Cecil Papers: July 1608

Pages 203-224

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 20, 1608. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1968.

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July 1608

Lord Cobham to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 1. I crave of your Lordship to take order I might be paid my money out of the Exchequer monthly, for so is the privy seal. At this instant there is due to me a month with the quarter, which I pray you may be paid me for my diet and quarters. One request begets another. May it please you to take such order, now in your absence the process being shortly to begin, that my money I may receive though you be absent. I do shun importunity, and yet must I ever remember you to help me, if it be possible, out of this place. Oh, that the state of my deservedness were truly known to your Lordship. I cannot but be persuaded that it would somewhat move you. The King, my sovereign, is gracious and merciful, and God put me out of his remembrance if ever I be false to him or his.—From the Tower, 1 July, 1608. Signed: H. Brooke.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (126 6.)
Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 1. The steward of the manor of Trynge, I doubt, be too weak to keep good order amongst the tenants there. He is willing to resign it to me, if it may stand with your liking. The manor is within three miles of my house at Ashridge. If you think that I and my son are fit to do his Majesty any service there, I will account it amongst your other favours.—1 July, 1608.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (126 7.)
Viscount Bindon to the Earl of Salisbury
[1608, c. July 1]. I sent you with my former letters that very passport which Cross showed for his travel signed by sundry Councillors of State, Cross alleging, as before I wrote, that the licence was procured by one Gawyn, a most dangerous known recusant, and more therein I know not. I further then signified that I would write, for the better understanding of Cross's behaviour, unto one Mr Wawldern, a justice in Devonshire, who answered by letter that Cross ran out of the country doubting of apprehension by the justices' warrant, which was granted after proclamation made, for that by no persuasion he would take the oath only of loyalty. I wish also, as your Lordship does, that all such ill-affected men had such passports to pass them away so clean, as no one of them might return at their pleasure, as daily they do.
PS. If the little pile in Lullwourth Park shall prove pretty or worth the labour bestowed in the erecting of it, I will acknowledge, as the truth is, that your powerful speech to me at Byndon laid the first foundation of the pile in my mind, which ever since has laboured for a speedy finishing for the contentment of those for whose further liking of that place the care is taken. This letter being ended to the sealing up I received your letters of encouragement for slender service done, with some other instructions which shall be attended with my best endeavour for the good of the distressed. I have expressed to some of my friends some grief conceived for wrong offered unto me, which being by their Lordships more particularly imputed unto you, I only expect that satisfaction which may be agreeable with that opinion held of my dealing in that trust which is reposed in me.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: "Rec. the first of July, 1608." 1 p. (126 97.)
Licence to Export Silver Plate
1608, July 2. Warrant to the Earl of Salisbury to permit Octavio Gerini, merchant stranger of London, to transport out of England a certain quantity of silver plate, long since provided for the necessary use of his house in London, provided it exceed not 600 ounces; the said Gerini paying such customs and duties as usually have been paid for the same.—Given under the signet at Westminster, 2 July, 6 James 1.
Signed. James R. Seal. 1 m. (126 8.)
Lord Carew to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 2. In favour of the bearer, Henry Brookebanke, an excellent embroiderer, whose wife is a maker of ruffs, "westcoates" etc, who wishes to be tenant of one of Salisbury's shops now in building at Durham House.—Savoy, 2 July, 1608.
Holograph. ½ p. (195 26.)
Sir Thomas Crompton to the Earl of Suffolk
1608, July 4. I have sent you such a supersedeas to the former commission as I hope may give contentment unto my Lord Viscount Byndon, and will not be distasteful to such gentlemen as were formerly commissioners, or hinder otherwise the good that is intended for the suppressing of pirates and their adherents. I have thought necessary to carry it in this sort that the commissioners may see rather that expedition is desired than that any private respect unto my Lord has occasioned that which is now done. If they have done nothing his Lordship has less cause for his part to be discontented, if not what they would, and perchance somewhat, and yet would be more stirring than is pleasing to his Lordship, this last is remedied hereby, and by such examinations as shall be sent (if any) my Lords may be better informed what course is best fitting in that country for hereafter. I beseech you before this supersedeas be sent down, that you will acquaint the Lord Treasurer therewith. If I have mistaken anything therein, it may easily be reformed. If otherwise it is as it should be, I refer the same to be disposed of as you shall think most convenient.—4 July, 1608.
Holograph. 1 p. (126 10.)
Transporting and Engrossing of Grain
1608, July 4. Names of the transporters and ingrossers of grain given into the Court of Exchequer by Robert Bedoe, Robert Beane and Wainewright. Although many in number, yet a usual matter. Their fines are commonly cessed at a small rate, except your Honour take order herein for the good of your orator. List of 44 names follows
Note at foot signed by the Earl of Salisbury and Sir Julius Caesar: To grant these forfeitures away before they be adjudged were to make the defence of the innocent subject more chargeable than were fit; and to grant them afterwards were directly contrary to the King's own orders, and to take so much money out of his coffers.—4 July, 1608.
Endorsed: "Transporters of grain begged." 1 p. (195 27.)
Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 6. It may please you to receive herewith the proclamation for starch, the warrant for Sir Jevis [Gervase] Clifton, a letter to the Earl of Pembroke for miners, one other to the Treasurer of Ireland for allowance to the Lord Deputy, and two letters, one of my Lord of Canterbury, the other to you concerning the publishing of books, and a letter for the Queen's woman to have recusants, which is passed in the name of one Brown, as Mr Spiller directed. All which and some other privy seals his Majesty signed this morning somewhat late because he kept long his bed. having hunted hard yesterday and the day before. This day his Highness rests and tomorrow is purposed to hunt in Sir Henry Nevil's walks. His Majesty is very well.—From the Court at Wyndsor, 6 July. 1608.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (126 10(2).)
The Privy Council to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 6. Directing him: whereas his Majesty by letters patent allowed the inhabitants of Jersey and Guernsey to transport out of this realm a certain proportion of leather for their use, and the deputies appointed for those isles have made known unto his Majesty that for the space of three months since the last proclamation for the inhibition of the transportation of leather, the officers of the Customs in the town of Southampton have denied them to take the benefit of the said grant, by reason whereof leather is not only grown to an excessive price, but those his Majesty's subjects are like utterly to want that so needful a commodity (whereof they have continual use): to give present order to the officers of the port of Southampton to suffer the said deputies of Jersey and Guernsey to transport at that port for the use of the inhabitants of those isles 12 dickers of leather for each of them, any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding.—From Whitehall, 6 July, 1608.
Signed: R. Salisbury: H. Northampton: T. Suffolk: J. S. Mar: E. Wotton: J. Herbert: Jul. Caesar: E. Worcester. Seal. 1 p. (126 11.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes
1608, July 6. To send such letters as come from one calling himself Verres, directed either to my Lord or the Lord Davers.
Abstract. (227 p. 348.)
Lisle Cave to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 7. By the bailiff of Whitwick's letters to their Lordships, you may perceive the answer of his Majesty's tenants by lease to the order he was enjoined unto at his late being before them, wherewith he accordingly made them acquainted; beseeching you that we which have the smallest holdings and of so divers terms of years and covenants; that albeit we would gladly surrender and take our estates from their Lordships, yet can we not agree with the rest to make up a competent value to pass our estates jointly in one book, being three of us whose rents are under 20s per annum; may obtain so much favour that the party on whom his Majesty shall bestow the reversion may be persuaded (as they generally wish it may be Sir John Grey) by their Lordships to deal kindly with the poor tenants for the terms they shall take of him in reversion. For my private suit to his Majesty, if you have not yet seen the memorial I left with Mr Kirkham to give you, vouchsafe to peruse that which Mr Chancellor sent me word to set down, upon your conference with his Highness about me, of my charge and losses since the farm. I received my fee of 100l per annum until Michaelmas after the farm 1605, being 3 years at Michaelmas next. As I shall know your pleasure by Mr Kirkham, I will attend and not otherwise be troublesome to you.—From Horspoole, 7 July, 1608.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (126 12.)
Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Privy Council
[1608] July 7. Having written to the Secretary of State here a letter of the 7th [new style] of this present, he received on Tuesday last his answer containing matter wherewith he thought fit immediately to acquaint their Lordships, as also with his reply. It seems the occasion has been long kept from them, and within these few days conveyed, either by the service of the French Ambassador or by Sir William Stanley, who has been lately with the King, and yesternight made his return hither. What effect his reply will work Cornwaleys cannot determine. His hope is his Majesty will give him presently to understand what further he shall say or do to give contentment, if what he has already written shall not satisfy.
What was determined in the late Council here held concerning Virginia he cannot yet arrive unto. That, and some other matter fit to be understood, lies so deep as his line for the present will not reach unto it. So unkind and irrespectful are his countrymen, the merchants, as notwithstanding that he has offered them of Lisbon the uttermost interest and exchange that run, and to give them his bills for London, and has not desired more than 300l amongst them all, and signified unto them that part of the same was to be employed for his Majesty's special service, yet are they so attentive to their own gain, as in regard they can use it to no better commodity, he can by no means obtain it of them. He has not taken up since his coming hither amongst all the merchants of his country above 100l, which was immediately paid upon sight in London; money they have had there of his, to exchange to him, which they have had 4 months before he could receive it here, notwithstanding his man there allowed them 5 marks for every 100l for the exchange. To such of them as have come hither and been in necessity, he has never failed, and not one of them has as yet made him any repayment.
At the instant a gentleman returns unto him whom he sent to search in a friar's cell. By him he finds that by all probabilities Sir William Stanley has been the man that acquainted them here with his Majesty's league with the States. For upon Monday last was he and Cresswell, the Jesuit, with the Friar of Flanders, not only conferring with him of that confederation but, as it seems, delivering into his hands a transcript of the capitulations. Within these 12 days the Friar had only an air of it, but no certainty, for he entreated one to ask Cornwaleys the question whether any such thing then were concluded. Now he seems to have entered into the bowels of it, saying it is more forcible and favourable to the Hollanders than that of the French King; that the French King was wooed and solicited to what he did, and that the King his master persuaded and entreated it; lastly that the league is absolutely without caution or condition, depending upon the success of the peace or otherwise. This and some other reasons he confessed moved him to make much doubt of the event of the peace; that himself was pressed with a return before the end of the month, or else the treaty was likely to cease, but that so well he knew the humour of the stay (fn. 1) as he doubted not but he would continue it (or at least the truce) for two years longer. Moreover the party whom Cornwaleys sent to search him, having upon the occasion of his speech of the league made by King James, used unto him a reason wherewith Cornwaleys furnished him, viz, that without such foundation of confederacy with their neighbours so new an estate as that would never have assented to make peace with so mighty a prince that pretended them to be his subjects, and, as they complain, has formally broken so many of his contracts, and especially upon so advantageous terms, for that Dedecora sunt semper intuta, and that those leagues are rather great furtherances to the desired peace than in any sort prejudicial either to it or the State here. He answered that himself had so well prepared the Hollanders in those points both by word and writing, and cleared the doubt of the old proposition wherewith the Catholics are charged, that faith is not to be observed to heretics, as notwithstanding that he confessed also that saying of Dedecora etc to be true, yet he had left them in all those considerations well resolved. He concluded with a vehement affirmation that of his own knowledge he knew the King here to be so much affected to his Majesty of Great Britain, and to have so great an opinion of his sincerity, as this action of his with the States being, except he should have invaded him here in his own kingdom, the greatest argument of enmity that possibly he could have showed, would seem unto him incredible. But being so, his Majesty here was not to be blamed if he should assist the Irish, to whom he is in some sort bound to give aid in regard they are prosecuted for their consciences, which the King of Great Britain cannot allege on the part of [those] whom he supports there, to whom is offered their full and absolute liberty. By the language of this Friar, who also in his conference once or twice termed the States rebels, their Lordships may conceive what alterations these leagues have bred, and how much here they find themselves disappointed of what they had projected and hoped. Now serves the season for the Jesuits and fugitives (who were before fallen from their wonted height) to fish new access and credit in this troubled water.
Cornwaleys will not fail to work all the countermines he can, expecting his Majesty's further directions. In the meantime he has thought fit to hasten the journey of this bearer.—Madrid, 7 July, 1608, stilo vet.
PS. "Since the writing hereof I am certainly informed that the Friar departs this night towards Learma, where the King is, under pretence that he shall immediately receive his dispatch; but I secretly understand that from thence an extraordinary shall be immediately expedited to signify that much in Flanders, which doubtless is only a trick to win time."—7 July.
Signed. 4½ pp. (126 13.)
[Printed in extenso, with the exception of the postscript, in Winwood's Memorials 11, pp. 416, 417 from a copy in the Cottonian Library]
Two Enclosures
(1) Endres de Prada to Sir Charles Cornwaleys
1608, July 2/12. I have received your letter, by which, and by the copy which came with it, I have learned the news from Ireland; and I do not think that there is any need to fear an insurrection which rests upon so slight a foundation. I believe, on the contrary, that as you say, the spark is already extinguished; and it consorts well with your prudence not to believe the assertions of malevolent persons that the movement arose with our privity, or that his Majesty foments it by means of the Pope. If that were so he would not make a beginning with four shoeless Carmelites; nor is it credible that his Majesty, having sworn the peace, should be false to his oath.
But when I look on the other side, I do not wonder that they should think the contrary, since they are bound to judge of his Majesty's actions by their own, and they, contrary to treaty, are contracting a league with the Dutch, which would be reason enough for fomenting insurrection in Ireland were it not his Majesty's firm intention to keep the peace. However, if the league is proceeded with, I beg you to consider the occasion which will be given to his Majesty to shift for himself, since it would be intolerable to pass over such an open breach. You will also consider what a difference there is betwixt the King of Great Britain's concluding a league with the rebels of my Lord, the King, and his Catholic Majesty's contributing to the support of the Earls who are in Rome (if indeed he did so, of which up till now I am not informed). For since they are Catholics and have shown themselves well affected to his Majesty's service in Queen Elizabeth's time, he is bound in conscience not to let them die of hunger. Still, for the sake of keeping the peace he gives them no other help or assistance, nor has done, nor will do, so long his Majesty of Great Britain, for his part, will keep his promise and his oath. And I beg you to compare this child's play with the act of making a formal league with his Majesty's rebels, including an obligation to aid them openly against his Majesty. And to say that Irishmen are sent to Coruna in order that they may pass thence to Ireland is as false as the rest, for the Conde de Puno Enrostro [Puño Rostro in the copy] knows that he has sent off to Flanders all who have arrived lately. And if any have gone to Coruña it is those whose pensions were previously payable there. To conclude: in England they wish to support and assist the King's rebels, and that the King should at the same time abandon the Irish. Pray consider what this is likely to lead to, or what stronger proof could be given that they value us lightly. Your Lordship must pardon me if I speak the truth to you in such naked words, since I know no other language. Pray let me know how I can serve you, and God keep you according to my desire. Endres de Prada.—Lerma, 12 July, 1608.
Holograph. Spanish. 2½ pp. (126 9.)
Copy of the foregoing. (126 9a.)
(2) Sir Charles Cornwallis to Andres de Prada
1608, July 6/16. De Prada's letter of the 12th of this present he finds to contain matter whereof he cannot but have an exceeding much feeling, especially wherein it questions the sincerity and honour of his master.
That the King, so publicly known to have been the cause that the States United assented to the treaty, should now so suddenly be understood to be a confederate to the prejudice of his Majesty here, cannot but seem strange to him. That a new league and confederation was offered by the States he is not ignorant, as also that hope was given to them that King James would accept it, but he never understood it prejudicial to the King and State here. A government compounded of so many parties were not likely to be drawn to assent to a peace either upon an only warrant of words from hence or a simple confidence in their own forces and counsels. Their first foundations they thought fit to settle upon new contracts with their old confederates. The French King had accepted and concluded it, and the door was opened and King James invited to join in it. But thereunto, as he would by no means assent, so if absolutely he had refused to enter into terms of confederacy separately by himself, it might have bred a stop to their proceedings in the treaty, which his Majesty desired by all means to advance, as well in regard of giving contentment to the King here, as of the general utility by an end of so bloody and long continued a war.
Besides how many forcible inducing reasons his Majesty had to yield to a renew of the ancient amity between his crown and that people, for mutual defence and other necessary respects of his estate, Cornwaleys beseeches de Prada to consider. First, the change of their estate and government, whom now it has pleased the King here to acknowledge to be a free people, and over whom he pretends no dominion. Secondly, that the French King had already for such both taken and embraced them, and dangerous for both their Kings would it be that into his arms only they should in that sort be cast, and by that means neither of them have any participation or any authority with them. Thirdly, that his Majesty, in regard of the Cautionary Towns and of the great sums of money due from those Estates unto him, and of former confederacies (whereunto by accession to the throne of England he is in honour obliged), is more deeply interested than any other of their neighbours. Lastly, in regard that the peace succeeding, the conditions agreed before the conclusion of the same were likely to be assented unto by the Estates more advantageously to his Majesty than after that the same were finished. Yet were not all these (adding to them the daily complaints of his Majesty's subjects, who in these kingdoms, contrary to the articles of the peace and the King's oath, are oppressed, and the instigations of such as being no friends to this peace cease not hourly to put his Majesty in mind of the entertainment and support given to Owen and Blunt and other traitorous and ill-affected subjects) of power to persuade his Majesty to yield so much as the least assent to any league or confederacy with them but upon these cautions following, which not only make plain his Majesty's sincere intentions, but also make it clear that by yielding unto it he intends not the least detriment to the estate of the King here, with whom he desires to hold a perfect and inviolable amity.
His Majesty has, in whatsoever he has assented unto, made it absolutely depending on the success of the treaty. If that take no place, the other likewise to be of none effect. Also that whatever be capitulated shall only concern defence and in no wise be extended to offence. These foundations being laid, how this should be taken for a breach in his Majesty, or how the King here by this should have liberty to aid his Majesty's Irish traitors, Cornwaleys leaves to all the world to be considered. Can a defensive league with a people, with whom the English nation has had so ancient an amity, being now by his Majesty and the Archdukes acknowledged to be a free people, be said a conjunction with the King's rebels, and can a cautionary agreement be imagined to be an assistance to his enemies? His Majesty in this league shall neither favour nor support any but a people with whom the King shall have peace, and who at this day, before the same concluded, are (as is publicly reported) received in these kingdoms with more show of affection than any other foreign nation. By receiving the Irish the King here shall declare himself to favour manifest traitors, and though coloured with pretence of Catholicism, yet so darkened with the detestable crimes of treason, murders and unnatural ingratitude as without extraordinary demonstration of repentance they cannot but be a scandal to any church and commonwealth that shall receive them. Cornwaleys's hope is therefore his Majesty here will hold that sincere and constant course that King James has ever observed with him, which is to do nothing that may disagree with his promises, and to believe nothing that is reported or suggested by adversaries, fugitives or men of doubted faith. Upon the peril of his life he dares undertake that his sovereign neither has nor will do anything unworthy of his royal dignity, or contrary to his word or the amity he professes.
Lastly, concerning the pardon De Prada prays for the plainness of his language. Cornwaleys is so far from misliking it, as he cannot but thank him for it. Only he finds him much mistaken in his constructions, which upon this he doubts not but he will reform. He beseeches him to have in memory the dispatch and return of the consultas and other businesses which, by his letters since de Prada's being there, he recommended unto him.—Madrid. 16 July, "nue stile."
2 copies. 6 pp. (126 19.)
[Printed in extenso from a copy in the Cottonian Library in Winwood's Memorials, 11, pp. 418–420.]
Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 7. By my letter to my Lords of Council you shall perceive what humour the late understanding of his Majesty's league with the States has here bred in us. If it be his pleasure and agree with his honour and commodity of his State that the amity be continued, somewhat more will be expected to be said by his Majesty's express commission than what I have delivered upon this sudden occasion. The malevolent have put fire to the powder, and if it work not the effect they desire, yet at least (if precaution be not used) it will give more access to their malicious feet and better hearing to their slanderous tongues, and work a more facility in procuring sustentation for the traitorous crew that desire to be supported and assisted.
In private causes I cannot certify much more than what I have done in former letters For Mr Vanlore's ransom money I travail daily, and have so far pressed the Nuntio as he has now faithfully promised that within 20 days he will either compound the cause or sentence it. That term he has taken to the end that the other parties that are at Cales may consent and send power before the cause be treated of and agreed. What accomplishment this promise shall have I can give none assurance, but mean, if this fail me, to take another course that as yet has not been entered into.
For the ship of Sardinia (as I have by this messenger written to the owners), if they use there such diligence as appertains, I make no doubt but to draw the business to some reasonable good end, having hitherto by means of my friends obtained in their favour whatsoever (observing their customs here) I could with any reason desire. Mr Henderson is as yet fed with delays, whereof he is much impatient, yet has he more reason to temper himself than others, for that whatsoever shall be given him for his ship he is to attribute to my solicitations and to the favour of the Duke, for my sake, for in law, considering he took freight and wages for her, there is nothing due to him.
The cause of Tomlynson remains as yet brought to no certainty, in regard of competitions between the Council of Portingall and that of the Wars, which of them shall be possessed of the process.
That of Sycilla stands still at a stand, by reason of the absence of the single advocate to whom the solicitor of Mr Eldred and Mr Hall has only committed it.
For the prisoners sometimes at Syvile, and now in the galleys in St Lucar, I can attain no resolution, but have now less hope than ever.
For that of Thomas Den, a merchant of London, I can yet procure no manner of proceeding. The rest go on in their ordinary tribunal.— Madrid, 7 July, 1608, stilo vet.
Signed. Addressed: "My Lo[rd] Treseror." 2 pp. (126 16.)
The Earl of Cumberland to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 7. I understand by John Taylor that you thought fit I should enter into bonds to Mr Watson for the payment of the 500l at five six months, viz, at the end of every six months 100l, which I have done and sent the same here enclosed accordingly. He tells me if I pay 300l together at one payment at the end of the first six months, then the same should be accepted in full satisfaction of the whole 500l. —Grafton, 7 July, 1608.
Signed. ½ p. (126 17.)
[The Earl of Salisbury] to [Sir Thomas Edmondes]
1608, July 7. Touching a conference betwixt some of my Lords and the Archduke's Ambassador concerning the league intended with the States, which the Archdukes hold could not be made without contravention of his Majesty's treaty of peace with Spain and them. Answered ut supra; desired by the Ambassador to see the league; purpose to send it to Sir Thomas Edmondes to show the Archduke.
Abstract. (227 p. 348.)
Lord Saye and Sele, Michael Dormer, Sir George Typping, George Brome, John Doyly to the Privy Council
1608, July 8. A commission has been brought under the Great Seal requiring 70 carriages from [? Oxfordshire and] Berkshire for the carriage of timber from the Forest of Pambur to Reddinge or Kennett Mowth; thence to be conveyed to Sayes Court. They beg that this county may be spared from that service, because of the great number of carriages they are charged with for ship timber from Sholtover and the corn harvest growing on.—Oxon, 8 July 1608.
Signed. Damaged. 1 p. (195 28.)
Samuel Garey to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 8. Speaks of his poverty and the favours he received from the deceased Lord Cromwell, who made him his chaplain: and begs Salisbury to accept him into his service. He has a treatise or two to dedicate to Salisbury. He keeps at Wymondham in Norfolk, and there, if Salisbury compassionates him, he will expect notification of his gracious acceptance.—8 July, 1608.
Holograph. 2 pp. (195 29.)
Richard Glover to the Earl of Salisbury
[Before 10 July, 1608]. For remission of a fine imposed on him for a supposed riotous assembly in the Pewterers' Hall, London, and other misdemeanours. Though he was one that laboured against the patent of pre-emption of tin, yet he was not in London at the time of the supposed riot.—Undated.
½ p. (P. 1614).
[See Cal. S.P.Dom. 1603–1610, pp. 334, 335, 447.]
The Earl of Salisbury to the Lord Mayor of London
[1608, July 10]. I have received your letter and the enclosed petition of certain shopkeepers of the Exchange, upon a report of my intention to erect a new building upon Durham House, by which they fear some loss of trade. I accept your letter in very good part, and have taken nothing in hand for which I have not very good reason. There has been cast upon me, from beyond my cradle, a great affection to the City of London; and my own experience has planted a resolution in me that no man can be a good servant to the King or State who should wrong or weaken that place, which is both eminent for constant faith and love to their princes (whereof I have seen more fair fruits than in any other city of the world), and is remarkable also for the riches, beauty and greatness which it adds to the whole monarchy, besides the zealous profession of true religion. Therefore, if I labour against London, I labour against my own thought and affections. But when I balance London with Westminster, Middlesex, or rather with all England, I must conclude that London might suffer (if so it should prove) some little quill of profit to pass by their main pipe, seeing it is fed from so main a stream. I must remember you also of the distinction between a direct wrong and a loss without injury. All the moneys and merchandises of this kingdom are possessed by the City of London. To that city it is that the residence of the King's person and Courts of Justice here in Westminster draw all occasion of expense, so it is just that London should contribute some small portion of commodity for such a neighbourhood; which rule is much more justifiable in my particular, who having been bred and born within these poor liberties of Westminster, have now found this opportunity (as a tribute to this place where I serve for the most part of my life, and where I owe so much for many offices of good neighbourhood, both to my father and his house) to leave to the inhabitants and to posterity some such monument as may adorn the place and "happely" derive some effect of present benefit and future charity to the whole liberty. I hope these motives will satisfy you so far that you will allow of any good to that place which holds the person of our Sovereign and of the Queen, with their royal issue, and serves for a seat of those laws which preserve you in peace; and so free this poor work of mine from any exception, though it may serve sometime to supply such commodities as the retinue of a Court, and the inhabitants of this poor city, shall need; especially seeing it leaves so much cause for those that are drawn hither to repair also to their old centre in London for the mass of their expense.
I find the petition of the Corporation of the Exchange compounded of fear and partiality. The first, being only a disease of apprehension, I must leave to the cure of time. For the second (after my protestation to renounce all privilege of place and fortune, by submitting myself to any equal judge for any injustice I shall offer to the meanest person), I will only require them to remember what cause many men of their trade (dispersed in all other parts of the City of London) might have formerly taken, upon such grounds, to have complained against that great work which Sir Thomas Gresham built for them; and then to examine their own consciences what ground of exception they can have against me; of whose purpose, as yet, they cannot judge, because the use I will make of my own expense is scarce well known to myself; neither have I denied any of them to be tenants. So all the difference between my purpose and the actions of other men is only that, where it was free for every dweller in this place to have built dispersedly in as many corners as had pleased them (between Temple Bar and Long Ditch), here six shops and there six shops for such wares as the Exchange utters, my work must be thought injurious because I have sought to bring all into one handsome range, in the place of an old wall, of noisome stables and base sheds, subject to the view and mislike of foreign princes and their ministers, so near a Court; and that without any man's help or prejudice.
I will remember to your petitioners that when Sir Thomas Gresham first began, such was the fear of many Londoners and such were their petitions. If the matter should stand or fall by petition, the City of Westminster and Middlesex would bring more hands to sign for furtherance of this poor building than their Pawn would hold bodies. Seeing that I write to those that can judge of right and wrong, and have experience of the humours of most men of occupation (whereof many a one envies his neighbour, if he be but able to make a better window or a wider door than himself), I need only desire you to return them such an answer as you would make for yourself, if that were your case which is now mine.—Undated.
Draft with corrections by Salisbury. Endorsed: "Minute to the L. Mayor. 10 July, 1608." 4½ pp. (195 30.)
Henry Pynnock to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 11. We were this day given to understand by a post that came in company with an Irish priest (as he said) that the said priest is a dangerous person.
We thought it our duty to send the priest and the said post to you to be examined, and also a third person (one Hills), whom we have sent with them.—11 July, 1608.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (126 18.)
Answer to [Mons. De La Boderie,] the French Ambassador
[1608, July 13.] The introduction of the answer to the French Ambassador's proposition may be taken, from the confidence of the persons that are used in it, that as the proposition proceeding from Mons. de Villeroy, one so inward with the French King, may well be taken to be with the King his master's approbation, so likewise the answer now to be delivered may be held to come from the like warrant.
Then an acknowledgment may be made of the integrity and nobleness of disposition out of which the proposition did arise, with a profession of the like effects and concurrency from hence.
The proposition itself consisting of two points, the answers may be proportioned accordingly, to direct the better each other's understanding.
The first point is concerning the Low Countries, to enter presently into war for them, which bringing with it many general considerations and some doubts which are of necessity first to be cleared, the answer may be framed thus. That in true consideration of the interest of these kingdoms and of France it must be an infallible maxim that any pacification at all in the Low Countries, upon what terms soever, is more hurtful unto us than if the war should be continued, by which Spain (amongst many other means) is kept in awe and diverted from many thoughts which the fulness of his means may otherwise stir up in him, that herein we do readily jump with France. But how to interrupt that course of pacification, into which the States are so far entered, must be the chiefest consideration: on the one side it being doubtful, if the States may receive contentment in the point of sovereignty and trade to the Indies, whether they will be diverted or not; and on the other side, if they must be diverted by a powerful hand, besides that it is full of danger, cannot be so justifiable now as things do stand. And whether Spain will give them contentment or not remains yet in contingency, the best judgments in the world rather conceiting that Spain will do it, and many advertisements concurring from several parts that [it] is already assented unto in Spain, and that the Friar is coming along with it in company of Don Pedro. So as in this point of present war, although his Majesty is well enough inclinable to it, yet to express his present resolution were somewhat preposterous, but desires further communication of it with the French King. As for the offer, in the interim, to frustrate Don Pedro's proposition of alliance, it is to be received in good part, but yet question may be made what kind of offer he is to make and what acceptance the French King is likely to give as from himself For first, it is not pro concesso that the principal cause of his coming is for alliance, or of expostulation for precedent unkindnesses, and so if he receive satisfaction then to propose the alliance with confirmation of treaties. Secondly, we do so much presume of the French King's wisdom, as he will not conceive that it is love which makes Spain to do it, but a design to serve his turn, and so that France shall carry it accordingly. We are confident also that if the alliance must be with disadvantage to the States, the French King of himself will never accept it. If it be offered simply we do not so well conceive here what disadvantage it may bring unto us, or which way it will hinder it, that either Spain or France may not afterwards for their other children interchangeably match with one another. Lastly the Ambassador must give leave to doubt that either this alliance is already past calling back because it is now made so public, and to be dealt in by so great a person, or that it is not so forward as is pretended by France as therein to draw so great an obligation from his Majesty, as for his sake to reject it.
The second main point is the alliance between France and his Majesty. In this to assure him confidently of his Majesty's readiness to correspond with France as one who desires to conjoin his fortunes wholly with his, and therein to make apparent separation from all others. And withal to represent to the Ambassador the advantage of his Majesty's love, by so much the more that his children are older, some of them being already come to years of consent, so as his Majesty is to be bound por verba de presenti; where on the French part, his being younger, he is but to be bound de futuro. And it is well known how many things may fall out to interrupt the accomplishing of it, either by pretence of dislike of parties or other designs.
And to the end the French Ambassador may be assured of his Majesty's upright disposition towards him and of his desire to run one course of fortune in all things with him, to make offer to the Ambassador as from yourself, as he did from Villeroy, and upon the same condition of further warrant, that his Majesty is willing to enter into a league defensive with him after the same manner as was propounded in Holland; which then his Majesty did not reject, but only deferred it because that time and place were not so fit for it.
This league defensive either to go presently in hand between both princes only, or if the peace do not proceed in the Low Countries on those terms as is aforesaid, then to assume the States presently into it; or if the peace do proceed, then only to comprehend them on those conditions set down in the several leagues already agreed on.—Undated.
Draft. Endorsed: "This is a project for an answer to be made to an ouverture from Monsr Villeroy delivered by ye Emb. Monsr. Bodery to me the XIIIth of July, 1608." 4 pp. (126 21.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, July 13. Right Honourable, etc. These Princes returning a few days since from Biens, I demanded yesterday audience of them to visit them and to inquire of their health, to the end to make relation thereof unto his Majesty, according to the compliments which are accustomed to be used in the like case; which respectful ceremonies are very grateful unto them, etc. In the business of Stoad, promise of redress. Complaint against Gerard and Baynham; in this, satisfaction. Item touching the new college.
Abstract. (227 p. 348.)
The Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 16. Acknowledging in the name of King's College his care and bounty in allotting to Mr Edward Kellit, Mr in Arts and Fellow of the College, a second presentation, after having previously, at their request, given him a spiritual living in his disposition. Though not one of the most ancient amongst them, yet he, being of very forward natural parts which by diligence in study have brought forth in him good proficiency in learning and sufficiency in his profession, joined also with sobriety and discreet moderation in his behaviour, will doubtless, if occasion serve, approve himself to his patron; and entreating Salisbury's assistance in the trial of the title, if it shall remain litigious, like to be discussed in the Court of Wards.—King's College in Cambridge, this 16 of July, 1608.
Signed: R. Goade, Provost. 1 p. (136 194.)
Officers of the Port of Faversham to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 16. According to your order subscribed to the petition of John Powell, late deputy-searcher of the port of Faversham, and by him brought to us, we have examined the parties interested in this business, and find not the same to concern Powell at all, as by the return of our examination and the said petition you will perceive. We desire that this port may be furnished with an honest deputy-searcher, to attend the business of the custom-house, when he is thereto required, whereof we stand in need in the stead of this Powell.—Faversham, 16 July, 1608.
Signed: Thomas Pelham, Thomas Hubbard; Henry Hurlocke. Seal. 1 p. (126 24.)
Examination of Roger Maddock
About one o'clock in the morning on the 2nd day of this instant month there came by the house of this examinate two wagons, one being Robert Turner's and the other Peter Ambrose's, both of Stowrey near Canterbury, carrying raw hides and calfskins. They were challenged by John Newman, tanner, and William Sare, fellmonger, both of Canterbury, and this examinate being in bed, and hearing the wagons gone by to the waterside, arose and followed the wagons thither, where he found the said Newman and Sare, who perceiving that he went about to seize the goods offered him agreement to let the goods pass, who would by no means agree or consent to it.
Notwithstanding, Newman and Sare presuming to make agreement, or otherwise by force to have them shipped, did put 10 of the raw hides and all the calfskins in a cockboat belonging to one Stephen Smythe, without his consent or knowledge. Whereupon Maddock did step into the water and took hold of the cockboat and seized the raw hides and calfskins with the rest in the wagons to the use of his Majesty and himself. And being ignorant in the managing of this business, hearing that one Thomas Parsons, deputy for the farmers at Faversham (who first put him in trust with his business), the said Parsons being displaced, did send for one John Busher of Margate near unto the place, who came the same morning and did seize the goods anew, being a deputy to the farmers there. All which was done in the presence of one John Huggett and Christopher Huggett, being neighbours and assistants in this business. The which John Busher entered the goods in his own name in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, and praised them according to the law.—13 July, 1608.
Signed: Roger Maddock, by his mark. 1 p. (126 23.)
William Resouldes to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 17/27. In my last to your Honour I advised how it was here credibly reported that Sir Anto[ny] Sherley was dead at Rome, but immediately after he passed through this place accompanied with 20 followers to speak with the King at Lerma, where he still remains, and is thought he is again returned from the Emperor upon embassage. The 17 of this present divers defamatory pasquinados were put upon the gate of the King's palace and in other places of this Court, tending to mislike of the government of this State; of the Duke of Lerma's "privanse" with the King; of the King's play, having lost 700 thousand ducats to the said Duke and his sons at play, and his household servants remain without any pay for 18 months past; of the King's absence; of the mis-spending of the thousands paid by Casteill unto the King; and divers other grievances. These libels were not only set up here but by report at Lerma, Valodelyd, and other places of these kingdoms all in one night. Great diligence is used to find out the authors, and some have been racked thereabouts, and hitherto no discovery. It may be thought that seeing so many libels have been set up in so many several places, that it proceeds of a general dislike, even amongst the great ones. The galleys of Genoa are already come to Cartagena, and the galleys of Napolis and Secilia also are appropriated likewise to come thither. Some exploit is thought to be in hand, yet no soldiers are leaving, unless in the spring they may intend the Barbarie and that Sir Antony's coming here may be thereabouts. The corn in Secilia this year is utterly failed; when the like hereafter may happen in Spain, how easily may his Majesty of England utterly destroy these kingdoms in permitting none to be transported out of his own realms, and procuring with his brother [of] Denmark that none shall pass out of the Sound. Then shall this King and his dominions see how necessary it is for him to love his neighbour princes, and entertain their subjects trading into his kingdoms with all clemency. For thus may he and all his be destroyed without the King of England either setting out a ship or levying of any military forces against him, and once every time in three years space this may be done; for the kingdom of Portingall never a year of itself yields not corn for above 5 or 6 months at the most, and commonly once in 3 years in all Spain the corn fails, and once in 7 years the corn is utterly spoiled.
There is a great abuse offered to his Majesty in the government of the States of Holland and Zeland or of some ministers about them. It is credibly reported that the Friar that is hereabout setting down a peace betwixt this King and them (which I think will never be effected) has copies of divers of his Majesty's letters which he has sent to these States. Sir William Standley remains here in this Court. Sir Edward Baynam, as I learn, at Rome pretends to spend the rest of his days in a monastery, where he shall have time enough to repent his misgoverned time spent at home. Here is one Edward Altam, of the Altams of London, who a long time has served the Spaniard in Flanders, and a Romish Catholic, has here very lately become a protestant and received the Communion with an intent to come for England. I suppose he has done it in an honest mind. He has been here these 8 months at the least, and knows somewhat of Cresswell and other Catholics that have been here. At his arrival, being spoken withal, possibly may discover somewhat. My Lord Ambassador here has lately, since the receipt of your letters, been earnest for the liberty of Mr Ferris out of the Inquisition at Seville, and I learn that within two or three days order shall be sent down for release of his person and goods. The like I think he might attain for Mr Gorgeney in the Inquisition at Lixa [Lisbon,] and those poor men in the galleys at Sevil that were taken bound for Virginia, and remedies for many other injuries done unto us; but I fear hoping in such causes to get thereby causes detraction. Pardon me in speaking so freely (the place wherein he resides excepted) for money he is a devil, although otherwise a most wise and discreet gentleman. The cause of Mr Eldred and Hall against the Duke of Feria is now brought to that pass that the regents have perused the process, and that within these 14 days at the furthest we shall have a day of hearing, and doubt not but to prove the first sentence for null.—Madrid, 27 July, 1608.
Holograph. Seal. 2½ pp. (126 32.)
The Earl of Salisbury to [Sir Thomas Edmondes]
1608, July 18. Touching Irish affairs after the defeat of O'Dohertie.
Abstract. (227 p. 349.)
William Wynter to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 18. Mr Arthur Ingram of London has (from your Lordship's own report) made known unto me that there is a suit preferred in my name for recompense for some service done by me in the making stay of corn this year as it was passing for the parts beyond the sea. I had commandment from the Lord High Admiral that I should make stay of all corn that I should meet with, that had a purpose for transportation. Some, it was my chance to meet with, I brought to Portsmouth and [it] was there sold, and is to be sold to the poor and others that will buy, for which I never made suit for other recompense than that which I have, which is the favour of my Lord and master and the prayers and love of the poor. If any lewd person has made any such suit as is reported, it is a thing I never purposed, and I do desire that the person who has so abused your Lordship and me might have his deserts by worthy punishment, as to you shall seem fit.—Portsmouth, 18 July, 1608.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (126 25.)
Sir John Rotherham to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 19. I did the last year presume upon your favour and send some few martlets unto you, which were so graciously accepted it emboldened me this year to present you with some more of the same kind the last week; and now having taken the last that are this year to be gotten, I have presented you with a dozen more.—Someris, 19 July, 1608.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (126 26.)
Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 20. He has received upon the 18th present his Lordship's several dispatches of the 9th and last of May, and (as by his letter to the Council and by a former he has advertised) had before the coming of the same answered those questions concerning his Majesty's late league with the States United. By these last from his Lordship he is much better armed and not a little wonders that either the Ambassador there, having been made acquainted from the beginning, should be so slow in advertising, or the State here have so great a patience as to smother so long their thoughts which appear to be so deeply grieved.
He expects from them (though not in haste) a new reply, whereunto Salisbury has now sufficiently instructed him what to answer. Upon the success of the late embassage into France will depend the greatest weight of the negotiations that have so long been handled. The greatest hopes of the English are in their inventions of winning time. They are, as yet, utterly unapt for a long course. If the hare, as the hunters say, come to their mouths, there is no doubt but their appetite is as good as ever. The Jesuits (the only weathercocks of this age) are, since this late sending into France, become as good friends as the wine of Orleance. They now "hallow" into that King magnifying his wisdom, valour, judgment, and lastly and principally, his Catholicism.
He is informed out of England that three several dispatches of his, sent under cover to his son and to one Jhonas [? Thomas] Pitts, whom there he employs in his private business, and conveyed by the secretary de Prada to the embassage there to be delivered, as matters concerning himself, have not been as yet delivered, wherein he finds he has been exceedingly injured; if it prove so he will, if he can, give him cause to repent it. There was nothing that could much offend them being seen, yet such as he would be very loth should come to their scanning. He has in this sent the substance of what was contained. The Ambassador has taken great offence with him upon supposal of some speeches he should use of him, which he never uttered nor ever so much as had in his thoughts.
But the truth is he [the Spanish Ambassador in London] is in this Court very lightly reputed, and of late more than ever, by reason of a servant of his (his own countryman) not long come from thence, who reports slenderly of him, and, for one instance, says that he employs all his studies upon an idle book entitled El Cavellero del febo [Phaebo], which makes him much laughed at. Cornwaleys has in all companies, where he hears him talked of, very earnestly defended him both in regard of the honour of his place, and because he has heretofore thought himself beholden to him for his goodwill, and is here very well used by his lady. Such an interception of letters committed to his trust cannot appear to any man either honourable or honest.
An Irishman here in Court, with whom Cornwaleys holds secret correspondency, assures him that to those that Tyron and Tiraconeale left in the two countries behind them, there is given at least 1100 crowns a month, and to the Earls themselves by the King here monthly 1000 more paid out of the kingdom of Naples. If so it be, Cornwaleys will never give faith to anything they say, and will hold it for a maxim that there is no longer friendship to be had with them.—Madrid, 20 July, 1608, stilo vet.
PS. "I have in a former letter beseeched you to forward the payment of the money bestowed upon me by his Majesty to the hands of Thomas Pittes, of whom there want not that much desire it in satisfaction of debts I owe them, and for which for the present (as much to my grief I understand) they trouble my sureties.
Signed. 2½ pp. (126 28.)
[Printed in extenso, with the exception of the postscript, from a copy in the Cottonian Library, in Winwood's Memorials. 11, pp. 420, 421.]
The Controller of Yarmouth to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 20. The bearer hereof, Thomas Fransam, on the 5th of this instant, openly in the custom-house entered a pack of good value containing sundry parcels, for which he then and there made composition unto the farmer's deputy. Whereupon we granted him warrant for the shipping thereof, which he has ready to show to you, by virtue whereof he shipped the same, as was lawful for him to do. Yet so it is, John Grosse, his Majesty's searcher within that port, the next day after the loading thereof, took the same out of the ship and carried it to his house, where he still detains it, upon the information (as we think) of another merchant who has traded a long time in those affairs, and is loth that this bearer should likewise enter into trading in the like commodities. He says that greater men than himself (naming no particular person) have given him order to stay the commodities (being 2001 in value) until further proof be had therein, and neither shows any such order nor proceeds in the trial of the seizure, wherewith the poor man finding himself grieved has desired these our letters to your Lordship.—From the Custom-house in Yarmouth, 20 July, 1608.
Signed. John Humberston. Seal. 1 p. (126 30.)
1608, July 20. Warrant to the Earl of Salisbury for renewal to one Thomas Browne, founder of the iron ordnance, and John Davis, merchant of London, of their agreement made 30 Jan. 42 Eliz. to receive out of the store in the office of the Ordnance all short and unserviceable pieces of iron ordnance, and within one year to deliver again into the store, weight for weight, bore for bore, and length for length, such ordnance as the Master of the Ordnance for the time being or his lieutenant should think fit to accept; so as the old and unserviceable ordnance might be licensed to be by them transported without paying custom or other duty for the same. Which offer having been of late renewed is found to be of good use, with addition of certain clauses and covenants agreed upon between the Master of the Ordnance and the said Browne, for preventing of frauds and abuses that might be practised under the colour of such transportation. The said Browne shall put in sufficient security in the ports, where the same shall be embarked, that the ordnance shall not be carried into the territories of any states not being, at the time of the lading of the same, in amity and league with us. Given under the signet at the Palace of Westminster, 21 July, in the first [?sixth] year of the King's reign.
Signed: James R. Seal. 1½ pp. (126 31.)
Lord Sheffield to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 20. The bearer, Sir Charles Kelke, is his tenant to the herbage of Sheiffh[?eld] Park in Yorkshire, and has the keepership of the same during the life of Thomas Weldon. The tenancy and the keepership should be joined, for the better preservation of his Majesty's game, and for other reasons detailed. Kelke begs a lease of the said herbage from the Crown, for an ordinary term of years and at a reasonable fine. The fine may be employed for repair of the most decayed parts of the manor house, which either must be presently repaired or else it will fall of itself.—My house at Crambrook, 20 July, 1608.
Signed: 1 p. (127 98.)
Christian Steward to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 23. For relief from the King. Note of payment to her of 20l.—July 23, 1608.
1 p. (P. 1845).
Silver Plate
1608, July 25. Warrant under the privy seal to the Earl of Salisbury to allow John Calandrini or his agents to transport out of the realm a basin and ewer of silver-gilt, garnished with rubies, emeralds and pearls, weighing 292 ounces, with certain other pieces of white plate, not exceeding 180 ounces, on payment of the usual duties and customs. The basin and ewer of the value of 180l were brought into England at the request of Ralph, Lord Eure, and remaining unsold are now requested to be transported back.—Given at Theobalds, 25 July, in the sixth year of the King's reign.
Signed: James R. Seal. 1 m. (126 27.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to [the Earl of Salisbury]
1608, July 27. Touching the imprisoning of Thomas Willford upon information of Owen and Baldwin for holding correspondency with my Lord, and suggesting further that he was set on work by my Lord to kill Owen. He purposes to treat with the Archduke to disabuse him touching the false informations which are made thereof. The Marquis of Tabarra of the company of Don Pedro de Toledo come to visit these Princes from the King of Spain. The English Jesuits settled at Watten. This day the ceremony of the clothing of four English nuns, Mistress Vaux, another daughter of Mr Edward Gage, a second daughter of one Mr Doleman of the North, with another; none to be admitted under 500l portion.
Abstract. (227 p. 349.)
Edward Palavicino
1608, July 29. Acknowledgment of receipt by Edward Palavicin from "Mr Steward" by the appointment of "my Lord", of 30l 8s to be paid to the French Ambassador's secretary, "for those men that brought the Estriges to the King."—29 July, 1608.
½ p. (214 60.)
[Sir Thomas Edmondes] to —
1608, July 30. In recommendation of the Count of Fontenie.
Abstract. (227 p. 349.)
The Prisers of Bristol to the Earl of Salisbury
1608, July 31. We have received your letter of the 10th of June last for the delivery of two tuns of Coinocke wines to John Barnabye of London, which were here stayed for prisage. We have delivered the wines unto him and taken a bond, that if it be ordered or adjudged that Londoners shall pay prisage here, he is to pay for these two tuns of wine unto us, the farmers thereof. The late Lord Treasurer willed us to take prisage wines of all merchants of London and the Cinque ports bringing wines hither, for that they ought to be free only in their own ports; and of late divers Londoners and merchants of the Cinque ports have paid prisage in other places of this realm, which if they should not do, it will be an occasion that the King and his farmers shall be much deceived of the prisage wines Divers merchants make contracts with the Londoners, and some enter their wines in Londoners' names only to defraud the prisage. We pray that if they should be found to be free of prisage, that then such Londoners as bring wines to Bristol may pay composition to the King's House, as they do at London, otherwise they will be more free here than we the inhabitants of the city that bear the charge of the same, and so drive us out of our trade, they being able to afford their wines better cheap at least 15s in a tun than we can. Likewise it touches the King's profit the tunnage of 8l in every ship that comes to this port, and 12l of every ship that comes into the outports in the River Severn.—Bristol, last of July, 1608.
Signed: Mathew Haviland, Henry Kitchen, John Fowness. Thomas Whithered. 1 p. (126 34.)
The Earl of Northampton to Sir Thomas Edmondes
1608, July. Upon occasion of congratulation from Sir Thomas Edmondes of his office.
Abstract. (227 p. 348.)
Maximilian Colte to the Earls of Suffolk and Salisbury
[? 1608. c. July.] There is a great want in the services appertaining to the royal buildings and other erections of monuments and works. Among those who have served the King as masons, joiners and carpenters, there has not been one skilful in carving in stone and wood, so that Kings and princes have been drawn either to call workmen from beyond seas, or to order their work there. Petitioner professes this art in London, and desires to serve the King in that faculty, and begs a patent, livery and wages for the same.—Undated.
1 p. (196 111.)
See Cal. S.P.Dom. 1603–1610, p. 449.]
Edward Misselden to the Earl of Salisbury
[1608, July]. The encouragements which move me thus to solicit you in the business left to your consideration are many: the discouragements few. Those, being the profit of the weal-public, your Lordship's favour to my Lord Ambassador at Venice, confirmed from time to time by your favourable answers to my Lord Wotton, and seconded to me even in the acceptation of the business into your hands; and lastly, the great time, labour and cost, myself and friends having ad aequos calculos been at full 600l charge in preparation of a house and provision of matter, utensils and sundry instruments fit for extraordinary endeavour such as (I dare say) were never yet performed in this land. These, on the other side, (viz. my discouragements) being only two; the one, the general opposition of the civil law that says In rebus novis constituendis evidens esse debet utilitas. The other being that particular injury that it may be suggested to carry with it against some man in private or some former grant. To the first I will counterpose the utility that my project carries with it, and the approbation of the municipal laws of this land, contrary or besides which I desire nothing in my said project to find favour. To the second, and indeed sole, opposition which I fear in this business I cannot sufficiently answer unless I may be pardoned to nominate the thing and persons. I have just cause to suspect one Mr Turner (whom I once named to you) and in him Sir Jerome Bowes whose patent for glasses the same Turner possesses. This opposition I fear the rather because of the practice Turner of late has used to supplant my business in hand, and that under colour of joining the right hand of fellowship with me and my friends in it, offering to us an union of this and Sir Jerome's business together, or else at a certain price to deliver over to us the said patent, but in conclusion has indeed performed neither, intending nothing but a discovery of the course of my proceedings. For Sir Jerome Bowes my desire is to give you an effectual satisfaction, that if he shall complain that the allowance of my project may in the least prejudice his patent, then will we be content to allow him the annual rent that he now receives, and for his substitutes, if they complain, to give them also that consideration you shall think fit.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "July 1608." 1 p. (126 35.)


  • 1. States in Winwood's Memorials.