will be the 30th before they can arrive. Orders have been given to certain shires to time the arrival of the footmen together. Those that are gone are to be victualled at less expense than those nigh the border. Meanwhile the men shall be trained and taught to use their weapons. As for money to prest to them beforehand, though Valentine Brown is ready to depart, yet considering the carriage will take time, she advises him to borrow 700l. or 800l. of some Newcastle merchants for 15 days, or else let the treasurer of Berwick forbear, if he can, some payment there, and imprest such sum to the captains. Meanwhile he is to confer with Sir Ralph Sadler whether it be not sufficient aid to the Scots if the Queen's ships be in the Frith and prevent the entry of French succours; which they shall do rather of themselves than to declare any open hostility. For further aid upon land some good English captains are secretly 1o depart, to lead their men, and some vessel fraught with powder, small field ordnance and shot, to be colourably taken by the Scotchmen in the Frith, either on Lothian side or Fife side, and some gunners, &c. And they are to give them such further aid as may serve their turn to expel the French, and yet not to have any open hostility shown on her part at first; as although the French give her just occasion, yet certain respects cause her to forbear for one or two months.
This conference need not delay the preparation of things accorded upon. The day of assembling being prolonged, he is not to take into pay any more officers or soldiers than may be requisite to put things into order for that day. The Council orders that Sir G. Howard, and the rest who ought to depart home, shall not make such haste, but be there about 25 January. When service begins it is very chargeable, so it is meet it be not overcharged before. William Winter at his departure had not his full complement of men and some may hap to be sick ; he is to give order that the lack may be supplied upon that shore near Berwick; and also so “to use his doing in impeaching of French succours, as the same may appear to come of himself, and not by any direction.”
P.S.—Since writing the above the Queen has commanded the horse and foot that have not departed to be rather put in readiness to set forward upon warning from her or Norfolk than upon a certain day. Desires first to hear from him of the state of things there and of the arrival of victual and munition which was sent by ship.
Endorsed :—29 December 1559.
Cecil's draft with many interlineations and erasures.
3 pp. [Haynes, p. 217. In extenso.]
586a. Report of Viscount Montague to the Queen of his conversation with [Gaspar Pregnor], the Emperor's Ambassador.
[1559, Dec.] * * * * The Emperor * * * no further to molest the Queen touching the marriage of his son, wherewith, he said, the Queen was also well pleased and had said that it pleased her no less to be rid of the importunity of the Ambassador in that suit than before she was glad to be rid of the motion of the King of Spain for himself. Yet the Ambassador will in no wise fail the Queen and realm in any other friendship, but therein he mindeth not to travel but esteems it finished and forgotten. Demanded whether this advertisement were sent to him or were rumours brought to him, he said as before, it was assuredly true, and that the Count of Helfenstein remained but to treat of the Easterlings' privileges.
“I said I assuredly knew your Majesty [the Queen] did always esteem that motion of Charles of Austria as most honourable, and thought yourself much beholden to the Emperor for his goodwill therein; but forasmuch as marriage is the ordinance of God, your Majesty not finding disposition as yet to marry, would not seem to give comfort to such a prince in a matter you were not resolved in. 'The Queen,' quoth he, 'at the first seemed to like the offer, after, less; and lastly, did refuse the coming of Charles of Austria.' 'Therein,' said I, 'she did well and honourably consider not to grant the coming of such a prince, whom after her Highness might happen not to like.' He protested he spake not as an ambassador but as a well wisher to the Queen and the realm. For his own opinion he never wished the Arch-Duke to marry there or elsewhere, considering the number of children his brother hath. 'But now,' said he, 'this matter ended, I wish the Queen well guarded both with friends and other sureties, lest perhaps more peril be toward her than she doth know of.' ' I trust,' said I, 'the Emperor will know no peril towards the Queen, but he will admonish her Highness thereof.' 'No,' quoth he, 'I assure you the Emperor's Ambassador knoweth nothing hereof, that I can tell, neither do I, nor can I any thing say herein either as an Ambassador or from him, whereby it might seem the Emperor is minded indirectly to put fear to the Queen without cause, other than to serve his purpose in that which now he intendeth not. And therefore,' quoth he, 'with this protestation, I will impart unto you that which before God I know to be true, and that I have at no mean hands, but worthy credit. Though it appertain not to mine office here, and I am presently to depart home, yet for the love aforesaid, I cannot but say unto you that the Queen and all England is in no small peril, yea and the very person of the Queen. I would say more if I might, but by—I may not, and therefore require it not of me.' 'Signify unto me,' said I, 'or to the Queen by any mean which way this peril doth grow to her Majesty's realm and chiefly her person.' He said he would. 'And for the first,' quoth he, 'there hath been talks and devices in no small places for dividing Scotland and England. For the person of the Queen's Majesty, I know it hath been offered and is that she shall be slain, which offer of both, how they have been taken, I know not, but sure I am, they have been made. Wherefore if the Queen presently foresee not this peril, she will be undone and the realm confounded.' 'Sir,' said I, 'you meant not to impart this to me to hide from the Queen.' 'No,' quoth he, 'so it be in order, which is neither to take these words spoken as by an ambassador nor by appointment, but only (God I take to record) knowing the same and wishing well to the realm; nor yet to publish the same to many, but such of her Council as might with wisdom foresee the danger.' After such talks given as the advertisement deserved, I said this terrible tale advertised to the Queen without knowledge of some men, whereby the danger may be particularly avoided, must needs be troublesome to her Highness, and therefore if it be possible add this much more, not only to give warning of an enemy but also to show which way he cometh. 'Then,' quoth he, 'she will easily judge by this much of the rest and more he might not tell.' I said again, 'Yet you that know this peril are able to give your good advice.' 'That is not my part,' quoth he, 'but because you ask me this much I say of myself, it behoveth the Queen in any wise to please the King of Spain and lose him by no mean; to be temperate in those matters which may and do offend him; lastly to have fidele satellitium for the guard of her person.' He said the rumour was great that your Majesty had consented to the death of the French King, and his wife, and the moving of the rebellion in France, which did much exasperate all who believed it. I answered that the thing was so false that I thought there needed none other means to discredit such persons that the making such bruits.”
3 pp., with blanks passim, some supplied by Cecil. [Haynes, p. 233, In extenso.]
587. Considerations delivered to the Parliament, 1559.
1559, 1. Vagabouds.—That the statute 1 Edward VI. chap, iii., concerning idle persons and vagabonds being made slaves now repealed be revived, with additions.
2. Labourers and servants.—That the statutes 12 Richard II. chap, iii., “that no servant or labourer at the end of his term depart out of the “hundred or place where he dwells &c.,” and 13 Richard II. chap, viii., ordering the justices at every session to appoint by proclamation the wages of workers, &c. be confirmed, with the addition 'that no man hereafter receive into service any servant without a testimonial from the master he last dwelt with, sealed with a parish seal kept by the constable or churchwarden, witnessing he left with the free licence of his master, penalty 10l.' So, by the heed of the masters, servants may be reduced to obedience, which shall reduce obedience to the Prince and to God also ; by the looseness of the times no other remedy is left but by awe of law to acquaint men with virtue again, whereby the reformation of religion may be brought in credit, with the amendment of manners, the want whereof hath been imputed as a thing grown by the liberty of the Gospel, &c.
3. Husbandry.—That the statutes 4 Henry VII. chap. 9, “forre-edifying houses of husbandry and to avoid the decay of towns and villages,” and 5 Edward VI. chap. 5, “for maintenance of husbandry and tillage,” be put in execution.
4. Purchase of lands.—No husbandman, yeoman, or artificer to purchase above 5l. by the year of inheritance; no clothier, tanner, or common butcher above 10l. a year, save in cities, towns, and boroughs for their better repair; one mansion house only to be purchased over and above the said yearly value. The common purchasing thereof is the ground of dearth of victuals, raising of rents, &c.
5. Merchants.—No merchant to purchase above 50l. a year of inheritance, except aldermen and sheriffs of London who, because they approach to the degree of knighthood, may purchase to the value of 200l.
6. Apprentices.—None to be received apprentice except his father spends 40s. a year of freehold, nor to be apprenticed to a merchant except his father spend 10l. a year of freehold, or be descended from a gentleman or merchant. Through the idleness of those professions so many embrace them that they are only a cloak for vagabonds and thieves, and there is such a decay of husbandry that masters cannot get skilful servants to till the ground without unreasonable wages, &c.
7. Schoolmasters.—None under the degree of baron to keep any schoolmaster in his house to teach children, for it is the decay of the universities and common schools.
8. Education of the nobility.—That an ordinance be made to bind the nobility to bring up their children in learning at some university in England or beyond the sea from the age of 12 to 18 at least; and that one-third of all the free scholarships at the universities be filled by the poorer sort of gentlemen's sons. The wanton bringing up and ignorance of the nobility forces the Prince to advance new men that can serve, which for the most part neither affecting true honour, because the glory thereof descended not to them, nor yet the common wealth (through coveting to be hastily in wealth and honour), forget their duty and old estate and subvert the noble houses to have their rooms themselves, &c.
9. That none study the laws, temporal or civil, except he be immediately descended from a nobleman or gentleman, for they are the entries to rule and government, and generation is the chiefest foundation of inclination,
10. That the statutes 3 Henry IV. chap. 9, and 3 Henry VII. chap. 8, for keeping gold and silver and for increase of the commodities of the realm, ordaining that any merchant stranger bringing in merchandise sell it within three months and employ the money therefor received in England by exchange upon the commodities of the realm, &c.; and the statute 1 Richard III. chap. 9, that no stranger host or sojourn with a stranger of another country, be revived and executed. The Italians above all other to be taken heed of, for they in all times pass to go to and fro everywhere and for themselves serve all princes at once, and with their perfumed gloves and wanton presents, and gold enough to boot if need be, work what they list and lick the fat even from our beards.
11. Haberdashers' wares.—That the statute 3 Edward IV. chap. 4, ordaining that no merchant, English or stranger, bring into the realm caps, pins, points, dice, gilt stirrups, &c., be revived; for they are not only false and deceitful wares, rather serving for the gaze than any good use, but for such trifles they lilch from us the chief and substantial staple wares of the realm, where the people might be better employed in making them, if we will needs have them, and then for our precious commodities we shall receive things of price again.
12. Wines.—That the statute 40 Edward III. ch. 8, be revived, ordaining that no Englishman fetch or buy any wines in Gascony or France, but have them brought into the realm by Gascons for the profit of the realm. For they are not able to live two years together without making their vent hither, and we are well able to forbear their wines for ever, whereby our fine gold being yearly 100,000l. at the least which is carried into France by Englishmen shall be kept still within the realm, and we shall rule the price alike of our commodities and their wines, and so make the French King “afeard” to break friendship with us, &c.
13. Stillyard.—That the Queen's Highness in no wise restore to the Stillyard their liberties, for they not only intercepted much of the English merchants' trade, but by concealment of strangers' goods robbed the Queen of customs 10,000 marks a year at least, which was so sweet to them that, as some of them confess, they gained in Queen Mary's time amongst solicitors above 10,000l. in bribes.
14. Staple.—That the staple be removed from Middleburg, where it is now newly erected, into England, as it was removed from Calais into England in the 14th year of Richard II. and kept in places appointed by the statute 27 Edward III. ch. 1, which will be for the reparation and maintenance of the havens and ports of the realm, without the Queen's charge, which now that Calais is gone is chiefly to be looked to, and also for the increase of custom. To have it out of the realm is for the profit of the Staplers and of the Prince where they keep their staple. But rather than the reformation should come to pass the Staplers will shrine some solicitors in gold to take upon them to abuse the Queen. Merchants have grown so cunning in the trade of corrupting, and found it so sweet, that since the 1 Henry VIII. there could never be won any good law or order which touched their liberty or state; but they stayed it, either in the Commons or higher House of Parliament or else by the Prince himself, with either le roy non veut or le roi s' advisera, and if they get the Prince to be advised they give him leave to forget it altogether.
16. Licences.—That the Queen be pleased after the example of the law 21 Richard II. ch. 17, to establish that no special licences be granted to carry out of the realm any staple wares, victuals, or other commodities; if any hereafter happen to be granted the same to be void. The Prince is thereby abused of his revenue, corruption full fed, the authority and diligence of Parliament disgraced, &c.
17. Bankrupts.—That bankruptcy be made felony, and bankrupts' goods and lands sold and divided among their creditors after the statute 34 Henry VIII. ch.—, provided that if all his creditors join in petition for his pardon he have it allowed for the first time. Where a poor thief doth steal a sheep or pick a purse, they come away with hundreds and thousands at least, and undo a great many honest men.
18. Perjury.—Perjuries of juries to be punished by attaint as it was at common law before the statute.
19. Iron Mills.—That iron mills be banished out of the realm. Where wood was formerly sold at the stock at 1d. the load, by reason of the iron mills it is now at 2s. the load. Formerly Spanish iron was sold for 5 marks the ton, now there are iron-mills English iron is sold at 9l.
20. Sugar.—That no sugar be made within the realm, for it is counterfeit and unwholesome ; and that none be brought into the realm but pure and simple as it cometh out of the cane. Where before it was sold at 4d. the lb., it is now at 14d. the lb.
21. Sheriffs.—None to be sheriff of more than one shire at once; his undersheriff to be resident in his house to answer for his defaults; &c.
22. Leather and shoes.—That provision be made for the price of leather and shoes. A pair of shoes within this half year was at 12d., and now at 20d. and 2s. The remedy to be had by calling a convenient number of the most skilful tanners, curriers and shoemakers, each sort apart, before the Queen's Council.
23. That the Queen be pleased not to remit any money penalty, after the example of Henry VII., “for thereby he did enrich himself without exacting of his people, kept law and justice in remembrance, and was both loved and feared.”
24. Navy.—If any object against the articles aforesaid touching wine and merchandise, that they will decay the navy, it may be answered that England was never in so great wealth and strength both by sea and land as when those laws were observed; there are new navigations since found out, which will alone maintain as great a navy, e.g., those to Guinea, to Barbary, to Muscovy, yea, the navigation into Flanders, Antwerp, and Spain, was not then half so much used as now; besides, there may be still a course into France for their woad, salt, and canvas, though if the law made for sowing hemp and flax were executed and provision made for growing woad and madder in the realm, as by some men's diligence it is already practised, which growth is here found better than that from beyond the seas, we should not need to seek into France for it. Besides Flanders has enough; no country robbeth England so much as France.
25. Fishing.—Let the old course of fishing be maintained by the straitest observation of fish days, for policy sake; so the sea coasts shall be strong with men and habitations and the fleet flourish more than ever.
Endorsed :—“Considerable in Parliament, 1559.”
8 pp.
588. The Second Device for the Scottish Queen.
1559. Illuminated coat of arms, headed :—“Thys is the Seconde Arche whych Shalbe in the Tryumph of The Maryage of the Kynge of Spayne and the dowghter of The French Kynge.”
Endorsed by Cecil :—“1559. The second devise for ye Scott. Q. to use ye armes of England.”
1 p.
589. Recusants in Suffolk.
[1559]. Names of recusants in various parishes in the county of Suffolk. The following is the entry as to Wingfield :—“Henry Jerningham, Esquire, and his wife, come neither to church nor communion there; his child was baptized by the Lady Beddingfield's priest. Mr. John Baker, steward of his house, cometh not to church. Durham, his schoolmaster, persuaded the old Lady Jerningham, that for receiving the communion she had damned herself.”—Undated.
Endorsed by Cecil:—“Suffolk.—Persons recusants.”
5 pp.
590. Sir Edwd. Rogers to Sir Wm. Cecil.
[1559]. For delivering 32 oz. of gold for a Collar and George for the Lord Marquis of Northampton.
¼ p.
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