|
|
The Duke of Norfolk to Sir William Cecil. |
|
[1560,] June 12. |
He had prevented Cecil's request for
staying the French at Alnwick. There is no cause why they
should go into Scotland, and hurt may come thereof. "As
ever the Divell is busye to cast bones," so Cecil may perceive
by Lord Grey's letter enclosed that he has not been unoccupied
among the Lords of the Congregation. They are over-hasty
to strive for the government before the French were expelled.
If Alnwick guests might enter, they would be well contented
to become partakers either of the one side or the other, whereby
they might make a division among themselves, and then they
would soon hope to bring their conquest to pass. Has written
wishing Lord Grey to stand upright, qualifying all parts;
also to the Laird of Lydington what hurt might come by
such a strife.
[D. of Norfolk's Entry Book, f. 27.] (138. 39.) |
|
The Hanse Towns. |
|
[1560, June 27.] |
Grant of traffic to the Hanse towns.—
Undated.
Latin. 3 pp. (247. 31.)
English translation of above, endorsed by Cecil, 27 June,
1560.
2½ pp. (247. 37.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
[1560, June 27.] |
Means of agreement propounded by the
Hanse Commissioners.—Undated.
Latin. Endorsed by Cecil: 27 June, 1560. 3½ pp.
(247. 33.)
Another copy.
(247. 117.) |
|
Adolph, Duke of Holstein, to the Queen. |
|
1560, June 29. |
When on his travels heard from Lord
Hunsdon that his robes as a Knight of the Garter had been
made by her Highness's order. Is sending one of his servants
with Lord Hunsdon to fetch them.—"Datum in Cautelberg
in die Petri et Pauli. Anno MDLX."
Holograph. 1 p. Latin. (147. 15.) |
|
The Hanseatic Orators to the English
Commissioners. |
|
1560, July 27. |
We have received on different dates two
writings from your Highnesses, one purporting to be a reply
to the Articles previously set forth by us, and the other entitled
"Moderatio in Commercio inclitae Societatis Hanse." We
have read these more than once, and can only state that some
of the proposals contained in them are impossible (intolerabilia)
and calculated to destroy all commercial intercourse between
the subjects of the respective States. We think a consideration
of our history will cause you to relax somewhat on these points.
The utility of the long friendship between the English Kings
and our Confederation was expressly acknowledged by
Edward IV. Differences had been settled satisfactorily by
the grants of new privileges or the clearer definition of old
ones. Relations of the Hanseatic merchants with England
from the time of Edward III and privileges obtained by them
in the country. |
|
But our conflict with Edward IV was bitterer than all,
and at one time appeared impossible of settlement save by the
sword. Its occasion was two fold. In the course of the contest
between Henry VI and Edward IV for the crown of England,
seventy merchant vessels with cargoes of great value were
forcibly taken from our government, though not at war with
either King. Forty-four were seized by one Robert Chain,
an Englishman, nineteen others by the Earl of Warwick,
and seven from Norway by a captain called Ross. These
seizures were admitted in Parliament and the value estimated
at two hundred thousand pounds. |
|
The second occasion arose in 1468. Some men of Lynn,
contrary to a recent treaty between Denmark and England,
had sailed to Iceland, where, after murdering their commander,
they had plundered the accumulated royal tribute and wasted
a good part of the Island with fire and sword. The matter
was reported to Christiern, King of Denmark, and shortly
afterwards some ships from Lynn laden with goods were
stayed by his order at the entrance to the Sound. Diplomatic
correspondence between the two Kings remained without
effect. The people of Lynn accused the Hanse merchants,
in London, of having got the ships detained and the King
decided to grant reprisals against all the Hanse confederation
except Cologne. Fighting went on by land and sea for three
years, with considerable display of courage and an equal
amount of pecuniary loss. At last the Duke of Burgundy
and other Princes intervened, and the restoration of peace
was begun to be attempted at Treves (in civitate Trajectensi). |
|
Our Government demanded the restitution of the seventy
ships, or their price, with compensation for injuries inflicted,
merchants imprisoned, contracts delayed and privileges
infringed. The English King approved of peace, but could
not pay the amount of the damages, although that amount
was not in dispute, having been admitted in public Parliament.
After some delay peace was concluded on the following conditions. The King was to confirm our previous privileges,
adding new ones agreed to at Treves (Trajecta). He was to
make over to our Society the Court of the Steelyard at London
and two other Courts at Boston and Lynn respectively. To
make good losses from privateers, our merchants were to be
exempt from custom up to the amount of ten thousand pounds.
After this treaty trade sprang up afresh. |
|
Tranquility lasted till the time of Edward VI, if we do not
reckon the slight disputes which arose in the fifth year of
Henry VII, resulting in a pronouncement by a convention
at Antwerp against strained interpretations of documents.
Under the last named King's successor, in the twenty-first
and twenty-second years of his reign, conferences at Bruges
had their wonted happy result. The King, on the matter
then in question being faithfully referred to him by Thomas
More and his colleagues, expressed his will that our rights
should not be disturbed, and seldom afterwards did the traducer
of a Hanse merchant gain aught save the dismissal of his case
and a sound rating. The slight difference which arose shortly
before the death of that Prince of great hopes, Edward VI,
was settled at the beginning of the reign of the Lady Mary,
and there was no hint of our being hampered in our liberties
till it was falsely suggested to the Lords of the Council that
our merchants had not observed that moderation in regard
to the market at Antwerp which our delegates had verbally
promised. Such was the origin of the present controversy,
a worthy occasion forsooth for destroying a friendship cemented
by the mutual services of three centuries. |
|
In fact until now every difference has been settled either
by the favour of royalty, the mediation of justice or the decision
of a Convention. |
|
Your Highnesses will observe, moreover, the venerable
antiquity of our privileges, especially that of express exemption
from the greater customs. In the concord of Treves we
forgave great injuries in return for the perpetuation of our
privileges. Reason, equity and justice alike demand that
England should keep the promises made to our League by
three centuries of her Kings. |
|
Detailed Replies to the English Commissioners'
Amendments. |
|
Reply to Chapter I. |
|
The privileges apply only to members of the Teutonic
Hanse residing in the House at London which is commonly
called the "Guildehalla Teutonicorum." The expression
used in all the documents is "habentes," not "inhabitantes,"
"Guildehallam." The ownership of the Guildhall is vested
in the Society as a whole, not in the particular agents or
representatives who have been sent from time to time to do
business in England. The Guildhall, though an excellent
promenade, would make a very poor residence. The Court
of the Steelyard was first acquired by us at the Convention
of Treves. |
|
Your Highnesses also press for a list of our membership.
Although we have privileges in France, Denmark, Norway,
Sweden, the Belgian provinces and elsewhere, no other
government has ever made such a request. Our powers do
not enable us to comply with it, but we will forward it home
if the Queen so wishes. |
|
The Statutes of our Society are specially aimed against
fraudulent pretence of membership. No one is admitted to
any market in this emporium unless he is furnished with a
certificate from the authorities of a chief city (primariae
civitatis) near his native place that he is a Hanseatic, and
that his merchandise has no part or lot with strangers. |
|
We think this method preferable to the testimonial under
the seal of Lubeck, on which your Highnesses would insist. |
|
Your Highnesses have been misinformed as regards the
Alderman of London appointed to see that these and other
regulations were kept. From the 8th Article of Edward I's
grant of privileges, it appears that a faithful and discreet citizen
of London is to be assigned to us as a Justice, before whom
we may be able to have our cases tried and to exact
our debts, if the Sheriffs and Mayors afford us not speedy
justice. So far from objecting to such Alderman, we hope
that a happy settlement of this strife will afford us an early
opportunity of electing one afresh. |
|
Reply to Chapter II. |
|
It is stated to be proved from your archives that the governors
of the Society of the Hanse appeared to a citation and proved
their privileges regarding such merchandize only as came
from the realm of Germany. These circumstances are unknown
to us. We find no word of them in the Regesta of our Government. Probably the person who appeared was the Alderman
of our Court of the Steelyard. If he successfully defended
a portion of our privileges we ought not to suffer thereby.
The remainder of this chapter comprises the answers to
these four articles. |
|
(i.) On the strength of their privileges the merchants of the
Hanse can only import their native products. |
|
(ii.) Vice-versa, they can take away lawful exports from
England, but only to their own country. |
|
(iii.) Goods exported may not be retailed at Antwerp or
in lower Germany. |
|
(iiii.) We may import and export whence and whither we
will, but on paying the same impost as other foreign merchants. |
|
Reply to Chapter III. |
|
It has been fully shown that the Hanseatic merchants
have never paid any custom as aliens or otherwise than
according to their privileges. With regard to her Majesty's
declaration that we should pay the same customs as subjects,
we are ready to come to a fair agreement with your Highnesses.
The restriction at the end of the chapter in its present wording
is, however, too narrow. |
|
Reply to Chapter IV. |
|
The facts are plain. Every goodman who has traded in
London at Blackwall hall knows that our merchants have
always without question freely traded with anybody within
the liberty of London, until about four or five years ago,
when the point was raised and decided in our favour by the
Lords of the Council without waiting to hear the witnesses
whom I, Henry Suderman, being in charge of the matter, had
brought to Greenwich. Any contrary privileges of the citizens
of London are barred, if of earlier date than our privileges
by the terms of the Concord of Treves, if of later date, by
the 9th Article of Edward I's grant. As much was admitted
by the Londoners in 15 Edward IV. |
|
Reply to Chapter V. |
|
True it is that the merchants of our society must satisfy
the claims of justice in a lawful court, but such lawful court
may be special by privilege. Our men apply to the Chancery,
but not to the Exchequer, and are exempt altogether from
the Admiralty jurisdiction. |
|
Considerations Regarding a few Articles of the Former
Despatch. |
|
The Lord Mayor in his reply to our fifth article denies that
he has contravened any heads of our agreements. Why, then,
has not the money annually tendered under agreement to
him and to the Sheriffs been accepted? Why, also, are our
merchants prevented from trading freely within the liberty
of London?
Our merchants have never refused to repair the gate called
Bishopsgate. |
|
The men of Cologne are entitled to the advantages of the
Concord of Treves, having been re-admitted to their full share
of privileges two years after it was made. |
|
Our sailors are frequently mentioned in the grants of
privileges. If, therefore, they are capable of sharing in our
privileges, and our privilege exempts us from the percentage
of salt (quota salis), our sailors ought to be exempt from the
same. As a fact it cannot be shown that our sailors have ever
paid the percentage hitherto. |
|
We welcome royal officers whose function it is to prevent
frauds on the royal revenue. But we do object to the Packer,
who is seldom at hand when wanted owing to being overwhelmed with business. We pray your Highnesses that we
may be free of him in accordance with our ancient privileges,
but we should not object to the appointment of a sworn officer
peculiar to our house, to be paid so much per cloth for
superintending the binding up of bales and preventing the
possibility of fraud. His duties would thus resemble the
Packer's. |
|
Of course the Queen may make new Statutes. But her
royal predecessors for their heirs as well as for themselves,
with the consent of Parliament, have renounced that
prerogative as against the merchants and men of the federated
society of the Hanse. It is only fair then that her present
Majesty should admit the same exception in their favour
as her predecessors have done into statutes otherwise general
for her people and realm. |
|
Lastly, as regards the point mentioned at the end in both
despatches, that English claims to privilege have been
disallowed at Dantzic (Gedanum) and at other places in Prussia.
We reply that the men not only of Dantzic but of all our other
cities will be ready to pay all honour and goodwill as between
friends to English subjects, and to allow them all privileges
which they have been wont to enjoy. If her Majesty's subjects
believe that they really have the right of trading at Dantzic
with all and sundry, let them put the matter to the touch
trial, and show that they have ever had even the vestige of
such a privilege, which the men of Dantzic think the English
cannot do. We have never had such a privilege, though in
the same league as the people of Dantzic. The latter, however,
confidently assert that they have always shewn courtesy to
Englishmen and that no just cause of complaint against them
shall ever arise in the future.
We apologise for being so lengthy.
27½ pp. Latin. (207. 10.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
[1560, July 31.] |
Agreement of the Hanse Commissioners
to sundry of her Majesty's demands.—Undated.
Latin. Endorsed by Cecil: 31 July, 2 Elizabeth. 1½ pp.
(247. 43.) |
|
The Hanse Towns. |
|
[1560, July 31.] |
The orators of the Hanse protest with
the consent of the Queen's orators that in drawing up at the
Queen's request the following list of Hanse cities and places,
they do not renounce a wider designation of their dominions
or prejudice their rights in any way. |
|
Wandalicæ: |
|
Lubeca, Hamburga, Rostochium, Wismaria, Straelsundt,
Lunenburga. |
|
Pomeranicæ: |
|
Stettin, Ancklem, Golnaw, Gripswolda, Colberg, Stargard,
Stolp, Rugewolda. |
|
Prütenicæ: |
|
Gedanum, Colmar, Thorn, Elbingen, Koningsberg, Braunsperg with the whole of Prussia. |
|
Livonicæ: |
|
Riga, Dorpt, Revel. |
|
Saxonicæ: |
|
Magdeburga, Braunschwiga, Goslaria, Embeck, Gotting,
Hildesbaim, Hannoveren, Ulsen, Buxtebuden, Staden, Bremen,
Hamelen, Minden. |
|
Westphalicæ: |
|
Monasterium, Osnabruga, Tremonia, Susatum, Herfordia,
Padelbornum, Lembgáw, Bilefeld, Lippa, Cosfeldia. |
|
Rhenanæ, Clivenses and Marchenses: |
|
Colonia, Wesalia, Duisbergum, Embrica, Warburg, Vuna,
Ham. |
|
Geldricæ: |
|
Noviomaghum, Zutphania, Ruremunda, Arnemia, Venlo,
Elburgum, Harderwich. |
|
Transissalanæ: |
|
Daventria, Swollis, Campen. |
|
Phrisicæ: |
|
Groninga, Stavern, Bolswerde.
The following are the names of the dismembered States:— |
|
Stendel, Soldwedel, Berlin, Brandenburga, Franckofordia
ad Oderam, Vratislauia, Hall, Aschersleben, Quedelenburg,
Halberstadt, Helmstedt, Kÿll and Northeim.
Endorsed by Cecil: 31 July. Latin. 2½ pp. (247. 44.) |
|
The Hanse Merchants. |
|
[1560, Aug. 3.] |
Articles concerning the new privileges of
the Hanses, sent by Mr. Wotton to the Court. Signed: N.
Bacon, Winchester, William Petre, and N. Wotton.—Undated.
Contemporary copy. Endorsed: 3 August, 1560. 1 sheet.
(247. 47.) |
|
The Hanse Merchants. |
|
[1560, Aug. 5.] |
Articles of agreement propounded from
her Majesty to the Hanses.—Undated.
Latin. Endorsed by Cecil: 5 August, 1560. 2½ pp.
(247. 48.)
Another copy.
2½ pp. (247. 100.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
1560, Aug. 6. |
Articles of agreement propounded by the
Hanse Commissioners to the Council.—Undated.
Latin. Endorsed by Cecil: 6 August, 1560. 5 pp. (247. 52.)
Another copy.
(247. 102.) |
|
Sir Nicholas Bacon to [Sir William Cecil]. |
|
1560, Aug. 6. |
Details proceedings with the Hanse Commissioners.—Endorsed by Cecil: 6 August, 1560.
Holograph. 1 p. (247. 105.) |
|
Sir Nicholas Bacon, the Marquis of Winchester, Sir
William Petre and N. Wotton (Commissioners) to
the Queen. |
|
1560, Aug. 6. |
Detailing their negociations with the Hanse
Commissioners.—London, 6 August, 1560.
Signatures. 2 pp. (247. 106.)
Contemporary copies.
(247. 51.) and (247. 98.) |
|
The Same to Sir William Cecil. |
|
1560, Aug. 6. |
On the same subject.—London, 6 August,
1560.
Signatures. 1 p. (247. 107.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
[1560, Aug. 7.] |
A censure made upon the articles delivered
by the Hanse Commissioners, by conference with the former
articles delivered by the Queen's Commissioners.—Undated.
Endorsed by Cecil: 7 August. 1½ pp. (247. 57.) |
|
The Privy Council to the Commissioners appointed to treat
with the Hanse Ambassadors. |
|
1560, Aug. 7. |
Her Majesty grants the Ambassadors two
months delay in which to consider the articles last propounded
by her. If not accepted, she will then be at liberty in like
manner as before this treaty. Signed by W. North, Arrundell,
W. Howard, T. Parrye, E. Clynton and W. Cecyll.—Farnham,
7 August, 1560.
Contemporary copy. 1 p. (247. 58.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
1560, Aug. 8. |
Answer of the Queen's Commissioners to
the Hanse Commissioners.—8 August, 1560.
Draft. Latin. Note at foot by W. Petre. 2 pp. (247. 60.)
Another copy.
(247. 121.) |
|
The Hanse Commissioners. |
|
[1560, Aug. 8.] |
Answer of the Hanse Commissioners to the
Queen's Commissioners.—Undated.
Contemporary copy. Latin. Noted by Cecil: 8 August,
1560. 1½ pp. (247. 62.)
Another copy.
(247. 115.) |
|
Sir Nicholas Bacon, C.S., the Marquis of Winchester,
Sir William Petre and N. Wotton (Commissioners)
to [the Privy Council]. |
|
[1560,] Aug. 8. |
Detailing their proceedings with the Hanse
Ambassadors and enclosing further articles from them.—
London, 8 August.
Signed as above. 1½ pp. (247. 111.)
Contemporary copy.
2 pp. (247. 59.) |
|
Sir William Petre to Sir William Cecil. |
|
1560, Aug. 8. |
As to negociations with the Hanse Commissioners.—London, 8 August, 1560.
Holograph. 1 p. (247. 112.) |
|
The Steelyard. |
|
1560, Aug. 17. |
A declaration of the order taken with the
aldermen and merchants of the Stillyard for their shipping
and customs from the time of the agreement made with their
Ambassadors.—17 August, 1560.
2 pp. (247. 63.) |
|
Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, to the Queen. |
|
1560, Aug. 21. |
Has been prevented before from writing
that he has been with his brother, the King of Denmark, for
some days. Has spoken to him, as of his own motion of
an alliance between the two kingdoms, and is to have his
reply in a few days. Cannot conceal that he heard from his
brother that the King designate of Sweden had applied to him
for a safe conduct through the Sound in order to sail to England
to carry out the contract of marriage he had entered into with
her Majesty. Cannot believe that this is true or that anyone
can be more bound to the Queen by duty or promise than her
Majesty's most devoted brother. If the Queen will deign to
write him again a few words, it will relieve the state of sadness
in which he has been since he left England.—"Datum in arce
nostra Suavestede xxj Augusti Annorum l.x. Vestræ S.
deditissimus frater, Adolphus Holsatiæ Dux."
Holograph. 2 pp. Latin. (147. 16.) |
|
Sir Nicholas Bacon and Sir William Cecil. |
|
[c. 1560.] |
"Slanders, lies and scoldings, maliciously, grossly
and impudently vomited and jangled out in certain traitorous
books and pamphlets, concerning two Councillors, Sir Nicholas
Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and Sir William Cecil,
principal Secretary to her Majesty."
Endorsed: "Extract from a curious MS., thought to be
composed by that able statesman, Sir William Cecil": about
1560. 2½ pp. Modern copy. (141. 26.) |
|
Kings of Portugal. |
|
1560. |
Genealogy of the Kings of Portugal, to Sebastian.
Endorsed by Cecil: 1560. In Cecil's hand. 1 p. (141. 36.) |
|
Sir William Pickering. |
|
1560. |
Letters patent, appointing days of payment of the
sum of 1,290l. 11s. 10d., due by Sir William Pickering to the
Queen, in connection with his mission to King Philip of Spain
to receive 3,000 Almaynes for Queen Mary's service in England.
Draft, corrected by Cecil. 7½ pp. (141. 243.) |
|
Officers of Army and Navy. |
|
[1560.] |
Rates of pay for various troops. The Duke of
Norfolk, Lieutenant-General in the North; Lord Gray,
Lieutenant of the Army; Lord Scrope, Marshal of the Field;
Lord Wharton, Counsellor Assistant; and other officers
named.—Undated.
Endorsed: 1560. 1½ pp. (239. 13a.) |
|
Bound up with the above is a list of "Captains for the
land": Sir Arthur Grey, Sir James Crofts, Sir Nicholas
Arnold and 60 others. Partly in Burghley's hand. Also
"the names of such as have served on the seas":—Sir William
Woodhous, Sir Peter Carewe, Sir John Parrotte, Sir Gawaine
Carewe and 35 others.—Undated.
2 pp. (239. 13b.) |
|
The Merchants of the Steelyard. |
|
1560. |
Cloths shipped by the merchants of the Stillyard
since they were first respited by a letter from the Council
for the payment of their custom.—1560.
1 sheet. (247. 64.) |
|
The Merchant Adventurers' Grievances. |
|
[1560.] |
Doleances of the Merchants Adventurers exhibited
against those of the Hanse.—Undated.
1½ pp. (247. 71.) |
|
The Hanse. |
|
[? 1560.] |
Note of petitions presented to Sir William Petre
by the Aldermen of the Stillyard, in the name of the Society
of the Dutch Hanse, remaining presently in London.—
Undated.
1 p. (247. 119.) |
|
Export of Wool. |
|
[? 1560 and 1561.] |
A series of papers relating to the export
trade in wool and the customs duty derived therefrom,
apparently arising in connexion with a proposal that the
"Queen's Majesty take into her hands the utterance of all
the wool that shall pass out of the realm," viz.:— |
|
(1) A paper endorsed in Cecil's handwriting "Staple
Matters," being notes of the various statutes relating to the
Staple in England.
1¼ pp. (139. 253.) |
|
(2) The reckoning of two thousand "serplers" of wools
and three hundred thousand "felles" as it was commonly
bought and sold in King Henry VIII's reign, during the time
of the intercourse, when the "angle" was at 7s. 6d. the piece,
and the exchange at 26s. 8d. Flemish for the pound sterling. |
|
Estimated gain on the sale of 267 sacks of Leinster wools
bought in England at 20s. the tod or 13l. the sack and packed
in 300 pockets (which is 100 serplers), 1,604l. |
|
Similar calculations are made for "Marche" wools,
"Cotsold" wools, Berkshire wools, Clyfte wools and fells,
the total gain being estimated at 17,881l. |
|
This value is esteemed after the rate as most commonly
the buying and selling was in those days. But most men
made a great deal better reckonings. It may well be reckoned
their gain in 2,000 serplers wool and 300,000 fells was not
under 25,000l. In the beginning of King Edward's reign
there was one time that generally all men sold at the full
price of the Staple according to the intercourse, for the
merchants strangers claiming the intercourse desired to have
all the wool in the Staple at the price. And a few of them
would have bought all. Wherefore the Company of the
Staple they took order and divided all the wool amongst them.
But to make any certain reckoning according to the full price of
the intercourse is not possible for me, for this 32 years that I
have known the Staple was the full price of the intercourse
never generally observed by all men but only at that time
above mentioned. |
|
Since that time as since the alteration of the moneys in
King Henry's time, in King Edward's time and so forth in
Queen Mary's time, their gains hath been much more: for
while the exchange was under 20s. Flemish the pound there
was great profit in the Staple. But the times were so uncertain
by reason of the often altering of the exchange that it is not
possible to make any reckoning thereof with any certainty
or truth.
Unsigned. Undated. Endorsed in Burghley's handwriting:
"Accompt of ijm. serplars accord. to ye. sale ao. H. 8." 2 pp.
(139. 254.) |
|
(3) Henry VIII, for seven years, granted to all strangers
exemption from paying more custom than Englishmen, wherefore I think that if the Queen would grant such a freedom to
the Venetians for ever they would give at least 100,000 lire
and the following advantages would ensue:—Wealthy
merchants would come from Venice, whereas now there are
only factors; if other nations followed the example of the
Venetians and wished to acquire the same freedom, the Queen
would draw therefrom at least 250,000 lire and the country
would be enriched as Venice, Lyons and Antwerp have been
by the like freedom; thirdly, the English, to have their
customs as before and not pay more than others, would disburse
a good sum of money.
Italian. 1 p. (139. 256.) |
|
(4) The merchants of the Staple of late time have brought
yearly to Calais 1,300 serplers of divers country wools or
thereabouts, weighing 3,600 sacks English weight more or less,
or 364lbs., the prince levying 40s. a sack for his custom. There
also go to the same Staple 400,000 fells on which the custom
is 2d. a fell.
[Particulars follow of other charges of the merchants for
packing and repacking, freight, etc.] |
|
There went out of England 120 sacks of Leinster wool at
13l. 10s. the sack; 650 sacks of March wool at 9l. the sack;
1,000 sacks of Cotswold wool at 8l.; 800 sacks of Berkshire
at 7l.; 150 sacks of young Cotswold at 6l. 6s. 8d.; 880 sacks
of Clifte wool at 5l. 4s. and 400,000 fells at 3l. 6s. 8d. the
hundred. |
|
The weight in England is so much more than the weight of
Calais. A sack of wool in England containeth 52 nails: at
Calais 90 nailes, every nail 4lb. and every pound 14 oz.: and
a naile in England is 7lb. and every lb. 16oz., so that 45
nailes in England made just a sack in Calais—whereupon
there is 7 nailes advantage in every sack. Item, there is
allowed to every buyer by the seller in every serpler 4 nailes
and 1 naile at the draught which maketh 5 nailes of the weight
of England. Item, there was allowed by the Prince's weigher
when the wool was customed 7 nailes of English weight in
every serpler and 1 naile in the draught, 8 nailes in all. Item,
every serpler was weighed at the King's beam in Calais after
good weight and the canvas that is about every serpler is sold
for wool, and weigheth 2 nailes after the weight of England
and is worth 10s. 8d., after 12l. a sack, the canvas costing 4s.,
and so is there gotten in every serpler 6s. 8d. Item, the
merchants did buy fells here in England by 6 score to
the hundred and at Calais sold 5 score to the hundred and the
price of every hundred one with another at Calais was 5l.
and here in England but 3l. 6s. 8d.
2½ pp. (139. 257.) |
|
(5) Information as to wool in England.
Weight.—7lb.: 1 naile; 2 nailes: 1 stone; "14lbs. or
2 stone" (sic): 1 todde; 13 todde: 1 sack. |
|
Sorts.—"Leinster" wool growing in Hertfordshire;
"Marche" in Shropshire and Staffordshire; "Cotswold" in
Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire; "Berks" in Berkshire,
Warwickshire and Buckinghamshire and in the west part of
Northamptonshire; "Keisten" and "Linsaye" in Lincoln,
Leicester, Rutland, Bedford and Huntingdonshires and in
the east part of Northamptonshire. |
|
Packing.—In "clothes" called "serplers" made of 13
ells of ell-broad canvas called "barras" canvas, in which are
put 40 toddes of wool commonly and 2 of those serplers is
carried for a todde. |
|
Charges.—For carriage, packing, freight, custom, etc.,
commonly about 5l. on the serpler or 33s. 4d. upon a pocket.
Weight of wools at Calais:—4 pound is a nail, and 90 nail
maketh a sack, Calais weight. |
|
Prices according to the intercourse with the Emperor.—Good
Leinster 33 marks the sack, middle Leinster 25 marks; good
Marche 26 marks, middle Marche 17½ marks; good Cots[wold] 20
marks, middle Cotswold 14½ marks; good Berks 18 marks, middle
Berks 13½ marks; good young Cootes 16 marks, middle young
Cootes 12½ marks; good Linsay 14½ marks, middle Linsay 11½
marks; good Kesten 13½ marks, middle Kestein 10½ marks. |
|
These prices they do not always sell for, but they do always
hope to receive our money after the table or 28s. Flemish for
our pound sterling table.
1 p. (139. 259.) |
|
(6) Calculations as to Cotswold wools.
(139. 260.) |
|
(7) "What advantage and profit it will be more to the Queen's
Majesty and the Common Weale of this realm by the taking
of the utterance of all the wools and fells into her own hands
that shall pass out of England, than it will be if the same be
letten out unto merchants."
1 p. (139. 261.) |
|
(8) "Causes moving me to deliver unto my Lord certain
articles and a reckoning touching wools and fells." |
|
When I heard that the charter of the Staple was taken to
be void by the loss of Calais, that the custom was raised upon
the merchants of the Staple and that a greater custom was
offered by others being no merchants of the Staple, it seemed
to me that neither the one nor the other could prosper being
so charged so long as no provision is to abate the price of
wools; for on the one side the dearth of wools and fells within
this 30 years have brought the Staple to such a case that a
great many towns in Holland and Flanders be fallen to clothing
of Spanish wools and return not to clothing of English wool
again, so that if it had not been for two towns in Holland
which have a trade in making of fresadoes of coarse wools
and of fells, the Staple could not thus long have been upohlden.
And if other that trade of fresadoes decay, or else the dearth
of English wools cause them to fall to the clothing of Spanish
wool, the Staple cannot continue to pay any great custom.
And on the other side, though those other merchants (as men
wanting experience of these things) offer a great custom to get
the whole trade into their hands, thinking to be great
gainers, yet in the end it will fall out otherwise, and then the
commodity of wools and fells is like to be of no reputation.
These articles not to be taken to be done purposedly against
the merchants of the Staple, for I have all my life been brought
up in that trade, and therefore intend not to be against them
but rather wish to do them good.
Unsigned. 1 p. (139. 262.) |
|
(9) The difference between the custom of 2,000 serplers of
wool and 300,000 fells as the merchants pay for it and as otherwise
there is to be made of it—amounting to an increase of 26,893l.
1 p. (139. 263.) |
|
(10) The sum of money that the Staplers have saved or
detained in their custom in wools shipped in London only
in the years specified, viz. from 1550–1555—altogether
amounting to 15,365l. 13s. 8d.
2 pp. (139. 264.) |
|
(11) Representation from the Wool-Staplers in view of the
advance of the custom on wool. They allege that they are
already very much decayed, but offer an advance of 10s. on
every sack of wool over and above the accustomed custom
if they may pass with such wools as they have presently dearly
bought, paying the old custom. They accompany the offer
with petitions with regard to the custom to be paid by strangers
permitted to ship upon licence, the renewal of their own
privileges, the prevention of smuggling, etc., and ask that
certain specified regulations may apply to all licences which
may be granted. With respect to information of great fines
taken by the Company for admission into the freedom of the
same, they declare that though they have received divers
into the freedom they gave it freely to the most, and have
not levied these 20 years past to their remembrance 1,000
marks, although they have borne charges during that time
above 20,000 marks for their great losses and the payment of
their great debts, besides the great losses sustained by the
surprise of Calais. Besides, there are already more merchants
than there is wool to furnish them with. The chiefest
and greatest cause of the disorders among the merchant
adventurers hath grown by the number of redemptioners.
Endorsed: "Staplers' offer. 1559." 2½ pp. (139. 266.) |
|
(12) "Whether it be better for the Commonweal to have
wool and other commodities of the realm dear or cheap."
Better to have wool cheap than dear, for there are many
more wearers of woollen commodity than growers of wool.
Endorsed by Cecil: "13 Martii, 1559." 2½ pp (139. 268.) |
|
(13) Paper endorsed by Cecil, "22 Februar: a replication
to maintain the former discourse"—apparently a reply to
objections raised against the writer's calculations by the
wool-staplers. At the bottom is the request, "I beseech
your honour let not my handwriting be seen. I am suspected
already but I force not for it so your honour be my buckler."
See S.P. Dom. Vol. XV, No. 65. 2½ pp. (139. 270.) |
|
(14) A note of such wool and wool-fells as hath been shipped
and transported out of the realm by merchants of the Staple,
together with the custom and subsidy paid for the same in
the years ensuing—that is from 2 and 3 Philip and Mary to
2 Elizabeth. Endorsed by Cecil.
2 pp. (139. 272.) |
|
(15) The reckoning of wools bought in England in a°.
1559 and sold at Bruges in anno 1560. Endorsed by Cecil.
2 pp. (139. 273.) |
|
(16) The prices of wools in the Staple as it was rated by the
intercourse, as it was sold in the time of King Henry VIII,
as it was sold at Bruges in A°. Dni. 1560, and as it is like to
be sold and uttered if the Queen's Majesty take the same
into her own hands. Endorsed by Cecil.
2 pp. (139. 275.) |
|
(17) The reckoning of 2,000 serplers of wool and 300,000
fells as they be like to the bought and sold if the Queen's
Majesty take into her hands the utterance of all the wools
that shall be carried out of the realm, whereby appeareth what
profit yearly will come thereof unto her Majesty.
The profit is estimated at 44,928l.
Endorsed by Cecil: "June, 1560. An account against the
Staple." 2 pp. (139. 277.) |
|
(18) Certain articles and reasons to declare how the Queen's
Majesty may make the best commodity and advantage of
the custom of wools and fells both for her Majesty and the
Common weale of this realm.
5 pp. (139. 280.) |
|
(19) May it please your Honour to be advertised that
according to your commandment I have drawn forth a note
of all such clothes, both short and long, whites and colours,
dressed and undressed, as also of carsaies and western dosses
which the merchants of the Still-yard have packed since
the 4th of July, 1560, until the 27th February, 1560[–1], viz.: |
|
Short cloths, whites, undressed |
5,138. |
|
Long cloths, whites, undressed |
99. |
|
Short cloths, coloured and dressed |
2,679. |
|
Long cloths, coloured and dressed |
51. |
|
Carsaies, 91, whereof 3 for a short cloth.
West dosses, narrow, 171, whereof 4 for a short cloth.
1 p. (139. 283.) |
|
(20) A paper in Sir William Cecil's hand beginning "To
be considered, how the commodities of cloth and wool might
be stapled here in the realm and vented forth of the same."
Sets out reasons for and against.
1 p. (139. 284.) |
|
(21) A declaration shewing what loss the Queen's Majesty
hath sustained by lack of diligent circumspection of the weight
of wools transported out of this realm.
Endorsed: Mr. Lowe. Unsigned. Undated. (139. 292.) |
