Cecil Papers: August 1588

Pages 341-354

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1889.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.


August 1588

709. — Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 1. I have heard nothing from you since the return of Alex. Graham, whereof I marvel, both because I have written twice, and because by your last you promised I should hear shortly. What should be the cause of your silence I cannot imagine, but until I receive answer of my last, bearing date July 19, I can go no farther in no matter with his Majesty, as you may easily understand if these letters be come to your hands. Always that you should not be ignorant of our state, nor how matters pass here, I thought good by this bearer to let you know.
On the 24th of last month, after two or three days spent in plays and masquerades for solemnising of this marriage, the English Ambassador had audience at Holyrood House with his Majesty about three quarters of an hour, and immediately thereafter had large conference with M. Clermont d'Amboise, arrived here by accident of stormy weather, having his course directed towards England, whither he went within two days thereafter. His Majesty, albeit he made good account of the gentleman himself, and made him great good countenance, yet so far as I can understand, since he has twice heard him, and the Chancellor had long and large conference with him, he can collect no great matter of his hither coming, but only words and general fair promises, whereby, I fear me, he shall depart with small contentment; and his Majesty, remaining unsatisfied, and frustrate of the hope and expectation whereunto he was put by Robert Cary, shall listen and give ear to those who this long time have persuaded him to run a contrary course, whereof I am doubly sorry, both for the common benefit of this isle, that I see by this dealing put in hazard, and then half for this gentleman, (whom I love for those good parts that are in him, and the good will he bears to you,) whose labours I wished might have produced some better effect than I fear they shall. He continues still here for further direction. I pray God that now, since they see so many enemies confederate against them, they may take such honorable resolution for satisfaction of his Majesty, as may move him to concur with them for defence of this isle against all foreign invasion, which he would be glad he might do in honour.
Our Convention dissolved July 29, wherein there were only three principal points handled, the first, touching his Majesty's marriage, which was earnestly craved by all the States to be hastened, but the election both of the party and the form of proceeding therein is referred to his Majesty and his Council. The other point was that, seeing the doing of that matter would be chargeable and expensive to his Majesty, mention was made that some taxation should be granted to help his Majesty, and for that cause there is granted a hundred thousand pounds to be levied of the nobility, gentlemen, and beneficed men by the taxation of the borrves. The third point was touching the Lord Maxwell, that the noblemen there convened would take trial of his actions, and what he had deserved that had contravened the commands of his Prince, and troubled the country, and sought the destruction both of the religion and present state. But that matter by advice of his Majesty is to be tried in October, and in the meantime he is committed prisoner in Edinburgh Castle. Immediately after the Convention, his Majesty departed towards Falkland, there to remain the greater part of this season, if this accident fallen out yesterday betwixt the Earl Bothwell and Sir Wm. Steuart, whom the Earl has slain, shall not draw him hither again, as it is thought, and his coming expected this night. The particulars of this accident, together with all other common matters, I refer to the bearer.—From Edinburgh, this 1st of August 1588.
P.S.—Yesternight his Majesty, advertized of the slaughter of Sir William, returned to this town, and takes it very ill at the Earl of Bothwell's hands, especially since his Majesty the day he departed had caused him subscribe an assurance. The cause of his coming rather to speak [to] the English Ambassador, who has received letters from that country and certain word of the coming of the Spaniards to the narrow seas betwixt France and England. His Majesty yesternight after supper gave him audience in the Chancellor's garden. What further he has proponit to his Highness I have not as yet learnt, because I have not had time to speak with his Majesty.
2 pp.
710. Charlotte de la Marck to the Earl of Leicester.
1588, Aug. 2/12. Je vous ay, depuis mes tristes et lamantables pertes de feue Madame ma mère et Messieurs mes frères, fait part de mes doléances comme à celuy que je scay les avoir si parfaitement aymez que vous aurez plaint à ce qui avoit cest honneur leur estre si proche un tel désastre, et encore en un temps si rude qu'au lieu que Ton deubt prendre compassion de ma misère. Je suis assaillie de la plus cruelle façon que Ton se peut représentee et sans relaache depuis trois ans passez en ceste place et celle de Jamectz, sinon celle qu'il a pleu à Dieu quelquesfois y donner en repoussant la violance de noz ennemis. Mais en fin m'estant ce faictz insuportable sans l'assistance du Tout Puissant et de ceux qui le revèrent, je suis contrainte la recercher, prenant la hardiesse (à cest effect) de requérir la Royne vostre Maistresse, qu'il plaise à sa Majesté de faire mettre en mon nom le passeport duquel il luy avoit pleu favoriser feu Monsieur mon frère vers Messieurs des Estatz de Holande, dont je puisse tirer quelque soulagement pour m'opposer à la violance de ceux qui désirent ma ruine pour la religion de laquelle il a pleu à Dieu m'honorer (et fera, s'il luy plait, tous les jours de ma vie).—De Sedan, ce xii jour d'Aoust 1588.
1 p.
711. John Robinson to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 3. Begs to know his pleasure respecting the 600 cloths, licence to pass the same having been granted to Edward Johnson by warrant from the Lord Treasurer. He is to depart presently, and desires full payment for the same, but the writer doubts whether Douglas is fully acquainted with the proceedings.—3 August 1588.
1 p.
712. Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 5. Yours of July 28 came to my hands August 3, the day his Majesty went over the water to Falkland. The next day I followed, and found him ready to depart towards Burley, where I had long conference with him on the heads of your letter, and albeit his Majesty was little contented that my lord of Leicester did not write unto him as he desired, yet he promised to write such a letter as you desire. As for the other heads contained in your letter, he commanded me to await his return. The bearer carries to the Queen a letter from his Majesty, not far different from the instructions you desired should have been sent to you.
On Saturday, when I took my leave of his Majesty in the way as he went to Burley, there was no word of this resolution. He has now declared himself, by open proclamation at the market crosses this day through this country, to be party against all foreign enemies to this Island, has ordained all this country to be in arms, and all the descents and ports of this coast side to be fortified in case of descent of any strangers. A number here, not of the unwisest, think his Majesty has been too sudden to declare himself before being assured of that he craved. I hope my brother, about the latter end of this week, will be on his journey towards you. The Chancellor will no ways do for my brother in this-suit, &c.—Edinburgh, 5 August 1588.
713. Depositions of two Dutch Sailors who were in the Spanish Armada.
1588, Aug. 11. Jan Henricx Marinier et Jacob Cornells, tous deulx de Brouk en Noorthollande;
Disent que la ñotte partist de Lisbonne le xxx: de May avec environ Cxxx navires, comprins les pinaces et petites navires;
Disent qu 'il y avoit xl petites navires, la plus grande d'icelles de xxx lastz, aulcunes de x, xij, xx jusques à xxx lastz;
Entre icelles y avoit quatre galères de xxvj rames, et nommément celle de l'Admiral, et aultres de xxiij ou xxiiij rames;
Qu'il y avoit lors xij ou xiijc hoinmes sur les plus grandes navires;
Que les plus grandes navires estoient de viijc lastz, à sçavoir deulx vingt de vc lastz, et la reste de iiijc lastz.
Les navires d'ltalie, nommément les plus grandes, estoient mal pourveues d'artillerie, mais y aroit sur chacune d'icelles bien lm hommes tant soldats que matelots;
Sur les autres navires de vc lastz y avoit dessus vijc hommes ou environ;
Sur celles de iij ou iiijc lastz y avoit iiijc hommes ou environ, avecq leurs victuailles, comme aussy les aultres grands navires avoient aussy chargé leurs victuailles, comme boeufs, boucs, moutons, &c.;
La navire desdits déposants estoit de ijcl lastz, et sur icelle clxxx hommes avecq les gens de marine, et y avoit en ladite flotte Espagnols, Bretons, Ytaliens, Francois, et de ceulx du Pais Bas;
Disent qu'ils y a bien environ lxx navires esquippée à la guerre, lesquelles peuvent avoir par estimation environ de xxx a xl pièces de bronze;
Que les navires avoient peu de canons excepté les galères;
Que aussi aulcunes navires avoient seulement x, xij, xv, et xviij pièces d'artillerie;
Que les navires n'estoient pas bien à voile;
Que les gens de guerre n'estoient vieulx soldats; touttesfois qu'il y avoit bien xm vieulx soldats, le reste estoient vignerons, bergerons et semblables;
Que tout ensemble, tant vieulx soldats que nouvelles besoingnes, pouroit avoir, selon le dire des capitaines, environ xxvm hommes;
Touttesfois qu'ils scavent bien que lesdits capitaines mentent, comme ils ont experimenté à celluy qui estoit sur leur navire, qui n'avoit que lxxx hommes au lieu de cxxv qu'il disoit;
Que chascun est monté maugré soy à batteaulx;
Qu'il n'y avoit aulcunes navires pourveus de pilotz de pardeça, excepté une qui avoit ung pilote de Flissingue, lequel a prins la routte du Wyleinge, et que l'on dit présentement estre prins;
Que l'armée n'est pourveue de vivres que pour trois mois partant de Lisbonne, et disent que l'huile leur estoit desja faillie:
Que sur chaque galliasse y a quatre canons;
Que le Due de Medina Sidonia est général de l'armée, à sçavoir le Due de St. Lnc;
Don Alonso de Leva général des gens de guerre;
Qu'il y a beaucoup de Sieurs de la Croisade, voires par milliers comme ils disent, et que presque toutte la noblesse d'Espaigne est en l'armée;
Qu'il y avoit environ xc to xjc chevaux;
Que chasque navire a ses vivres et munitions;
Qu'il y avoit mc prestres et moines repartis sur les navires;
Disent l'armée estre partie de Lisbonne le xxxe de May, et cstre arrivée à laCaronge environ trois sepmaines, I'ung après I'aultre à cause de la tempeste;
Et que une partie des navires de pardeca avoit esté jusques environ l'Angleterre.
Qu'il y a peu de mortalité et de maladie en l'armée;
Qu'en la Caronge on a mis hors des navires environ mc malades;
Que deux navires du Pais Bas sont demourée derrière, l'une faisant eau, l'aultre aiant perdu son mast; et se sont finallement assemblées toutes les navires en la Caronge, dont ils sont partis le xxije de Juillet;
Et arrivèrent le xxviije endroict la fin d'Angleterre sans avoir rencontré aulcunes navires de guerre; que l'armée estoit là flottant deulx jours sans faire voile; ils estiment que c'estoit pour en advertir le Prince de Parma, lequel on disoit en la flotte les debvoir seconder avec xxxm hommes, et s'ils eussent voulu, ils eussent là peu mettre tous leurs gens à terre;
De là vindrent environ Plemuye le xxxe de Juillet, Dimanche passé huit jours, où ils encontrèrent xl navires, qui escarmouchèrent la flotte environ trois heures et suivoit la flotte, se renforçans tousjours, et allèrent ainsi ensemble jusques devant Poirlant, là ou derechef ils furent attacqués chaudement des Anglois, estants environ l navires, et dura environ viij heures, sans qu'iis sachent qu'il y demeura aulcun navire fors celle de Don Pedro Valdez, et ung aultre, estant le Vice-Admiral, fut bruslé, à scavoir où estoit l'argent dedans; cela fut le Mardy.
Les navires Anglois estoient mieulx à voile et par tant prenoient facillement l'advantage du vent, tirant la plus part trois coups que les aultres ne tiroient ung;
Le vent a soufflé la pluspart de Suytwest;
Comme l'apotécarie estoit au navire des déposants, on y est souvent venu pour diagues, de sorte que tout le long du jour il y avoit schuytes à leur bord;
Le Jeudy suivant sont venus prez de Wight, et là se sont derechef escarmouchez, les Anglois estants renforcez de navires, et dura la canonnerie environ de quatre heures sans qu'il fit grand domage, sinou en la blessure des personnes;
De là sont allez le vje de ce mois jusques à deulx lieues de Calais, et illecq mouillé l'ancre, où ils demeurèrent repas et demy, aiants tousjours les Anglois au dessus du vent [eetmael loeffwairt], où iceulx allumèrent de nuict huict navires de feu, lesquels ne firent aulcun signale domage d'aultant que les Espaignols coupèrent leurs ancres;
Et d'aultant que pareu la flotte s'en alloit avecq la marée l'ung des galiasses fut lors prins des Anglois, sur lequel y avait bien mille hommes, et lequel fut environné bien de cinquante navires:
Les déposants ne scauroient dire que les Angloiz aient souffert quelque dommage;
Que la flotte d'Espaigne est ainsi passée oultre, prenant sa routte vers la pleine mer, de sorte qu'iis esiiment qu'elle est présentement environ la bouche de la Meuse;
Lors que la flotte arriva en vers Suying, elle fut derechef attacquée par les Anglois, qui estoient cl navires, et dura bien le combat dix neures là, où deux gallions et une navire de Biscaye furent mis au fond, et aussy, comme ilz estiment, ung navire ytalien, d'aultant qu'il crioit pour secours;
Après quoy ils dressèrent leur route vers le Nort, prenants la fuitte comme il sembloit environ quatre heures de long à pleins voiles sans trompette ou bruict d'ung costé ny d'aultre, les Anglois tousjours suivants, et quand l'ung tiroit aussy faisoit Paultre;
Et allèrent ainsy vers le Nortwest et Noort-Nortwest, aussy Nort-Nort-Ouest, environ repas et demy, ce qui fut Lundi dernier;
Que l'armée Espaignolle se tenoit serrée l'ung près de l'auctre;
Disent estre enfuiz à dix Mardi en la nuict avecq ung esquif, qui estoit lié derrière au navire, qui a esté entre le Wyelinge et la Meuse, environ vingt lieues en la mer, selon qu'ilz peuvent juger, aiant desja ladicte armée passé comme ils peuvent estimer la longueur du Wyelinge;
Aiant laissé l'armée d'Espaigne en troupe, l'ung prèz de l'aultre;
Disent que les navires d'Espaigne ont soutfert grand dommage, comme ne pouvant les canonades faillir pour le grand nombre de gens estants sur lesdites navires;
Que les navires Angloises ont souffert peu de perte, estants seullement tirées par les voiles, et n'aiant perdu aulcun mast;
Disent que les Espaignols mènent beaucoup de cordes es navires;
Disent n'avoir rien entendu de leur desseing, mais qu'ils ont quelquefois bien ressenty que quand ils seroient joincts avecq le Prince de Parme, ils retourneroient à Wight, sans touttefois que aulcuns capitaines ny aultres sceut où se debvoit exécuter l'entreprmse;
Disent que estants près de Calais, il venoit bien des chaloupes du Prince de Parme, leur disants qu'il leur viendroit au secours;
Que les Espaignols ont fort tiré sur les Anglois, mais ils ne scavent pas qu'ils en aient mis aulcuns au fond;
Que les Anglois avoient tousjours le dessus du vent;
Faict à la Gare, le xje d'Aougst 1588, au soir.
Ont encores après diet:
Qu'il y avoit grand estonnement en l'armée Espaignolle;
Qu'ils disoient quelquefois qu'ils eussent bien voulu estre à terre, si avant qu'ils fussent environ “Karlelande”;
Qu'ils disoient aussy quelquefois de retourner par derrière l'Escosse, si avant que le Prince de Parme ne sortist;
Mais qu'ils estimoient qu'ils n'oseroient retourner en Espaigne d'aultant qu'estans à la Caronge, ils avoient receu lettres du roy qu'ils n'eussent à retourner devant avoir conquis l'Angleterre, ou qu'ils seroient tous penduz.
714. Thomas Fowler to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 11. I came from the camp yesterday at 11, my lord being with the Queen at Dry the, but would not for anything but be there again this night, because our news on Friday was certain, that the Prince was embarked with 50,000 foot and 6,000 horse, and to-morrow being the high (fn. 1) (fn. 1) it was doubted (fn. 1) (fn. 1) would (fn. 1) (fn. 1) (fn. 1) . If I were to absent myself now, I were to be accounted a “ferd” coward; besides that I know not if Mr. Aston be come to court or to the leaguer, so that if I came and missed him, I should think my labour so much lost, though I would bestow more to wait on your lordship, if it were to purpose. I am glad he is come, and hope he hath brought some good content. I beseech you to pardon my not coming, and if it please you, let me understand something of your knowledge.—11 August 1588.
1 p.
715. The Confession of Gilbert Gifford.
1588, Aug. 14. A.D. 1588, 14 Augusti, Parisiis Lutetiorum, ex carcere Episcopali.
Cum primum Parisios appuleram (post meum a Collegio Rhemensi discessum) solum in genere Morgano dixi me, si in Anglia apprehendi et coram Walsinghamo sisti contigeret, illi rnanifestaturum perpetuas me inimicitias cum P. Societatis Jesu exercuisse, easque me prosequi statuisse, velleque quidvis aggredi et tentare contra illos in ejus servitium, quod totum a Morgano approbatum est.
Postea cum essem in portu (dicta Rye) apprehensus et ad Walsingham delatus, apperui illi totam rem ordine ut supra, insuper adjiciens me effecturum ut multi alii mecum in hoc negotio concurrerent, quod Walsingham valde placuit, quo facto me dimisit et non ita multo post curavit ad me mitti viginti aureos. Hæc ut gesta erant articulatim Morgano per litteras illico significavi, et quod in me susceperam Doctorem Giffordium in Angliam vocare, quibus lectis Morganus (ut opinor) D. Giffordium Parisios accersit; eodem tempore ad Morganum scripsi per Gallici legati statorem ut D. Giffordius in Angliam nullo modo veniret, licet in uteris a Walsinghamo prævisis scripsi ut veniret.
Circiter idem tempus Morganus ad me in Angliam scripsit de adventu D. Giffordii in Angliam, conscio ipso D. Giff. totius hujus negotii. Effecerat enim Morganus ut D. Giff. in Angliam ad me scriberet eodem tempore et una consule vel ut omni modo Morgani sequerer directiones iisque fidem adhiberem.
Hæc autem gesta sunt in primo mco in Angliam reditu ubi quamdiu manseram, et quos sermones cum Walsingham habueram, particulatim de die in diem Morgano significavi, scripsit autem Morganus ad me sæpius de eadem re. Illico autem hujus me negotii tædium cepit, et ad Morganum scripsi me iterum transfretaturum. Ille suadet ne faciam, ego nihilominus ad iter me paro et modo Gallias propero, simulans apud Walsinghamum causam itineris fuisse ut D. Giffordium mecum in Angliam adducerem, cujus rei gratia datæ mihi sunt literæ securi transitus, in quibus nomini inserendo relictum est spatium, viz. ut D. Giff. (ut ego præ me tuleram) transfretans nomen quod illi videretur comodius imponeret, et sic sine examine aut scrutinio dimitteretur; literas istas, quas passoportum vocant, Morgano dedi adveniens, in quarum virtute Meredeth, sacerdos quidam Anglus in Angliam, rediit.
Philippus, unus ex ministris et exploratoribus Walsinghami, mihi sæpius dixit Morganum illi intimum et amicissimum fuisse, tempora etiam nominavit quando ad invicem cænarent et comederent Parisiis, quod ipsum mihi visum est verissimum, ex Philippi sermone ita ad vivum Morgani gestus et actiones expressit, visusque est naturam Morgani optime callere; quid illi inter se tractarent et quorsum nescio, mihi tamen Morganus semel narravit Philippum sibi literas quasdam ciphris conscriptas enneleasse Parisiis.
Pecunias nullas a Walsinghamo recepi, nisi paulo ante apprehensionem meam Parisiis, quin illud in genere Morgano innotuit, novit utique me pecunias ab illo recepisse. Patet in literis meis ad Walsinghamum, interpretatis jam, in quibus scripsi Morganum quidvis facturum contra Card. nostrum et Jesuitas, in iisdem scripsi Morganum valde me urgere ut in Angliam redirem.
Certum est Wal. cognovisse Mor. conscium fuisse actionibus meis, revera enim semper Walsingham monui Morganum stabilem futurum quoad intelligo ageretur contra III. Card, nostrum. Hæ autem litteræ scriptæ erant diu antequam in carcerem hic conjicerer, ex quo patet ista quæ de Morg. afFectione in Card, dixi non esse fictiones. Literæ enim istæ scriptæ erant post primam meam reditionem ex Anglia, quando Morganus ut reverterer persuasit.
Scripsi autem talia de Morgano ad Wals. ex fundamento consultationum quæ habitæ inter nos tunc erant, et quia tunc temporis habuimus librum præ manibus conficiendum contra Card, et Jesuitas. Literæ istæ Parisiis nescio quomodo erant interceptæ, nunquam tamen mihi major quam hoc tempore cum Morgano intercessit familiaritas quod argumentum est me nihil simulasse, ab illo autem tempore tres jam completi sunt anni. Quod ad librum coa Jesuitas attinet, cum po esset in Anglia egimus super hoc articulo, sed bona fide quod ad me attinet nunquam putavi fore ut ad exitum duceretur. Sed cum ex Anglia rediissem po egit mecum Morganus ut redirem, at persuaderi nolui; fecit tandem ut hoc me Grat. exoraret, cui ad tempus restiti, tandem vero succubui, et pro prætextu tarn repentini reditus una omnes conclusimus librum conficiendum. Grateleius totum confecit, Morganus multos discursus sub-ministravit, sæpe autem per duas horas continuas solitus est mecum discurrere de rebus contra Card, et P. Personium, quorum rerum summam in librum conclusimus, veluti illud de episcopis et eorum ambitione, et discursum contra generalem invasionem Angliæ.
Dixit insuper se potuisse integra volumina ponigere contra P. Personium sæpius rogavit ut librum videret, ego autem ilium de die in diem rejici metuens ne opportunitatem nactus alio tempore contra nos inde sibi commodum faceret. Tandem conclusimus, Grate, et ego, ut librum jam in Angliam niissum diceremus, quod iJle admodum moleste tulit, dicens: Domini niei numquid non videbo fructus laborum nostrorum; semper illi hoc placuit dc Hispanis ut nobiscum nihil omnino tractarent, sæpius que dicere solitus erat: Quid (Giffor.) Portugalia a rege Hisp. capta exemplo potest esse universæ Europæ. Alias solebat addere : Recuperata patria nostra posse nos pro libito in Flandria usurpare, et licet auxilium ab utraque parte desiderasset, semper tamen.
Sæpius explicavi Morgano totam seriem et omnia particularia libri illius priusquam mecum in Angliam portassem. Consensimus omnes ut traderetur, erat enim ille prætextus ultimi mei reditus in Angliam, revera autem ex parte mea totum hoc ideo erat factum ut negotium illud de interficienda Regina Angl. conficerem, quod tunc agebatur, et nobiles complurimi in id conjurassent.
Sermones ejus contra III. Card, erant frequentes in ore. Ante promotionem asserens scandalosum fuisse seminaria ab illo sic desseri, et quod jam tandem compertum esset Card, non fuisse adeo ægrægie doctum ut hominum ferebat opinio et hoc illi Romæ scriptum aiebat; curavit etiam diligenter rumores istos Parisiis disseminari. Addidit præterea insinuatum fuisse Papæ Card. fuisse de regio sanguine oriundum ad maturandam promotionem, et quod inter D. Lewis Episcopuni modo Cassanensem et Card. potuit et voluit dissidium facere, et sæpius mihi recensuit particularia ejus molimina in Card. v. g. quando Card, venit ad Episcopum Glasconensem, ut literas ab eo impetraret ad fratrem regis Franciæ tunc in Anglia agentem ut P. Campiano Societatis Jesu sacerdote ab hereticis condemnato et postea martyrizato intercederet, dixit mihi Morganus se prævenisse eum apud Episcopum illique sic in aurem insusurasse, ut Card. Episcopus valde frigide acceptum dimitteret; fundamentum autem, quo alienaretur Episcopus, erat quod inconsulto Episcopo Glas. Card. Jesuitas et sacerdotes in Angliam mitteret.
Post promotionem Card, solebat rumores spargere Card, magis fuisse ambitiosum ipso Wolseio, et tunc seminari fecit nova de Rege Scotiæ, quod futurus esset Catholicus, qua in re me actorem esse voluit, asserens necessarium fuisse ut Dux Guisiæ persuaderetur Card, totum addictum fuisse Hispanicæ factioni, et ea de re longos fecit discursus, viz. Seminaria Card, affection em ea in re sequitura, et per consequens totam nationem, nisi mature prævideretur.
Alias persuasit mihi ut D. Bernardino, legato Eegis Catholici Farisiis, insinuarem Card, in titulum filii Ducis Parmensis inquirere, illique favere et non Regis sui titulo, et quod continuus esset intercursus literarum inter Ovvenum, Duci Parmensi inservientem et Card., et quod illi nescio ipso D. Bernardino multa tractarent, et illi præriperent suas intelligentias, et hoc revera D. Bernardino narravi. Sæpius autem Morganus a me quæsivit quis eorum esset agens pro Uteris transportandis mortuo Brinchio. Dixi me neminem existimare in eo officio positum, tantum putabam iitteras per manus Evani transferri, unde persuasit mihi ut illius interciperem sarcinalas, quod profecto nunquam feci. De libro contra epistolam scriptam D. Gulielmo Stanleio neque Morganus neque Gratelius intellexerunt quicquam. De Gratlei profectione Romam versus nunquam neque scivi neque audivi, nisi post incarcerar.ionem meam. De Morgano quid fecerit nescio. Sæpius mihi dixit Morganus hoc nobis persuasum esse debere Card, et Jesuitas nobis futuros imperpetumm inimicissimos, quod ipsum sæpius inculcavit, causam dans (quantum memini) librum istum, et sua in illos machinamenta; et in hunc finem, ut partes suas fbrtiores redderet, cmnes qui Rhemis venerant continuo tentavit, et si quam in eis dispositionem inveneral., egit statim ut eos ad suam traheret factionem.
Verba ilia quæ scripsi, viz. potuisse nos etiam in ipsum Pontificem scripsisse, si Morgani humorem fuissemus sequti, ideo scripta fuere ut ostenderem Morganum ut sibi in hac re satisfaceret, non curare in quern scriberet aut cui malediceret, aut quibus mediis res conficerentur, modo sibi quod vellet succederet, semel enim mihi persuasit ut magnum Angliæ Thesaurarium adirem eodem modo quo Walsinghamum adiissem, et ut cum eo etiam agerem; sed quia novi Thesaurarium contrariæ fuisse factionis Walsinghamo non approbavi consilium.
De Grateleio nunquam audivi ex quo Parisiis in Germaniam profectus est, nisi semel sunt autem illæ iiteræf iilius semper Parisiis in quibus nominat Bentivolios, neque ego ad ilium scripsi nisi semel, idque quando Philippus ad me scripsit ut ilium revocarem, erat enim id temporis nobis omnibus valde oftensus. In conscientia dico nunquam novi Gratelium aliquas a Vals. pecunias accepisse; a Staffordio oratore Reginæ quod fecerit nescio.
Gilbertus Giffordius.
Copy, 4 pp.
716. Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 14. Ever since the day Roger Ashton departed, I have been attending upon his Majesty, for the performing that which at receipt of yours dated July 28 he promised, and if these tumults and bruits of the coming of the Spaniards in this country had not driven his Majesty from the quietness wherein he then was to this town again, where he is so full of business, long ere this that matter had been performed. Yesternight finding his leisure I entered in purpose with him in these terms; that I knew you would accuse me of great sloth and negligence for not answering your last letters that concerned his Majesty's service, requiring expedition. Therefore I humbly besought him that he would either conclude the matter last in hand, or else if he thought you should continue in doing his service, that he should direct what way to proceed, otherwise you could not but fall into some great error. Hereupon his Majesty began to open up to me how far matters had passed betwixt this Ambassador and him, what offers he had made for his satisfaction, and how now they seemed there to go back from them. The offers were these : that by and above the assurance under the Great Seal of England that this last proceeding against his Majesty's mother had not, nor should not, prejudge him nor his title, yet for his further satisfaction they should give him the title of a Duchy with sufficient revenue, five thousand pounds (not as a pension), a hundred horsemen upon the Borders on their charges, and fifty gentlemen about him for his guard. These are the offers which he says the Ambassador delivered unto him, subscribed under his hand as Ambassador. And now it seems that they would go back from some of these offers, which puts his Majesty in suspicion of their inhonest and unthankful mind towards him. He desires that you insist very earnestly both with the Queen and her Council that they diminish not but rather augment these offers, that you remind them of the danger like to ensue to them and to this whole isle if his Majesty should at this time have just occasion of miscontentment, which he cannot but have by this ridiculous kind of proceeding with him, saying one thing this day and the contrary the next; how unthankfully they have dealt with him, who had declared himself party for them against all their enemies, contented to have borne equal fortune with them for defence of this Isle; to assure them that if they use him so hardly he has the means to be avenged by joining those who, with the greatest and most advantageous offers, seek nothing but his friendship and concurrence against that country. He therefore desires you to insist earnestly with them all, but principally with the Queen, that if she mean to deal honestly with him, the Commissioners may be directed, (whom he desires to be men of credit, but principally Mr. Secretary, if he might be spared,) to meet upon offers to be made unto him, and to conclude the league; and for that he promises that the Chancellor of this realm shall be directed Commissioner for him. This is the sum of the conference that passed betwixt his Majesty and me yesternight, which he commanded me to write to you with all possible haste, promising to set down those articles under his own hand to be sent unto you. In like manner he desired you in his name to give thanks to the Earl of Leicester for the good will and favour he showed to his service, praying him to continue therein, principally at this time, whereof his Majesty would never be unmindful, of which he will assure him by letter one of these days.
We are here making all possible preparation of forces to resist all foreigners minded, as we hear, to land in this country. His Majesty is occupied in sending and directing of noblemen and others for fortifying all places upon our coasts, and to have the country in readiness in arms to be employed as his Majesty shall give directions. All Lothian, Lauderdale, and the rest of this East and North part, is commanded to be here the 19th of this month to attend upon his Majesty's person, the rest of the country severally according to their shires to be in arms and await upon the appointed Lieutenant in every several shire, to be employed as occasion shall serve. We have no certairity what is become of this Spanish army naval, except that it is gone northward, neither any certainty of the event of the last conflict was betwixt the two armies in the pass of Calais, saving that by their going northward it is thought the English have been victorious, principally since they were minded there to have joined the Duke of Parma, and so that they are at least put that far by their purpose. His Majesty and this country was fully resolved to have taken plain part against whatsoever strangers for defence of this whole Isle, if this one thwart dealing alter not this determination. I pray God the Queen and her Council may conceive of our Sovereign as he deserves at their hand, and not deal cunningly with him as they would do with those they suspected, for then it is very apparent they shall compel him to do his worst. Those in this country that are assured to Spain are glad of these cross dealings, and are busy enough to set forward these courses, to the hurt of England, but, if her Majesty will do her duty, their labour will be in vain.—From Edinburgh, this 14th of August 1588.
717. “J. Par” to the Cardinal of Seville.
[1588, Aug. 14.] Beasti nos aspectu tuo (Illustrissime Princeps), atque adeo tanta hac qua nobis pates facilitate cogis, ut quern erga nationem nostram amorem quamplurimis in Catholicos extorres collatis beneficiis, pro eo pauci cæterorum nomine, vel potius pro omnibus ego, gratias quantas uno animo concipere possumus maximas meritissimo agamus. Enimvero nunc jam veras experimur illas benignitatis tuæ laudes, quas de te sæpissime nobis audiencibus solebat habere Alanus. Nullius enim mortalis memoriam libentius tenet quam tui optimus ille et vestri amantissimus Cardinalis Alanus. Quin etiam confirmatas jam et quasi maturos in te agnoscimus geminas et quasi domesticas Castrensis familiæ virtutes, quas in generosissimo patruele tuo nobilissimo Comite de Lymos, dum nostrum Pynciæ collegium inviseret, efflorescentes vidimus affabilitatem set et beneficentiam.
Ac demum ex utrisque vobis dum ilium animis absentem colimus te nunc oculis presentem intuemur, ea in nobis regiæ illius et clarissimæ omnium apud Anglos Lancastrensis familia memoria reviviscit, ut quotquot ex ilia potentissimorum regum invictissimorum Ducum optimorum præclarissimorumque principium in annalibus nostris extant præconia; ea omnia in te atque ipsum in quibus regius illorum ctiamnum animus integer remansit; tacita mentium nostrarum cogitatione conferamus; necnon speremus aliquando fore ut et nos domi libere prædicare possimus, et omnes posteri libenter aonoscere Cardinalem Castrensem ex regio illo quern ex Anglia sanguine sumsisti regalem in Anglos munificentiam effudisse. Cæpisti jam fœliciter dum Vallesoletanum illud seminarium tanta tua liberalitate juvando spem Angliæ recuperandæ non exiguam fecisti, atque adeo a te suppliciter obsecramus ut pergere velis beneficentiæ quo tua te virtus et benignitas vocat. Seminariis alendis haud scio an quicquam Deo gratius esse possit, certe nihil unquam Ecclesiæ commodius, neque aliquando Anglis tuis necessarium magis, neque denique tibi ad æterni temporis prædictionem gloriosius erit, quam ut id nobis prestes quod diu Scythis exhibuit Constantinop. P. Johes ille Chrisostomus. Hic vir sanctissimus gentes has quantunobis barbaras miseratus, Ariana turn peste misere laborantes, seminarium illis et ecclesiam in sua sede aperuit, ut spem et spiritus purgandæ patriæ conciperent. Domestica etiam tibi non desunt exempla, Stus Jidorus enim laudatissimus hujus urbis Antistes seminarium hic Hispalense quidem instituit, in quo adolescentes generis et ingenii laude comendatos et in iis D. Alfonsum Toletanum, “D. Branlivum, Cæsar Austanum, postea pontifices mirabiliter exudivit. Quod ille suis Hispanis, idem si tu tuis Anglis (si tuos appellem eos e quorum optimis regibus oriundus es) quosque charitate et benevolentia tuos facis faciundum putares, extarent profecto æterna tibi hujus rei in cælis mcrita et in terris ubique gentium vestigia non ad exigui temporis recordationem pressa leviter, sed ad memoriam fixa sempiternam.
In ea enim tempora incidimus ut nulla pene Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ restituendæ spes reliqua sit nisi in solis seminariis, ex quibus sicut sagittæ in manu potentis ita filii excussorum, qui ita in omnipotentis Dei manu contra inimicos ejus quotidie fiunt, sagittæ parvulorum factæ sunt plaga eorum. Beatum igitur eodem Psalmista authore prædicamus eum qui suum benefaciendi desiderium impleat ex ipsis, non solum non confundetur cum loquetur inimicis snis ad portam, sed muros Ecclesiæ plane confundet. Ad illud bellum contra hæreticos, qui hic sunt fratrum suorum vestigiis insistentes proficiscuntur, utiuam tarn armis et virtutibus instructi quam animis inflammati, eo quod tuam nacti benedictionem captorum et afflictorum in Anglia confratrum approbationem nacturi sunt; nihil enim illis gratius ad audiendum, nihil istis suavius ad reeordandum esse poterit quam ut possint dicere, benigna to nos benedictione venientes beasse, et fausta absentes precatione prosequtum fuisse.
Endorsed:—“1588, 14 Aug.—This is the oration made to the Cardinal of Sivill by 'J. Par,' as I take hyt, which you willed me to wryte owte. I was not in place when this was made, & therefore know not well who made hyt, but as I herde and procured the copye.”
Copy. 1¼ pp.
718. Ordnance, &c. at Limerick Castle.
1588, Aug. 22. Comprising brass ordnance of cannon and culverin, shot, elm planks, mowing scythes, shirts of mail (21), longbows, black bills (116), &c., besides unserviceable corslets, morions, burgonets, &c.
2 pp.
719. Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
[1588], Aug. 23. Marvels at not having heard from him, and thinks perhaps his letters have been intercepted. For his part intends to abstain from all dealing for a space, and to withdraw himself from Court and his Majesty's presence, unless his lordship commands otherwise, for he doubts not that, when his Majesty has had proof of other men's service, and what they can and will do for him, he will think the better of his lordship and of his actions, and consider how he has wronged himself by using him as he does. He is indeed marvellously incensed against his lordship, but for what cause he cannot find out. Intends by the grace of God to be at the Convention in Stirling on the 20th of this month, after which his lordship shall hear from him. Meanwhile must needs let him understand that there is a very great appearance of division and new factions in this country, for at his Highness' being in the north, the Master of Glamis, Mar, and the Justice Clerk have taken the means that the King has appointed with the Earl of Erroll and almost all the rest of that faction, as he wrote before; whereof the Chancellor has taken so great fear that, to make him also a party, he has caused the Lord Claud to be put at liberty and is now about to agree him with his brother; to please them also he has caused Maxwell to be transported to Edinburgh, and will very shortly procure his liberty. He hath himself agreed with Bothwell, and is now travailing to agree him and Home, wherein he uses the Master of Gray. So now have they greater factions than before, and by particular men's ambition his Majesty's service is ruined. On the other side, the Master and Justice Clerk have over ten Earls, Erroll, Mar, Huntly, who comes shortly also out of ward, and a great number of others.
If his Lordship deems it any way expedient, thinks it would not be difficult to join him in friendship and dealing with this last faction, for he knows that the Justice Clerk bears him the same and even greater good will than he always professed. Begs to know his mind herein as secretly and surely as may be.
The Chancellor is on Monday to go to Stirling, and has requested all this country and his friends in other parts to accompany him, for he carries with him Mr. Walter Lindsay, whom on the 19th of this month he apprehended quietly in Edinburgh in his brother's house. Entreats his Lordship that this and all other letters he may write to him may be either burnt or else kept close and shown to no man, for there are some of his letters the substance of which has met with him here, to his own and his Lordship's discredit.
Assures him there is fear of late begun of a dealing between some of this State and the Duke of Parma and other Princes, and that by the consent (but privily) of his Majesty.
If Mr. John Colvill does not return satisfied in the principal matters it will appear more plainly, and he fears his Majesty in choler will declare himself farther than ever he did hitherto. Sees the grounds thereof sufficiently laid already, and the enemies to the State here think they have already won their process. Suspects the Chancellor shall fall on that side. What he can learn farther of this matter will advertise as occasion affords.—Whittingham, 23 August.
3 pp.
720. Yves de Gourmille.
1588, Aug. 21. Warrant, under the Privy Signet, to permit one Yves de Gourmille, a French gentleman who had suffered sundry losses at the hands of pirates, to transport a certain number of calf skins into France.—St. James's, 24 August 1588.
1 p.
721. Thomas Mills to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 26. By the inclosed you will see that all in Kent are in health, and pass their time as merrily as they can. As soon as I came to the town (I came this noon tide), the post brought me word that there is a packet come from Mr. Worton. God send good news! because as I take it he is come to Berwick, for the packet bore date from thence under his hand the 22nd of this present. Good Sir, by this bearer in a word or two let me know how the world stands since my going.—26 August 1588.
¼ p.
722. Robert Bowes to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 27. At the hands of Stephen Lussier I received from you two packets, severally addressed to M. Moulins and Mr. Douglas, and finding M. Moulins returned towards London, and departed from hence before the receipt of your letters, I have therefore sent back unto him with this bearer the packet directed to him. The other I despatched presently on receipt thereof. The news in these parts are so sufficiently known to the bearer, as I have chosen to commend them to his report unto you.—At Berwick, the 27th of August 1588.
¼ p.
723. Samuel Cookburne to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Aug. 30. Intercedes on behalf of Patrick Morris, a young merchant who, “partly through negligence and partly by youth,” has offended his lordship, but who is now thoroughly repentant.—Edinburgh, the penult of August 1588.
1 p.
724. Edward Johnstone.
1588, Aug. 30. Warrant, under the Privy Signet, to enable Edward Johnstone, a Scottish merchant, to export a certain quantity of broad cloth.—St. James's, 30 August 1588.
1 p.


  • 1. Defaced