Cecil Papers: 1566

Pages 324-342

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306-1571. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

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1071. Sir W. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1565/6, Jan. 9. Is sorry that he cannot obtain Her Majesty's assent to his suit, being so profitable for herself. Sees therein the baseness of his credit, but will nevertheless continue to prosecute it. As for Mr. H. Cobham's request, he cannot procure Her Majesty to allow of it, she pretending it an offence to sell an office. His Lordship may be bold to place Captain Wyndebank, most surely when his bill shall be signed. The ambassador cometh in great order to be installed for the French King in the Order of the Garter, and bringeth the Order of France for my Lord of Leicester, and for my Lord of Norfolk, or my Lord Marquis : and then he goeth into Sotland with the like for the Lord Darnley. “And so we see that this Order groweth still. Et id quidem Gallice.” Thinks hereupon the Lord of Norfolk will come up. “And so I end, beshrowing the coming of this Ambassador, hath disordered my Lord Admiralls and my going into the country.”—9 Jan. 1565.
1 p. [Haynes, p. 443. In extenso.]
1072. Cornelius de Alneto and the Princess Cecilia.
1565/6, Jan. 20. Bond between Cornelius de Alneto alias “deLannoy” and the Princess Cecilia of Sweden, by which the former pledges himself to lend to the latter on the 1st day of May 1566 the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, which the Princess on her part covenants to repay in twelve years by yearly instalments of one thousand pounds, and also to pay the said Cornelius for the trouble he has taken a further sum of 300l. sterling.—London, the 20th January 1565.
Signed by both parties and sealed. German. 1 p.
1073. Cecilia, Princess of Sweden to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, Jan 20. Understands from her chaplain, Dr. Olaf, that the Queen is displeased at her holding such frequent counsel with him (de Alneto), but cares little for that.
Subscribed :—“Scripsit Dña. Cecilia Princeps Suecie. Ao 1565 20 Januarii.”
German. 1 p.
1074. Edmund Standen to Anthony Standen, Senr., and Anthony Standen, Junr.
1565/6, Jan. 21. Expresses his affection towards them. Trusts they shall find means by their friends there [in Scotland] to cause the Queen [Elizabeth] to think better of them than she has done :—The Rolls, 21st January 1565.
1 p.
1075. Memoranda touching Fowler.
1565/6, Jan. 27 and 28. Brief memoranda (in the handwriting of Sir Wm. Cecil) of measures to be taken with reference to one Fowler (the servant of the Earl of Lennox). To send to Gravesend to stop all Scottish vessels, to attach Fowler's wife and other persons, &c., &c.
2 pp.
1076. Memoranda by Fowler.
[1565/6, Jan.]. Note, that my Lord of Leicester and the Duke of Norfolk hath the Order of the Michael given them by the ambassador called [a blank], and he is stalled in the Order of the Garter for the King his master, at Windsor, on Thursday, the——day of January, there being the Duke of Norfolk, who came post, Arundel, Leicester, Warwick, Sussex, with all the rest.
On Monday before, my Lord of Leicester, Warwick, Clinton, vxer (sic), and divers others, were at the Tower at the marriage of the Lieutenant's son with Sir Richard Pecsall's [Pexall] daughter.
Note, that either Lord Darcy or Sir John Thynne shall marry my lady St. Loo and not Harry Cobham.
The Earl of Northumberland hath taken up two thousand pounds, and a man with it, in his lands; the Queen hath ordered that any prince (?) that demandeth same for his own within year and day shall have it.
Thomas Cobham and Wylson were pardoned, and 10 pirates hanged.
L—— L—— wold not S wth ge (?), excusing by the Queen [and 1 ?] did.
The ambassador of Spain is in Flanders, and not come again from the marriage of the King of Portugal's sister with the Regent of Flanders' son. She was King Philip's sister's daughter.
At the spring the Emperor comes into Flanders to receive his crown at Newce and there the King of Spain's son marrieth one of his daughters, and the French King another.
The General Council is determined that all religice (sic), shall be established one.
The laces at “Neweis tyde” (sic), yellow and “blewe” [“orange tawny” struck out], between my L— L— and “Hen.” (fn. 1) (sic), [written over “Lord Strange” struck out], the Queen's words on the same.
The King of Sweden's sister.
The goods at Settrington and Temple-Newsom be praised and sold part of them, but all the cattle and corn is sold and some stuff.
My Lord Marquis was suitor, and ensured to one of the Sweden lady's women, and had given her divers jewels, and now hath repented, saying he had another wife alive, and would have his jewels, but he cannot get them.
The Scots rebels are come to London, Thursday, the——of January. (This passage is struck out).—Undated.
Endorsed by Cecil :—“Foular's.—A Memoryall, and of his own hand.”
1077. Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, Feb. 15. Statement by Cornelius de Alneto concerning immoral overtures alleged by him to have been made by one West to one of his wife's maidservants, aged 15, in September last.
Endorsed by Cecil :—“Cornelius contra West.—15 Februarii 1565.”
Latin. 1½ pp.
1078. Armigil Wade to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb 15. Mr. Cornelius is presently about to write to the Queen. He seems more and more to take to heart this lately discovered act, and can by no means abide West, “the sight of whom stirreth up his colere.” Is himself also much disliked by Cornelius, notwithstanding his complaisance to him. Sees every day more and more that this proceeds from their next neighbours. Yesterday Cornelius was with her (the Princess Cecilia), and to day in the company of Montagna, meeteth her and her chaplin in the accustomed place, namely, “at the Red Bull beyond the Stylyard in Temestrete.” His treaty with her (as Montagna says), is to get himself out of the country with all convenient speed, for which purpose he intends to offer the Queen a sum of money to let him off his first bargain, and this is the sum of their conferences. Prays Cecil for God's sake to get him despatched, so that there may be no more reason to trust or make use of him, for he will undoubtedly deceive them. To satisfy Cornelius it were not amiss that West should be ordered for the present to confine himself to the gallery where he frequently lieth; for there, while seeming to undergo some penance, he might keep a strict watch on all Cornelius's movements.—“At Somerset Place this Friday in the morning.”
Endorsed by Cecil :—“15 Febr. 1565. Mr. Wade for Cornelius. Montagna.”
4 pp.
1079. Cornelius de Alneto to the Queen.
1565/6, Feb. 15. Is most desirous to testify by deeds that he is one of Her Majesty's most faithful servants. Hopes, moreover, according to Her Majesty's promise, to be protected by her as the pupil of her eye from all those who wish to do him wrong. Beseeches Her Majesty not to entertain any suspicions of him, but to believe that he will fulfil all his promises. Complains at great length of the conduct of Her Majesty's servant West.—London, 15 Feb. 1565.
Signed :—“Cornelius de Alneto sive de Lannoy, Philosophie et Jatromathematices D.”
Endorsed :—“15 Februarii 1565. Cornelius to ye Queen's Majesty. Contra West.”
French, 3 pp.
1080. Cornelius de Alneto to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb. 15. Begs him to present his letters to the Queen, and to make excuse for him if they contain anything displeasing to Her Majesty.—London, 15th February 1565.
Holograph. Latin. 1 p.
1081. Armigil Wade to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb. 17. Concerning alleged malpractices by Cornelius de Alneto, and his obstinate behaviour under detention. Asks that he may be confronted by Montagna, and that the whole of the circumstances may be declared by the latter before his face for otherwise he maketh light of the whole affair.—“From Somerset Place this Sunday in the morning.”
Endorsed :—“17 th February 1565.”
3 pp.
1082. Cornelius de Alneto to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb. 17. Is overwhelmed with grief that their great and glorious design should have fallen into such grave suspicion.
Begs him to believe that he has spared no pains to bring it to a successful issue, and swears on the Holy Gospels to perform all that he has promised, and not to hold any communication with the Princess Cecilia or any of her servants. Prays, however, that his liberty may be restored to him, and that he may be allowed to come and go as before.
Beseeches Cecil to restore their design to its former favour.—London, 17th February 1565.
Holograph. Latin. 1 p.
1083. Cornelius de Alneto to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb. 22. Complains of the restraint to which he is subjected in not being allowed to go forth unless accompanied by Armigil Wade. Protests the honesty of his intentions and his devotion to the Queen, and begs Cecil's aid in restoring to him his liberty.—London, 22 February 1565.
Holograph. Latin. 1 p.
1084. Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
1565/6, Feb. 23. Sends to Her Highness letters, brief but full of mystery. Begs that she will read them most secretly, and having read and re-read them will burn them. If it is her wish to answer them she is to do it most cautiously, feigning to write to her husband the Marquis. Sends also a supplication concerning a poor widow who is held captive, to be signed by Her Highness and laid before the Queen.
The following note is appended : “This supplication was not contained in the letters, so that there may be some mystery in that; if the same be not delivered apart to Montagna.”
Endorsed :—“23 Feb. 1565.”
Copy. Latin. 1 p.
1085. A. Wade to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, Feb. 24. Sends him by Sig. Montagna the copy of Cornelius' letter to the preacher (Olaf) and the translation of his letter to the Lady Cecilia. “Whatsoever happen Cornelius will say that he hath kept troth, for his promise and oath was that he would not speak with my lady nor none of her folks. It seems that his promise did not extend to writing.”
Endorsed :—“24 Feb. 1565. Arm. Wade to W. C.”
1 p. Encloses,
(1.) Cornelius de Alneto to Princess Cecilia. (Translation.)
The cause of his not coming in person is that he is forbidden by Her Majesty to hold any communication with Her Highness, or with any of her people by writing or otherwise.
Because he has spoken with Her Highness and with Dr. Olaf, after having been twice warned, he has given grave offence, and his liberty has on that account been restricted. As he cannot have an interview with Her Highness begs her not to desert him, but to preserve silence. Beseeches Her Highness not to doubt his good faith, for he will stand by his promises and will perform all that he has undertaken.
Suggests that Her Highness might perhaps devise some ingenious excuse for obtaining permission from Her Majesty for an interview with him.
Endorsed :—“24 Feb. 1565. Cornelius d'Alneto to ye Lady Cecilia. Translated by——.”
Latin. 1½ pp.
(2.) Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
Could by no means come to Her Highness nor to him. If Olaf knew how he was treated he would wonder thereat. Wishes him to tell Her Highness that he has taken care that all things are safe, and that he will write to her to-morrow letters which she must read secretly and burn, making no mention thereof to antyone.
Endorsed :—“24 Feb. 1565. Corn. d'Alneto to Olaus the Lady Cecilia's chaplain.”
Copy.Latin. ½ p.
1086. Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, Feb. 25. Her Highness received his letters with much pleasure, and has destroyed them according to his wish. With reference to the supplication, she would most willingly have undertaken the charge thereof, and wished yesterday to have visited Her Majesty. The Earl of Arundel, however, came and strongly dissuaded her, saying that he had seen a comedy publicly acted at Court in which the present unfortunate condition of Her Highness was most accurately represented.
Can scarcely believe that such is the case, which would, indeed, be to add sorrow to sorrow, and to chafe and aggravate a wound. Her Highness will write as soon as she can find opportunity.
Endorsed :—“25 Feb. 1565. The copy of the Preacher's answer to Mr. Cornelius of the 25 Feb.”
Latin. 1½ pp.
1087. Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, Feb. 26. Her Highness has many things to communicate to him, but owing to pressure of business is unable to write. She prays him therefore again and again to make use of this opportunity to bring about a meeting if possible. She has been occupied for two days in examining the foolish and worthless reasons of North, and therefore begs him not to take it ill that she did not write yesterday. Her Highness wishes to have further particulars respecting the widow who is held captive.
Endorsed by Cecil :—“26 Feb. 1565. Olavus to Cornelius.”
Copy.Latin. 1 p.
1088. Princess Cecilia to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, Feb. 28. Thanks him for his letters and repeats her desire for an interview.
Endorsed:—“28 Feb. 1565. La. Cecilia to Cornelius.”
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1089. Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
[1565/6, Feb.]. Understands that this afternoon some one called with letters for him, but refused to give them up to his wife. Sends his most faithful friend, to whom he prays the letters may be returned, and he will answer them early in the morning.
Wonders much that Her Highness does not obtain from Her Majesty leave to speak with him. It might be done in many ways, and there is great danger in committing all to writing.
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1090. [Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.]
[1565/6 ? Feb.]. A certain maiden named Christina, the daughter of Abraham Eric, has given him a jewel which she had obtained from Her Highness (the Princess Cecilia) to be sold at a fitting price. Has thought it better to offer it to him than to any goldsmith. She is compelled to sell this and many other valuables because, before the festival of the three kings a chain with three rings was carried off which was valued at 80 crowns.
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1091. Princess Cecilia to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, March 2. Entreats him to lend her immediately a sum of three thousand pounds which would enable her to pay off half her debts, and also a further sum of ten thousand pounds for five years, for the payment of which she will pledge her dowry.
Endorsed : “Coppie of my Lady Cecilia's letter to Mr. Cornelius of ye 2nd Marche 1565.”
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1092. Augier de L'Estrille,
1565/6, March 4. The depositions of Roger Dalderne and Thomas Snape, hackneymen of London, in the case of Augier de l'Estrille, a French prisoner of war.
Endorsed by Cecil.
1093. Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, March 4. His letters have reached Her Highness by whom they were received with much pleasure.
She entreats him to continue to write to her, since owing to the suspicion of wicked men they are not allowed to communicate with each other in person.
Endorsed :—“4 Martii 1565. Olaf to Cornelius.”
Copy. Latin. 1 p.
1094. Cornelius de Alneto to Princess Cecilia.
1565/6, March 5. His writing to her is attended with the greatest danger, for he has been compelled to take an oath not to hold communication with her or any of her household. With reference to the money Her Highness wishes to have, can do nothing before Easter. Is going to send to Frankfort for money about the middle of Lent. Begs her therefore to be of good cheer and to trust in him. Recommends her to have an account prepared of the whole of her debts and to fix a day, say the 14th or the 30th after Easter, for the payment of her creditors.
Endorsed by Cecil :—“5 Martii 1565. Cornelius ad Dñam Ceciliam.”
Copy. Latin. 1 p.
1095. Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
1565/6, March 5. Begs him to exercise great caution in dealing with his letters to Her Highness, and to have them immediately destroyed, for he writes them at his peril. Desires him also to urge Her Highness to endeavour to obtain from the Queen permission to, hold conversation with him, for he has things of the greatest importance to communicate.
Endorsed :—“5 Martii 1565. Cornelius to Olaus, ye La Cecilia's precher.”
Copy. Latin. 1 p.
1096. Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
1565/6, March 14.
Sends him two ancient pieces of gold worth together 20 shillings, (Note in margin, “Thes were ij old Angells”) and also five shillings in white or silver money. (Note in margin, “This was a pece of 5s. coyned in K. Edw.'s tyme.”)
Prays him to give his humble salutations to Her Highness and to assure her “that he has undertaken in earnest the matter known to her concerning which she may rest contented and sleep with both ears.” Begs again for an interview.
Endorsed :—“14 Martii 1565. Cornelius to Olaus.”
Copy. Latin. 1 p.
1097. Armigil Wade to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, March 15. Gives the substance of a conversation between himself and Cornelius de Alneto on the subject of the latter holding communication with the Princess Cecilia and her household. Sends an offer from “my brother Merbury” to supply French wines for the use of Her Majesty's household at 20 nobles the tun.—From Somerset Place, the 15th March 1565.
4 pp.
1098. Intercourse with the Netherlands.
1565/6, March 17. The opinion of the Privy Council as to the course to be pursued by the Commissioners oppointed to discuss the Treaty of Intercourse with the Netherlands with respect to the principal matters remaining in controversy, which relate chiefly to the duties on imports and exports.
Draft. Endorsed by Cecil. 4 pp.
A modern copy of the preceding.
1099. [Dr. Olaf, Chaplain of the Princess Cecilia, to Cornelius de Alneto.]
[1565/6, March 19]. Her Highness inquired of him yesterday at dinner whether he had heard anything from Cornelius. He replied, “No, but that he should certainly hear from him on the morrow.” Prays him, therefore, to send a few lines. Her Highness was yesterday thrown into the greatest delight by hearing that her husband the Marquis had been at Antwerp eight days ago and had safely reached Dunkirk. They hope to hear to-day, or at the latest to-morrow, that “the people of God have been brought out of Babylonish captivity into the land of promise flowing with milk, wine, and honey.” Yesterday evening two of the Princess's gentlewomen came to his chamber complaining of their great need of money to purchase necessaries for themselves and to save their jewels, which otherwise they would be compelled to sell. Begs Cornelius in their names to advance them a sum of money as a loan, for to him all those of Sweden who are in distress fly as to a refuge.
Copy. Latin. 1½ pp.
1565/6, March. 2. An extract from the foregoing letter entitled “The copy of my Lady Cecilia's preacher's letter to Mr. Cornelius of the 19th March 1565.”
1100. Cornelius de Alneto to Dr. Olaf.
1565/6, March 20. Rejoices to hear of the long expected arrival of the Marquis. Can now lend the desired money to the Princess Cecilia's gentlewomen. Asks him to write more fully what and how much they want.
With reference to the Princess Cecilia's approaching departure, urges the necessity of an interview with her before she goes. Begs him to destroy his letters.
Entitled :—“Copy of Mr. Cornelius' Lre. of the 20 of Marche to the Preacher.”
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1101. Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.
[1565/6, March 21]. Her Highness has commanded him to say that her journey is about to be undertaken at last. The Marquis has arrived at Calais and will expect her there, as soon as she has freed herself from her trammels.
Yesterday she sent a messenger to him for money. The Marquis will not return to England. The Lady Cecilia's secretary was arrested yesterday, and this day her chamberlain was arrested for 10 shillings. Two of the Princess's gentlewomen desire him (Cornelius) to lend them 100 thalers each.
Undated and unsigned. Latin. 1 p.
2. An extract from the foregoing letter with the note “This Lre. is of the 21th of Marche 1565. Written from the Lady Cecilia's preacher to Mr. Cornelius.”
1102. Cornelius de Alneto to the Princess Cecilia.
1565/6, March 21. Apologises for not having written. Begs her not to doubt his good faith, but to believe that he will perform all that he has promised. Has heard with great joy of the arrival of her husband.
Copy. Latin. ½ p.
1103. Dr. Olaf to Cornelius de Alneto.
1565/6, March 21. Her Highness has received his letters with great joy, but had no time to reply by his messenger. Begs him to take this in good part.
Copy. Latin. ¼ p.
1104. Armigil Wade to Sir W. Cecil.
1565/6, March 23. States at length his reasons for suspecting that Cornelius de Alneto is about to leave the country, and suggests various grounds on which he might be justly detained, such as his failing to perform his promises to Her Majesty within the given time, &c.— “From Somerset Place this Satterday.”
Endorsed :—“23rd March 1565.”
6 pp.
1105. The Earl of Bedford and Mr. Randolph to the Council.
1566, March 27. Hearing of so many matters as we do, and finding such variety in the reports, we have much ado to discern the verity, which maketh us the slower, and loather to put anything in writing, to the intent we would not that you and Her Majesty should be advertised but of the very truth. To this end we thought good to send Captain Carew, who was in Edinburgh at the time of the last “attemptate,” who spoke there with divers, and after with the Queen and her husband, and know by his report, confirmed by the parties that were present, and assisters unto those who were executors of the act. This we find for certain : that the Queen's husband being entered into a vehement suspicion of David [Rizzio], that by him some thing was committed which was most against the Queen's honour, and not to be borne on his part, first communicated with George Douglas, who sought all the means he could to put some remedy to his grief, and communicating the same to Lord Ruthven by the King's command, no other way could be found than that David should be taken out of the way. Wherein he was so earnest, and daily pressed the same, that no rest could be had until it was put in execution. To this it was found good that Lord Morton and Lord Lindsay should be made privy, that they might have their friends at hand if need required. The time was determined the 9th instant, three days before the Parliament should begin, at which time the said Lords were assured that the Earls of Argyle, Murray, Rothes, and their accomplices should have been forfeited, if the King could not be persuaded through this means to be their friends, who for the desire that his intent should take effect the one way, was content to yield to the other, with this condition, that they would give their consent that he might have the crown matrimonial.
Upon the Saturday, at night, near unto 8 o'clock, the King conveyeth himself, Lord Ruthven, George Douglas, and two others, through his own chamber by the privy stairs up to the Queen's chamber, adjoining to which there is a cabinet about 12 foot square, in the same a little low reposing bed and a table, at which there were sitting at supper the Queen, Lady Argyle, and David with his cap upon his head. Into the cabinet there cometh the King and Ruthven, who willed David to come forth, saying that there was no place for him. The Queen said it was her will. Her husband answered, it was against her honour. Lord Ruthven said that he should learn better his duty, and offering to have taken him by the arm, David took the Queen by the “blyghtes” of her gown, and put himself behind the Queen, who would gladly have saved him, but the King having loosed his hands, and holding her in his arms, David was thrust out of the cabinet through the bed-chamber into the chamber of presence, where were the Lords Morton and Lindsay, who, intending that night to have reserved him, and the next day to hang him, so many being about them that bore him evil, one thrust him into the body with a dagger, and after him a great many others, so that he had in his body above lv. wounds. It is told for certain that the King's own dagger was left sticking in him; whether he struck him or not we cannot know for certain. He was not slain in the Queen's presence, as was said, but going down stairs out of the presence chamber. There remained a long time with the Queen her husband and Ruthven. She made great intercession that he should have no harm, and (fn. 2) blamed greatly her husband that was the author of so foul an act. It is said that he did answer that David had more company of her body than he for the space of two months, and therefore for her honour and his own contentment he gave his consent that he should be taken away. “It is not,” saith she, “the woman's part to seek the husband, and therefore, in that the fault was his own.” He said, that when he came, she either would not, or made herself sick. “Well,” saith she, “you have taken your last of me and your farewell.” (fn. 3)That were pity,” saith Ruthven, “he is your Majesty's husband, and you must yield duty to each other.” “Why may not I,” saith she, “leave him as well as your wife did her husband ? Others have done the like.” Lord Ruthven said that she was lawfully divorced from her husband, and for no such cause as the King found himself aggrieved. Besides, this man was mean, base, enemy to the nobility, shame to herself and destruction to her country. “Well,” saith she, “it shall be dear blood to some of you, if his be spilt.” “God forbid,” saith Ruthven, “for the more your Grace show yourself offended, the world will judge the worse.” Her husband this time speaketh little. Her Grace continually weepeth. Lord Ruthven being evil at ease and weak, calleth for a drink, and saith, “This I must do with your Majesty's pardon,” and persuadeth her in the best sort he could that she would pacify herself.
In the meantime there rose a comber in the court, to pacify which Lord Ruthven went down to the Earls Huntley, Bothwell, and Athol, to assure them from the King that nothing was intended against them. They, notwithstanding, taking fear when they heard that Murray would be there the next day, and Argyle meet them, Huntley and Bothwell get out of a window and so depart. Athol had leave of the King, with Flyske and Landores (who was lately called Leslie, the parson of Oune), to go where they would; and being conveyed by Lord Liddington they went that night to where they thought themselves in most safety. Before the King left talk with the Queen, in the hearing of Ruthven, she was content that he should lie with her that night. We know not how he “forslowe” himself, but came not at her, and excused himself to his friends that he was so sleepy that he could not wake in due time. There were two that came in with the King, the one Andrew Car of Fawsinside, who, the Queen saith, would have struck her with a dagger, and one Patrick Balentyne, brother to the Justice Clerk, who also, her Grace saith, offered a dagge against her belly with cock down. Lord Ruthven assureth us of the contrary. There were in the Queen's chamber Lord Robert [Stewart], Arthur Erskine, and one or two others. These at the first offering some defence, Ruthven drew his dagger, and few more weapons than that were drawn in her Grace's presence, as we are by the said Lord assured.
The next day, about seven after noon, arrived the Earl of Murray and the others with him that were in England. He spoke immediately with the King, and straight after with the Queen. She laid the fault upon others that he was out of the country, required of him to be a good subject, and she would be to him as he ought. The next day he spake with her again, as also Morton and Ruthven, who exhorted her to cast off her care, to study for that which might be her weal and honour, promising for their parts to be true and faithful subjects. She accepted their sayings in good worth, willed them to devise what might be for their security, and she would subscribe it. She sent for Liddington, and in gentle words devised with him that he would persuade that she might have her liberty, and the guard that was about her removed, seeing that she had granted their requests. He found it very good, and not many of the Lords, as we hear, misliked it. All men being gone to their lodgings, about twelve at night she conveyed herself a private way out of the house. She, her husband, and one gentlewoman came to the place where Arthur Erskine and the Captain of her Guard kept the horses, and so rode her way behind Arthur Erskine until she came to Seton. There she took a horse to herself and rode to Dunbar Castle, where Huntley, Bothwell, and others resorted unto her. The Lords being thus disappointed, sent the next day Lord Sempill with a request to fulfil her promise, to sign the bill for their security. He was deferred two or three days, until divers of the Lords (of whom the Earl of Glencairn was the first, Earl Rothes next, and some others) by secret means had got their remission and were fully restored, who, breaking from the rest, as their force diminished, her Grace's increased, and where before they were able at the least to have defended themselves, they were fain to seek their own safety.
The slow coming of the Earl of Argyle was a great impediment, who being not yet come to Edinburgh, raised a doubt lest he should follow Glencairn and Rothes. Morton and Ruthven finding themselves left by the King, and seeing others fall from them (saving Murray and such as were of the last enterprise) thought best to provide for themselves, and so took their way to places of safety. The Earl of Argyle being come to Lithgow was joined by Murray. About the time the Lords left Edinburgh, the Queen departed from Dunbar towards it. She entered the town, about 3,000 persons, all men being commanded to attend upon her. She lodgeth not in the Abbey, but in a house in the High Street, and yesterday removed to one nearer the Castle and larger. The day after her arrival she sent the parson of Flyske to Lithgow, with conditions to Argyle, Murray, and the rest, which they have accepted. The King hath utterly forsaken them, and protested before the Council that he was not consenting to the death of David, and that it was sore against his will. The next day public declaration was made at the Market Cross at Edinburgh (the 21st inst.) against the Lords, declaring the King's innocence in the matter.
As many as were at this act, or of counsel, are summoned to underlie the law upon Friday next. Morton, Ruthven, his son, and Andrew Car are out of the country. Lindsay is either with Argyle or within Lord Athol's bounds, where also, it is said, Liddington is, of whom we hear that he hath accepted, a charge from the Queen to enter himself prisoner in Inverness. He was participant of this last counsel, discovered by the King himself.
Drumlanrig is in Edinburgh Castle, a son of his in the Blackness, the Laird of Wetherborne, a Hume of good living, in Dunbar, now in Bothwell's keeping, who has entered into Liddington's lands. The parson of Flysk [James Balfour] is made Clerk Register : where he himself is we know not; his wife put out of the house, and it spoiled, given in prey to the soldiers. Divers of the town, honest men, committed to prison, and divers escaped. The Queen hath caused a “bande” to be made that all men that are friends to any of those that were privy to David's death shall subscribe to pursue and apprehend them.
Of the great substance he had there is much spoken. Some say in gold to the value of 2,000l. sterling. His apparel was very good; as it is said, 18 pairs of velvet hose. His chamber well furnished; armour, daggs, pistoletts, harquebusses, 22 swords. Of all this nothing spoiled nor lacking, saving two or three daggs. He had the custody of all the Queen's letters, which all were delivered unlooked upon. We hear of a jewel he had hanging about his neck of some price, that cannot be heard of. He had upon his back, when he was slain, a night-gown of damask furred, with a satin doublet, and hose of russet velvet.
The Earl of Morton arrived here upon Monday last, and with him George. Douglas. His Lordship and Ruthven have both written to the Council, being advised thereunto by Murray. The Earl of Lennox is commanded from the Court, in what sort or whither we know not. Ruthven is very sick and keeps his bed.—Berwick, 27 March 1566.
Modern copy, endorsed :—Transcribed from a MS. copy in possession of the Rt. Honourable the Lord Viscount Royston. [The original is among the Cottonian MSS. (Caligula, B. x., fo. 384), and is printed, in extenso, in Wright's Queen Elizabeth and her Times, vol. i., pp. 226–235. The abstract given above has been collated with the original, and variations from the Royston Transcript are noted in italics.]
10 pp.
1106. Cornelius de Alneto to the Queen.
1566, March 28. Prays the Queen to have pity on himself, his wife, and family, that they may be all restored to liberty; so that he may gird himself up and complete the work without suspicion of deceit or fraud. Asks the Queen to inquire into the deceit of that crafty accuser and his own in order to test which is the deceitful one.—“Dicebate anno 1566, 29 Martii.”
No signature.
Endorsed by Cecil :—28 March 1566.—Corn. d'Alneto to the Q. Maty in excuse of him concerning Montagna the Spaniard.
Latin. 1 p.
1107. Inventory.
1565/6, March 31. 1. Inventory of jewels, plate, and clothes (belonging to the late Marchioness of Northampton ?) with the names of the persons to whom they were bequeathed, including “the Queen,” “Lord and Lady Cobham,” “my brother George Cobham,” “my brother Harry Cobham,” and others.
2. A corrected copy of the foregoing, together with a list of bequests of money and of debts (?) is appended.
6 pp.
1108. Alexander Citolini to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1566, April 15. When Mundt arrives, he will depart. Beseeches Cecil to aid him in obtaining a letter from the Queen to the Archduke Charles, to enable him, an exile, to live within the dominions of the Archduke, not far from his own country.—Augsburg, 15 April 1566.
1 p.
1109. The Queen's Marriage.
1566, April. (1). Notes in Cecil's hand endorsed : “De matrimonio Reginæ Angliæ cum extero Principe, April 1566,” being “reasons to move the Queen to accept Charles” [the Archduke] and “reasons against the E. of L——” [Leicester].
2 pp. [Haynes, p. 444. In extenso.]
(2). Also, a table of the necessary points to be considered in the Queen's marriage and of the merits of the two suitors, the Archduke Charles and the Earl of Leicester. “Nuptiæ carnales a lætitiâ incipiunt et in luctu terminantur;” “the proof his former wife,” is Cecil's note under the head “In likelihood to love his wife,” with reference to the Earl's qualification on this score.
1 p. [Froude, Vol. VII, p. 283, ed. 1863. In extenso.]
1110. Cornelius de Alneto to the Queen and her Council.
[1566, April]. Detailing matters relating to money transactions between himself and the Lady Cecilia, for the satisfaction of her debts. Prays the Queen and her Council to hear the truth and judge between him and his adversaries. Latin.
9 pp.
1111. The Merchant Adventurers.
1566, June 6. Petition from the Merchants Adventurers to the Council against certain articles of the Treaty at Bruges respecting the tolls to be levied by the Low Countries, &c.
Endorsed by Cecil :—“6 June 1566. Merchants Adventurers.”
1112. Sir Wm. Cecil to Christopher Rooksby.
1566, June 16. Thinking at first, that lack and debt had driveu him out of his country, did much pity his case, but having since heard out of Scotland of his dealings with the Queen there in other great matters, is sorry that he bestows his time so fondly; warns him therefore not to run on headlong to his own destruction. Advises him to use his acquaintance in Scotland to the contentation of the Queen's Majesty, and requires him to let Mr. Killigrew understand his mind by some writing, what way he will take to serve the Queen and to purchase pardon and help.—Greenwich, 16 June 1566.
Copy. 2¾ p. [Haynes, p. 445. In extenso.]
1113. Thomas Randolphe to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1566, June 17. His friends yonder complain that intelligence which he has sent from Scotland (as they think to the Queen) is returned back unto their Queen by word and writing. They know that this cometh from the Queen's own mouth, who, when Melvin [Robert Melvill] was there, left very little untold unto him of all Randolphe had written; and now of late hath made him privy to certain things written in cipher which concern the Earls of Argyle and Murray, as though they would boast the Queen's Majesty, upon which occasion Her Majesty called them rebels, pretending reformation of religion. This is come to their ears, and they are sorry that Her Majesty should so think of them. They think he has dealt very unadvisedly and uncircumspectly in not looking more to their safety, and esteem themselves happy if Her Majesty have not had the like talk with others than Melvin Yesterday they sent a special message that they think it good that Her Majesty should be dealt with herein; but this he leaves to Cecil's better judgment. They have willed him to advertise Cecil that Robert Melvin has written to the Queen his mistress that he hath spoken with Lascelles, and that he doth assure her that the Papists are ready to rise in England, when she will have them; and that Rokesby and Chambly [Cholmeley] do assure her of the same. Begs Cecil to handle this communication with discretion and wisdom, trusting that hereafter he shall rather be friendly warned of what Cecil shall judge amiss, than hastily be condemned upon whatsoever accusation.—Berwick, 17 June 1566.]
Addressed :—“To Mr. Secretarie selfe, and onlie for himselfe.”
3 pp. [Haynes, p. 447. In extenso.]
1114. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham (Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports).
1566, June 25. Thanks him for Mr. Barty's letters, which he returns. For the matter of his Lordship's debt, is sorry that presently he can do no more good therein. Thinks his Lordship's presence should best relieve him at Her Majesty's hands. Desires to be commended to my lady, “who I think doth recreate herself to be able to follow the progress.” The Queen intends to be at supper with the Earl of Sussex on Monday.—Greenwich, 25 June 1566.
Seal with Arms, dated 1560. ½ p.
Modern copy of the preceding.
1115. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1566, June 29. “I am very sorry that it is out of my power to ease your Lordship from the unpleasant calling upon you for your debt; but I see, where your Lordship is not presently able, no remedy but to bear with you. What I can your Lordship shall be sure of, or else I wish no good to myself. But I am most sorry for to understand of your sickness . . . . pain in your head, which must not be increased by too much musing of this troublesome age and time. And so I end, with my humble commendations.—29 Junii 1566.”
¾ p.
Modern copy of preceding.
1116. Christopher Rooksby to Sir Wm. Cecil.
[1566, June]. Writes the whole circumstance of things done when he was in Scotland. Mr. Weddereld, of Lincoln's Inn, having a writ of execution against him, he determined to escape into Scotland, and in his way from York he lodged with Mr. Lascelles, brother to his wife. Lascelles declared to him the pedigree of the Queen of Scots' title to the crown of England, and said that he and James Melvyn had travailed in that matter a year before, and so wrote a letter to the Queen of Scots in his favour. Thence he passed forward to Tynmouth to Sir Henry Percy for his advice, who said, if Lascelles were a dealer in such causes, they would not prove well, but thought it good he (Rooksby) should devise means to get any secret intelligence, which being conveyed to the Secretary of England, might benefit him. So he came to Edinburgh, where he sent for Melvyn, and gave him the letter to the Queen. The next evening after ten o'clock he was sent for in a secret manner to speak to the Queen; and being carried into a little closet in Edinburgh Castle, the Queen came to him, and asked him many questions about the Court of England, but being very late the Queen said she would next day confer with him in other causes. The next night he was brought to the same place, where the Queen came to him; she sitting down on a little coffer without a cushion, and he kneeling beside. She began to talk of Father Lascelles and how he had travailed to get her a true pedigree of her title to the crown of England; also how she trusted to find many friends in England, when time did serve, especially among those of the old religion, which she meant to restore, and thereby win the hearts of the common people. Besides this she practised to have two of the worshipful of every shire of England, of her religion, to be made her friends. She had written a number of letters with blank superscriptions to Lascelles for this purpose, and had received friendly letters from Sir Thomas Stanley, Herbert, and Darcy with the crooked back. Thus she meant to stir up war in Ireland to keep England occupied, and then march her army into England and proclaim herself Queen. Foreign aid had been promised her. She further said that “the soothsayers tells us that the Queen of England shall not live three years;” and if she let her sister be in rest for her time, she would be content that she should have it after, and had rather come to it with quietness than otherwise. She then willed him to confer further with Lord Bothwell. Thus having won himself into credit, he sent intelligence to Percy, and then Mr. Killigrew came to Edinburgh, with whom he had secret conference, who desired him to put the matter in writing. And so he did, but before he could get it to Killigrew, his chamber was searched, and all his writings taken to the Queen, and he brought before the Council, and asked how he came to the knowledge of such matters, whereupon they declared he dealt with some familiar, as none of them knew of the conference with the Queen. So was he sent to Spain Castle, and there remained a prisoner a year and three-quarters.
21/8 pp. [Haynes, p. 445. In extenso.]
1117. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1566, July 20. “I am not able presently to write that I would. The order written for payment of the debt to the Queen's Majesty is general to all, and out of my power to remedy; but I think surely her Majesty will have some better consideration. I trust I shall not be troubled with the Scottish journey. Weston is come with letters, only to declare the cause of my cousin Dannell's stay at Vienna by reason of the Archduke's sickness of the small-pox. The person of the Archduke is very well set forth by my cousin Dannell. And so amid the carts in time of remove, I take my leave of your Lordship and my good Lady—20 Julii 1566.”
1 p.
Modern copy of preceding.
1118. The Chancellor, &c., of the University of Oxford to the Queen.
[1566], Oct. 12. Praying for a confirmation of their ancient privileges.—Oxford, 4 Id. Octob.
Latin. 1 p.
1119. Thomas Champneys to the Queen.
1566, Nov. 3. “According to the protestation of my first letter, and following my duty therein mentioned of sending advertisements to your highness, as the on[ly] service in mine absence I am able to do your Majesty, and calling [to] mind the late voyage of one Jenkinson, who took upon [him] the discovery of the Cathaia, whose travail, as I am ad[vertised] hath been to small effect; it may like your Majesty to understand that I have happened upon the acquaintance of a gentleman, who hath great experience of all those countries, and himself hath been with the Tartar in person. He is a man both discreet and of good years, and such a one as the late Emperor Charles, in the time of his great wars against the Turk, sent him with ambassage to the Sophy, who besides the great rewards and presents of the King of Persia, . . . . . in recompense of that service, hath given him 300 crowns a year during [his] life here in Naples. He hath the language very perfectly, and hath great practice with Monte Caspio. He hath declared unto me the great abundance of treasure and riches that is in that country, as gold and silver infinite, and there of small estimation, great plenty of precious stones, and excellent pearls, fine furs of gebellin, sables, martens, lucerns, and of all other sorts, great quantity of silk, of rhubarb . . . . . abundance, and there worth little or nothing, great [store] of spice of all sorts, saving pepper, rich tapestries for ha[nging] of gold and silver very excellently wrought, and little esteemed. They have no cloth in the country, nor knoweth the way to make it, and, for lack thereof, the common people doth wear a kind of vile cloth, made of goats' hair, and such like. English cloth shall be there more esteemed than their gold or silver. The yearly traffic and treasure shall be more worth to your Majesty than either king Philip's or the Portugal's Indians. These things considered, first, my duty to your Majesty, and next, the benefit and service of my country, considering what a great adventure it should be (not only in hasarding of ships, besides the expenses of a great mass of money), the length of the voyage and way not certain, the capes and harbours undiscovered, the dangers of the coasts likewise unknown, but also the ruin and loss of such your subjects, as should take the travel in hand, and in the end they both, voyage and country, unachieved; I thought I could do no way so well, at least until I had advertised your Majesty, as to practise with this gentleman to take upon him once again the travel for your highness, who by much conversation, with great entreaty, and many fair promises made, with recompense . . . . so won him, that he is fully resolved not only to hasard his person (which he declareth shall be oftentimes [in] great peril), but also to lose his pension of 300 crowns a year here in Naples, and to be wholly at your Majesty's commandment, not doubting (but if God shall send him life to return) so to practise with the great Khan himself, that not only the country discovered both by sea and land, and which way your navigation may be brought thither, but also to conclude a traffic between the Khan and you, whereby your Majesty shall have the commodity of all his country. The Portugals have sought great means to attain the said country of Cathaia, but he may not pass his Molucas for the infinite number of Islands, and also a great Cape which is very dangerous to cut, besides there may none come to his country, without his license, upon pain of losing his life, and all his goods confiscate. Wherefore, pleaseth it your Majesty to signify unto me what your pleasure may be to command in the premises; according to my bounden duty I am and shall be ready to the uttermost of my small power to accomplish the same; most humbly beseeching your highness for expedition of answer, whereby this gentleman may find no fault through delay of mine . . . . and withal doth make his humble intercession, that . . . . . be no way discovered, for if it be, he is sure not to return alive, for this will be an utter undoing to all the traffic of the Levant Seas. He doth promise, if God grant him life, to return to your Majesty with answer within fifteen months thereafter the beginning of his travail.”—Naples, 3 November 1566.
3 pp.
1120. The Queen to the House of Commons.
1566, Nov. 26. The Queen's Majesty hearing that one of this House, named James Dalton, did on Friday last, in declaring his misliking of a certain infamous book lately printed in Paris, enter into certain speeches concerning the right and title of succession of this crown, and therein to abase the estate of the Queen of Scots, with whom Her Majesty is in amity. Forasmuch as Her Majesty perceiveth it unmeet and dangerous, for any person of his own head, to set forth or abase any particular title of this crown, and that the said Dalton hath answered that he did not speak to that effect, but did make mention of the Queen of Scots and specially of the Prince of Scotland, whereby he suspected that some might mistake his speech; wherefore Her Majesty meaning herein to have the question demanded of the House whether he did use any such assertion as is above mentioned, or no.
Endorsed :—“26 Nov. 1566.”
Minute in Cecil's hand. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 449. In extenso.]
1121. Sir W. Cordell (Master of the Rolls) to Sir W. Cecil.
1566, Nov. 29. Has this night shown to Mr. Monson and Mr. Bell the notes of the resolution in Parliament, to which Mr. Monson at first objected that it would appear from them that the Commons granted more than Her Majesty wished to receive, but in the end seemed well satisfied therewith.
Accordingly both they and himself will wait upon Cecil on the morrow.—From the Rolls, 29 November 1566.
¾ p.
Modern copy of preceding.
1122. Office of the Ordnance.
1566, Dec. 31. Debts due to the Office of the Ordnance, with a petition from Sibelle Randolf, widow of Edward Randolf, late Lieutenant of the Ordnance.
Two papers, damaged. 2 pp.
1123. Trade with the Low Countries.
[1566]. “Certain articles for the intercourse for the City of London, required by the Commissioners of the Low Countries.” The articles are numbered 12 to 23, and are headed :—“These are exhibited by the adverse parties, but not allowed.”
Much decayed. Latin. 2½ pp.
1124. Cipher.
[1566 ?]. “A cipher of Rooks sent by Sir Henry Percy to Sir W. Cecil, temp. Eliz.”
1 sheet.
Modern copy of the preceding.
[The above title is on the copy only; the outer sheet of the original, containing address and endorsement, having disappeared since the copy was made.]
1125. Munitions sent to Jersey.
[1566 ?]. An account of all the munition sent to Jersey since the first year of the reign of Elizabeth.
5 pp.
1126. Jersey.
[1566 ?]. Extracts from the accounts of Sir Amyas Poulett, son, heir, and executor to Sir Hugh Poulett, late Governor of Jersey, from the 21st January, 3 Edw. VI. to the 1st August, 9 Eliz., viz., for the space of 17 years and a half.
1 p.


  • 1. Query, Henry Stanley, Lord Strange.
  • 2. The pen is struck through this portion (from “blamed” to “farewell”), and a note in the margin runs :—“It is our parts rather to pass this matter with silence than to make any such rehearsal of things committed unto us in secret, but we know to whom we write, and leave all things to your wisdoms”
  • 3. See State Papers, Domestic, Eliz., Vol. 44, No. 7.