Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 5, 1594-1595. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.
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'Cecil Papers: December 1594, 26-31', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 5, 1594-1595, ed. R A Roberts( London, 1894), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol5/pp48-77 [accessed 4 October 2024].
'Cecil Papers: December 1594, 26-31', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 5, 1594-1595. Edited by R A Roberts( London, 1894), British History Online, accessed October 4, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol5/pp48-77.
"Cecil Papers: December 1594, 26-31". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 5, 1594-1595. Ed. R A Roberts(London, 1894), , British History Online. Web. 4 October 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol5/pp48-77.
December 1594, 26–31
Dr. Thomas Ridley to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
1594, Before Dec. 26 | Upon such speech as it pleased you to use unto me this other day, I have written to Mr. Dean of Windsor touching the acceptation of the B[ishopric] of Worc[ester]; whose answer is, that his desire not to importune either my lord your father or yourself in his suit shall measure his contentment even with such place of preferment as her Majesty by both your means shall appoint him, so that he is resolved to accept of Worcester, notwithstanding whatsoever he might allege of matters past for his humble refusal thereof, and desire he hath to remain where he is. And so he resteth wholly at the disposition of your honourable favours.—From my chamber in the D[octors] Commons, the . . . . of December, 1594. | ||
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (29. 63.) | |||
Dr. Thomas Ridley to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
1594, Dec. 26. | I well hoped my last letters would have satisfied others, as it doth you, for Mr. D[ean] of Windsor's acceptation of Worcester. But, as it appeareth by the intelligence Mr. Mason hath sent me from you, some have informed her Majesty to the contrary, I am sure wholly without warrant, howsoever otherwise they durst presume to avow it to her Highness. For Mr. Dean, as he did heretofore by my letters intimate to you his humble acceptation of it, with his thankful mind to her Majesty for her gracious conceit of him, so now again he doth humbly entreat you will make known to her Highness his contentment herein. All which Mr. D[ean] would with his own hand*have testified, but that he hath been lately sick, and yet not fully recovered, and therefore craveth pardon; humbly entreating there may be made such convenient expedition in this matter as you can afford, for that delays breed feigned suggestions, as you see.—From Eton College, 26 December, 1654. | ||
Holograph. 1 p. (29. 52.) | |||
Sir Walter Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
1594, Dec. 26. | I am importuned so by this bearer I cannot refuse to write unto you. His desire is to retain towards you. What your disposition hath been in these things I know well, but he will not be otherwise answered. I would be glad he would see to serve the Earl of Essex, to which I have persuaded him. This wind breaketh my heart, that [which] should carry me hence now stays me here, and holds my ships in the river of “Temeis.” As soon as God send them hither I will not lose one hour of time.—Sherborne, 26 December. | ||
Endorsed : “1594.” | |||
Holograph. ½ p. (29. 53.) | |||
Benjamin Clare, Searcher of Ipswich, to Lord Burghley. | |||
1594, Dec. 28. | Of late I have in Harwich Water seized divers goods and merchandise, laden at London and bound for Hamburgh without paying customs, but some of them under colour of bills of store—of which bills of store our Surveyor, Mr. Bland, hath one to shew you, and some others [are] remaining with me,—in which bills the cloths are mentioned to belong to divers merchants, and by search and confession of the master I find they belong to one merchant only, which, it appeareth to me, is a general deceit amongst then. Further, the master confesseth to me they be strangers' goods, as I can also prove for the most part. For that I am informed that the merchants owners of these goods are men of great wealth, and have given out great words against me, that they will have their goods from me by writs of delivery out of the Exchequer Court, which is ordinary to all merchants challenging their goods, and that they, having their goods, will make me a poor searcher or I shall recover against them for her Majesty and myself; my humble request is you would grant me your warrant, all other warrants whatsoever to the contrary [notwithstanding], to hold the goods to her Majesty's use and my own until the cause shall receive hearing before you : the rather for that, being her Majesty's head searcher, I have entered bond with good security to answer her moiety, and have this last term paid a good portion of money for goods by me seized and recovered, in like sort shipped.—From Ipswich, 28 December, 1594. | ||
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (29. 55.) | |||
Beep. | |||
1594, Dec. 28. | Petition of Henry Draper of Southwark, Beer Brewer, to Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of the Exchequer. | ||
Is not commanded for the brewing of any beer for the fleet now to be set forth.—Southwark, 28 December 1594. | |||
1 p. (471.) | |||
Matthew [Hutton,] Bishop of Durham, to Sir Robert Cecil and Sir John Wolley. | |||
1594, Dec. 29. | Since the receipt of your letters of the 10th inst. I have been many ways troubled with infirmities, calling my mind to the consideration of another world, and yet am not fully recovered. Yet have I dutifully weighed your courteous and frieudly letters. | ||
First, I confess I am as much bound to the Queen's most excellent Majesty as any poor minister in her kingdom. This is the third time that, without my suit, her Majesty hath preferred me in the church far above desert or desire. | |||
Secondly, concerning a lease to be granted of Marton to young Mr. Brooke. I did indeed bear of sucb a motion made unto the late good Archbishop, but I did hear also it did very much grieve him, and it is thought that it did no good to his health. And surely, if I should yield unto it, I think verily it would be a mean to bring my hoary hairs with grief unto my grave. I did never hurt any ecclesiastical living in my life; I think it not lawful; and I am persuaded in conscience that I ought not to leave any living in worse case to my successor than my predecessor did leave it unto me. Yet to shew my thankfulness to so gracious a Sovereign (wherein lawfully I may), in September last, before the death of the Archbishop, I did write to the Lord Treasurer that an escheat of lands of good value within this County Palatine, holden of the Bishop in capite, was fallen unto me by th'attainder of Mr. Francis Dacars (Dacres). I did freely offer then, and do now most willingly, to yield all my right and title to the said lands to her Majesty, both because the escheat was too great for me, a man of mean desert, and for that her Majesty is at infinite charges in defending the whole realm from Romish and traitorous practices. The Bishop of this see hath “forisfactura guerrœ” by charter; my successor cannot claim aught in this matter. | |||
The bearer, Mr. Dethicke, shall attend upon my Lord Treasurer and your honours.—From Auckland, 29 December, 1594. | |||
Signed. Seal. 2/3 p. (29. 56.) | |||
Notes in Spanish. | |||
1594/5, Dec. 30./Jan. 9. | Notes, apparently of speeches made to the Queen. | ||
I. “Con su Magestad, Ultima Memoria. | |||
“El aviso que tuve, de que dì parte à Mylord los otros dias de aquellas juntas secretas de Ægypto. | |||
“Que la causa he sabido despues, ya la dixe à su Magestad. | |||
“Lo que commoviò; lo que obrò; templanca en aquella persona. Porque es gran maestro de afloxar la escota segun el viento, y en desnudarse de los mayores affectos en la necessidad.) | |||
“Lo que he sabido de algunos particolares estrangeros, de intelligencias de los Estados : de Francia, de Escocia; de yentes, y vinientes. | |||
“Lo que juzgo en elio por su servicio. | |||
“Que el mayor consejero de reyes siempre fue la intelligencia de las cosas. Que por esso el sol excede a todos los planetas porque cala las entrañdas de todos los elementos. | |||
“Que en esta use de los medios seguros, y gratos. Que el fin de la medicina no es la gloria del medico, sino la salud del enfermo. | |||
“Que he sabido, estas pocas horas que he estado en Inglaterra, algunas cosas : y entre ellas causas de descontentos, no por su Magestad sino por algunos suyos. | |||
“Que el respecto de unos reynos à otros, de unos principes à otros, por la major parte procede de la estima que se haze del valor de los principes, ò, de sus ministros. Porque buenos, y valorosos ministros conservaron à sus principes reynos no grandes y los ygualaron con los mayores : Como falta de tales los disminuyeron, y aun perdieron a sus principes. | |||
“Que en su Magestad bien veo que todos reconocen, y reverencian su prudeneia su virtud varonil, sue buena fortuna. Pero que tambien he entendido que tienen en poco à algunos ministros, ò, por imprudentes, ò, por avaros, o por no valerosos. Partes a que todos se atreven. | |||
“Que a este dañ attienda su Magestad, porque no padezca su estimacion por culpas agenas y porque estas no sean causa que se juzgue que las actiones passadas y buenos successos han sido effectos de la Fortuna y no de su prudeneia; y porque no se convierta por las mismas culpas el odio de su pueblo, que ay contra algunos de los suyos a su Magestad. A lo menos que no se reparta. Que es transito muy facil. | |||
“Que considere lo que le dixe en una de mis memorias de los malcontentos, y el cuydado dellos. (Que como el poder humano es limitado, mas engendra de descontentos que de contentos. Y dixo el otro; que por la mayor parte vençieron los mas à los menos.) | |||
“El dia de my despedida. | |||
II. Notes similar in style to the above and in the same hand, treating of the state of the affairs of Europe and the War between France and Spain. One of the writer's suggestions is to put Don Antonio on the throne of Portugal. He then points out the advantages at present existing “vivieudo el que vivre,” such as the title to Navarre and the discontent in Arragon, and concludes with some notes upon the “manner of the War” which is to be carried on at several points at the same time, as one is not enough. The most important article reads thus :— | |||
Mark this! Lady, that courage of the enemy, having an enemy more powerful, was imprudence. That he who rules (pone) them knows little and has his own aim and not that of his prince, perhaps her ruin and that of her realm. And let those not flatter themselves who might be considered “por maestros de inconvenientes” whether they be old or young : for there are fools (imprudentes) among old men and cowards among young. | |||
Endorsed :—“Para su Magestad. A ix de Enero, 1595.” | |||
Spanish. Small paper. | |||
10 pp. (29. 104.) | |||
Information against Captain Parkinson. | |||
1594, Dec. | Peter Clyfford (“one that served Captain Parkinson”) saith that upon Friday last (“15 November”) Roger Mylle (“lieutenant to Parkinson”), in presence of him and of Tristram Wayte (“a gunner of Portsmouth”), said he was able to charge Captain Parkinson with saying, “That her Majesty was a very bitch and as bad as the old Queen of France”; and that Mr. Washington, parson of Fawle, could witness the same. | ||
Signed :—Peter Clyfford, Robert Lane. | |||
The notes in brackets are by Lord Burghley. | |||
Endorsed :—“December, 1594. Mr. Lane's information of the sayings of Clifford.” | |||
½ p. (29. 57.) | |||
[Sir Robert Cecil] to Thomas, Lord Buckhurst and Sir John Fortescue. | |||
1594, Dec. | This morning I presented to her Majesty the writs of Congé d'eslire for divers bishoprics; whereupon her Majesty, having been formerly dealt with by Mr. W. Kyllegrew, of her Privy Chamber, she was now again in the instant moved in this suit, whereof you shall find the particularities by this note enclosed. Her Majesty perceived hereby the state of his demand, and is exceeding graciously disposed to pleasure her servant; and yet, because some years are past since the Lords considered of it, and divers of the Lords are dead who did subscribe to the justness of the request as it was then informed, her Majesty hath now commanded me to require your lordship and Sir John Fortescue to consider seriously of the cause, and to inform yourselves whether it can be prejudicial to the bishop [of Exeter] or no : which if it be not, being in his own country and he tenant to the thing, and having heretofore upon renewing of the lease paid his fine to the bishop, and having also procured only the dispensation for the proviso, as you shall further perceive, I find her Majesty, upon your report, determined to have the bishop spoken with for the gentleman, whom I perceive her Majesty thinks very worthy of any good turn. Which being all I have to say in this matter from her Majesty, I recommend you to God's protection; and I have told him that I am but a messenger, and therefore he must depend upon your favours. | ||
Endorsed :—“Dec. 1594. Copy of my master's letter to the L. Buckhurst and Sir Jo. Fortescue.” | |||
Holograph draft by Cecil. | |||
1 p. (29. 58.) | |||
Sir Walter Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
[1594, Dec] | You must esteem me for your evil spirit that haunts you thus with so many tedious businesses. I could not dispatch with that debt of Symson's for the widow Smith. She bath a son that waits on the Keeper, and her daughter married Mr. Wilkes, so as it will be the harder to clear; yet seeing I am but a surety for Spilman and never borrowed penny of her, it hath the more reason. If it be not stayed, all that I have will be taken upon the execution in my absence; and if she will not give longer day, I think the next way will be that the sheriff of Dorset be commanded to execute no writ upon me in that country, for although they can do no good by reason all the interest is in my son, yet the discredit will be great if I be driven to shew that conveyance, and besides by that means my wife will know that she can have no interest in my living, and so exclaim. On this all my estate dependeth, and the Queen, having refused all other graces, I hope, will save me yet from the ruin of others. I leave it and myself to your honourable constant care, on whom I only depend and love above all. [P.S.] It is more thaD time that there be a restraint of all shipping bound out to the wars, for there are multitudes going for the Indies. If any men be taken (as some every year are) the Queen's purpose will be frustrate; and if Eaton's ships go, who will attempt the chiefest places of my enterprise, I shall be undone, and I know they will be beaten and do no good.—From Alsford this Saturday after I left you, with a heart half broken. | ||
Endorsed :—“December, 1594.” | |||
Holograph. 1 p. (29. 61.) | |||
Carew Reynell to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
1594, Dec. | My hope is you will be a principal means to obtain your father's consent to my suit for the fort of Plymouth, which I had not undertaken but upon Sir Francis Drake's assured promise of furtherance; holding it a matter more fit for me, the same being amongst my kinsmen and friends, who would upon any necessity support me, than for a stranger destitute of like helps. Besides, he assured then he would in no sort deal therein, finding the whole country so opposite against the town's pursuit, who offer rather to contribute unto the finishing thereof than that the town should have any interest in commandment of it, whom for many particular causes they should much fear. If the town allege the charge they have been at, it may be answered it hath not exceeded the charge of her Majesty and the country; although it standeth with very good reason they should contribute thereunto more than others, because they are to have the chief benefit thereof, the same serving as a sure defence to them. If it be said that money is due for what hath been done there, it may be answered that the Queen's allowance and the imposition of pilchards, together with the town and country contributions, might have been sufficient to discharge that work; and if it were not, yet the impositions of pilchards will defray it within a year or two. Touching the letter from the Lords of the Council to the town, whereupon they do much rely, I doubt not you know in what manner it was procured. I had never entered into the suit if, with Sir Francis Drake's promise, the whole country's desire had not concurred; in whom if the choice were, I would not stand in doubt of any competitor. All which reasons considered, as also that the country will contribute to the finishing of the fort if I may have the command, I must account myself the more unhappy that your father, of whom I never deserved amiss and of whom I will always endeavour to deserve well, should only be against me. | ||
Endorsed :—December, 1594. | |||
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (29. 62.) | |||
Marie Spencer to the Queen. | |||
1594, Dec. | Prays for a lease in reversion. Services of her late husband, James Spencer, and of her natural brother, Sir William Pelham. | ||
Endorsed :—Dec. 1594. | |||
Note by W. Aubrey that the Queen grants a lease of 20 marks yearly. | |||
½ p. (1655.) | |||
Lawrence Smith to the [Countess of Warwick]. | |||
[1594, about Dec.] | By a letter received from my Lord Deputy of Ireland, bearing date in Dublin the 14th of last month, it seemeth he wrote unto my lord Treasurer for his assistance in purchasing a new commission, wherein he had requested that in respect of the death of Sir William Weston, Sir Jeffery Fenton might supply the place; as also that Sir George Bowsar [Bourchier] or Sir Robert Dillon, whom her Majesty should think most fit, might be put in the said commission in respect they are “leigers,” for that the rest being Judges are for the most part absent by reason of their circuits, by whose absence my lords' business is much hindered, for that nothing can pass without the presence of three of them. Forasmuch [as] it seemeth my Lord Deputy's letter unto my Lord Treasurer is miscarried, for that it is not as yet come to his hands, the necessity of the premises considered, I most humbly request your ladyship to be a mean to my Lord Treasurer in my Lord Deputy's behalf, that a new commission might be forthwith obtained according to his desire, for the better accomplishment of her Majesty's service. In respect that my lord's letter is miscarried concerning the premises, I dare not presume the soliciting thereof, and therefore in duty have thought it convenient to make your ladyship privy hereunto, whereby no time may be omitted. | ||
Endorsed :—“1594. Lawrence Smythe to the Countess of Warwick.” | |||
Signed. ¾ p. (29. 87) | |||
Gio. B. Castiglione. | |||
1594. | Memorandum concerning Gio. Baptista Castiglione. | ||
Endorsed :—“1594. The Italian.” | |||
Four lines on a slip of paper. Italian. (29. —) | |||
Island of [Jersey.] | |||
[1594.] | A paper endorsed “Remembrance for Paul Ivy”, containing request that “his lordship” would give Paul Ivy authority to keep a control and check of all the emptions, payments, dayworks, and, generally, of all the disbursements made, both of the money that her Majesty intendeth to disburse this present year, and also of the rest that remaineth of the year 1593. | ||
Also, that the number of the workmen may be as great as the Island can yield, and that the number at no time may be less than 100 men. | |||
Further, that 8, 10, or 12 of the best masons may have 7 pence by the day, other 6 pence; labourers 5 pence, the greatest boys 4 pence, the lesser sort 3 pence, and all the wages to be given at the discretion of Paul Ivy solely. | |||
Undated. ½ p. (24. 64.) | |||
Plot against the Queen. | |||
[1594.] | Rough notes partly in Burghley's handwriting. | ||
First.—How far forth the king of Spain may be avowed to have been author or privy to the conspiracy for the poisoning of the Queen's Majesty. By whose confessions the same hath been detected. | |||
The like to be gathered for charging of the Count Fuentes and the secretary Stefano Ibarra. | |||
Christofero Moro. Emanuel Andrada. Gonzalo de Gomes. Pedro Cariera. John de Palacio. | |||
Likewise the proofs would be collected whereby D. Lopez, Stefano Ferera de Gama, Emanuel Lowis Tinocho were convicted of treason. | |||
Things to be had. | |||
The Confessions of | Emanuel Louys. | Signed with their hands. | |
Ferera de Gama. | |||
Doctor Lopez. | |||
The letters of | Conde de Fuentes. | Sent by Em. Louys. | |
Ibarra. | |||
Christ. de Moro. | |||
Gonzalo Gomez. | |||
The letter written by Andrada to Bar. Mendoza, intercepted when Andrada was committed in England. | |||
The letters of credit or bills of exchange from Gonzalo de Gomez to Pedro Carera and John de Pallacio. | |||
Remember to distinguish the several practices by their difference of times wherein they were done. | |||
Headed :—“To be expressed how these matters following are to be avowed.” | |||
Undated. 1 p. (28. 41.) | |||
Robert Bowyer. | |||
[1594.] | Whereas Mr. Mason, clerk of the Parliament, being in years and troubled with some infirmity of his eyes, is desirous to surrender his said office, Robert Bowyer, of the Middle Temple, makes humble suit that her Majesty will be pleased to grant the same office unto him, to be enjoyed from the surrender or death of Mr. Mason. | ||
Copy. Undated. (28. 86.) | |||
Bishopric of Winchester. | |||
[1594.] | Note of lands belonging to the Bishopric of Winchester, granted out for certain terms of years yet to come. | ||
“Crawley, 21 years to come : William Edmondes holdeth the farm there at 21l. 16s. 8d. | |||
Sevenhampton, 2 lives; John Page holdeth the farm at 20l. 10s. | |||
Seincleres, 18 years to come : Mr. William Symondes holdeth the farm there, heretofore granted to Channell, [at] 9l. | |||
Droxford, 30 [years] : Richard Benstede holdeth the farm at 6l. 13s. 4d. | |||
Beaworth, 33 : Richard Bassett holdeth the farm at 119s. 8d. | |||
Stoke Episcopi, 21 : Francis Serle holdeth the farm at 8l. 6s. 8d. | |||
Meon Church, 15 : John Wright holdeth the farm at 4l. 13s. 4d. | |||
Droxford Mill : Tho. Clenerley holdeth the mills there at 4l. | |||
The late Bishop Cooper, as the other bishops before him, have always granted divers leases, as well of some of their manors as of their demesnes, for 99 years to her Majesty to the use of their men. For the leases must begin presently, and so the years to wear out and expire, as the old term already granted to the tenants do. | |||
So that if there be a lease granted for 60 years, there will never come to the lessee 30 thereof.” | |||
1 p. (29. 60.) | |||
Henry Browne to the Queen. | |||
1594. | After coming from Madrid I took my journey for Lisbon, for, and it please your most excellent Majesty, in Portugal they are not half so severe in pursuing the servants of God as the Spaniards be in their religion; for at the apprehension of a psalm book by me, I am taken and put in prison by their cruel people, and all whatsoever I had taken from me, and being in prison I am brought for fear of vain flesh and blood to kneel to their pictures, but yet I thank the Most High my heart I did reserve still clean to my God, who wonderfully to this time with Daniel has made His good angel to convoy me home again, notwithstanding I played the part of a strayed sheep, that one day, if it shall please the gracious Lord (as I doubt not), I may be brought with the rest of His elect to His Majesty's fold. | ||
As I was acoming from Madrid, there is in every town by the way captains fast pressing succours forth, but they come little speed; for as I did hear at one inn, the captain never did see Spain in such fashion : and these that they have pressed already be but boys, and so now they go for pressing of farmer's sons, who in battle they make account has little skill. | |||
The citizens of Lisbon are wroth with his Majesty for staying the Dutch ships whereby they have their trade, in such sort that if his Majesty will not suffer them to have liberty both to pass and repass, they will change their minds from the King. Upon the speech hereof there is some put in prison, and standing almost one mind one with another say still they cannot be governed so, for his Majesty must take another dealing with them so that they “meine” still to be his true subjects; for besides the Portugal speeches being so long in Spain, the word is also in Spain that the King must needs take other somewhat the matter with your Majesty, for notwithstanding your Majesty would not use the Spaniards hardly by sea, yet in respect of the trade of “Dutches,” there must of force be some agreement with the Low Countries; for as they say, let his Majesty do as he pleases, his money shall fight against him still. | |||
Item, the Kingdom of Portugal be so chargeable to the King, that without his great and oft sending from Madrid, [they] be not able to keep their enemies back. | |||
At “Santlewis” your Majesty, I doubt not, did hear before this that there arrived 68 sail. Eight of them did pass within the castle and after coming ashore they are taken quickly and put in prison After, they pass to the ships, and not only take away the sails from them but also their masts, and they are in doing the same universally. The threescore sail without are advertised that in nowise they press to come in, but seek another port. The poor men that was taken, again to be released, pay each one 100 “gudlingis,” and scarce [had] gone the length of the town but they are again “seirssit” to be kept still in prison; but getting them quickly out of the way, pass hence to Lisbon, so, at their coming to Lisbon, the rest of the Dutchmen that was there for the present concludes altogether in one voice by night, being eleven sail, some loaded and some nothing, to get them quickly hence. | |||
Item, there is 9 sail of Englishmen taken, small barks; 6 of them do lie at Lisbon and one of them cruelly they did sink. They are put after they are taken into the castle and are to be sent home, 100 of them here in England again, by a Scottish ship of Dundee. The rest, so that they will pass quickly from Spain, are to be released. | |||
There is such a stir at Lisbon that, before I did come from hence [thence], there be fugitive already from the city 2,000 householders, carrying with them their wives, children, and goods, and that for very fear of your Majesty's navy upon the sea. I doubt not before this your Majesty did hear that at Seville there arrived 14 sail all loaded with the King's treasure : and immediately after arrival of them, word with great joy is sent with all possible diligence to the court, showing to his Majesty's council the rest of the navy are in coming, and a wonderful store thereof, and that they can not “guidle” venture to come, being but a few sails, unto the time they be aided by a strong power; for, as they did bring the word with them to Seville, both English and Dutch was strong upon the sea. | |||
Also, among their sails there be two carricks, one of them, as they do talk, if they chance to escape their enemies, may enrich a whole kingdom; so, for to meet and bring home this treasure there is wonderful great preparation making, but all the pain is they be scant of ships. They have stayed a dozen of Lubeck ships, fast trimming them to pass forward, and sending to all the sea towns where they may have good ships, still ceasing not for expense whatsoever, and as they are in readiness (as I think now they be forward), take the ships of Barcelona, besides divers others in the straits, and pass in company together. | |||
Getting myself so safely, praised be God! out of the way, [I] thought it very expedient to advertise your Grace of such news as I did hear for the time, being conversant amongst them so long; and, because hearing the naughtiness of his people in speaking unreverently of your Majesty, thought by these few lines to pay them home again to their utter shame and wrack, to the great praise of your Majesty's perpetual fame. | |||
Holograph. Signed :—“Henrie Browne, dwelling at Sanejhonstoun in the realm of Scotland.” | |||
3 pp. (29. 69.) | |||
John Burrell to [the Privy Council]. | |||
[1594.] | I have thought good to satisfy you what passed with me and Don Juan de Aquez. After 9 years which I was in prison in Galicia, the justices of that kingdom certified his Majesty of my large imprisonment, and thereupon came present order to release me, and command me to come to Court; and the justices, thinking well of me, did commit to me the carriage of 26 galley slaves to Toledo, and gave me every day 2s. for my pains, for 36 days, and two letters in my favour for Don Cristovo de Morro and Don Juan de Aquez, that I might be despatched my process. At my coming unto the Court of Spain I went to the Council of Wars, and presented the receipt I had at Toledo for the galley slaves : they bid me come unto them when my process was to be seen, and they would write to the Alcaldes de Corte that I might be despatched. Within 14 days I met Don Juan de Aquez, and being in talk with him of our country, he asked if I would serve the King, and said “the justices of Galicia have a very good opinion of you, and wrote me that you are a good Catholic;” and he said that being so long in Spain I must make account that I am of that kingdom, and if I would demand to have the privilege of that country he would help me unto it of the King. After these speeches he said, “I have occasion to use a man as you which hath experience and brought up unto the sea, and he should lie in London to give me intelligence if any fleet did prepare to go from any port of England, which pretended any voyage to take the spoil of the King of Spain's countries.” He would that I should adventure 600 or 800 crowns to learn the pretence of the voyage, and presently give intelligence thereof; also that I should adventure in such ships as go out of England into the Straits in merchants' affairs, whereby I should learn where they will break company after they come into the Straits, and in what part they should meet the shipping for the coming out; saying that the galleys of Naples and Sicily do nothing, and knowing where these ships shall meet the galleys may lie off that port and as they come together may take them up. Also he would I should learn of all ships going out of England for Spain under pretence of Scotch or French ships, Almains or Flemings; and the better to learn their pretences of their voyage, I should adventure in every ship some small quantity of goods, promising that all such goods and ships as were taken by my order I should have the third part of the money they were sold for at my coming into Spain, and that he would set me the King's hand for the performance thereof. He would have allowed me 6000 crowns every year, to be delivered to me here in London, and the letters I should send to Don Juan should be by way of France. At last he said I should procure some of my countrymen to give their words for me and the money which shall be delivered unto me, and then he would presently send me away. I took my leave, and within a month Samuel Wharton did discover my hidden secret, and after I heard no more of it, being in prison 22 months. I persuade myself that in this realm of England there be men employed in it. | ||
Endorsed in a later hand :—“Advertisements and intelligences, foreign, 1594, &c.” | |||
Holograph. 2½ pp. (29. 72.) | |||
Patrick Cullen, Richard Hesketh, and Dr. William Parry. | |||
1594. | The treasons whereof Patrick Collun, alias Patrick O'Cullin, an Irishman, was attainted upon evident proof, and by his own confession :— | ||
That he received a monthly pension of 15 crowns of the King of Spain, her Majesty's public capital enemy. | |||
That he in August, anno 35 of her Majesty's reign, at Brussels, had conference with Sir Wm. Stanley, a traitor attainted, and Jacobo de Francisco, and other traitors and enemies, by what means her Majesty might be brought to death and final destruction. | |||
That he was persuaded by Fathers Sherwood, Holt, and other Jesuits that he might with safe conscience kill the greatest enemy to the King of Spain. | |||
That he, 28 October, anno 35, at Brussels, did take upon him and promise to Sir Wm. Stanley and Jacobo Francisco that he would speedily come over into England to kill her Majesty, and thereupon they gave him 30l. for defraying of his charges. | |||
And that he came into England for that purpose the first day of November then next following. | |||
The treasons whereof Richard Hesketh was attainted by his own confession :— | |||
That he beyond sea adhered to Cardinal Allen and Sir Wm. Stanley, traitors attainted; 31 December, 35o. | |||
That he had conference with Sir Wm. Stanley and Thomas Worthington at Brussels, by what means rebellion and insurrection might be stirred here in this realm, and consequently her Majesty and the state of the realm brought to final destruction : 25 die Marcii, anno 35o Reginæ. | |||
That he also then conferred with Sir Wm. Stanley and Worthington how and by what means this realm might be' by open hostility invaded by enemies and strangers, and by what means Ferdinando, then Lord Strange, after Earl of Derby, and other of her Highness' subjects, might be withdrawn from their natural obedience to her Majesty, their sovereign Lady, and to raise rebellion against her Highness, and to persuade the said Lord Strange to take the diadem and crown upon him, and consequently to depose her Majesty. | |||
That the said Hesketh took upon him to perform the said treasons, and did take a corporal oath for the more effectual execution thereof. | |||
That he thereupon directed certain letters to Cardinal Allen, acquainting him with his wicked purposes aforesaid, and sent the letters from Brussels to Rome to the said Cardinal : ultimo Marcii, 35o. | |||
That he, by direction and encouragement of the said Cardinal, Sir Wm. Stanley and Worthington, and other traitors and enemies, took his journey at Hamburgh to come to England, to move the said Lord Strange to join with Sir Wm. Stanley, Worthington, and other traitors for the performance of the treasons aforesaid; and to offer the said Lord Strange that Sir Wm. Stanley and Worthington, and such enemies and strangers as they would bring into this realm, would crown the said Lord Strange King of England at their first meeting with him; and for that purpose that they would bring with them a hallowed crown for the said Lord Strange, and that Lord Strange at his coronation should take an oath to restore and maintain the Catholic religion, otherwise he should be no lawful King, but should be deposed : 4 September, 35o. | |||
That he should persuade the Lord Strange rather to take the crown upon him before the death of her Majesty than after, to prevent competitors. | |||
That he should persuade the said Lord Strange to return an answer of those things to Sir Wm. Stanley and Worthington, and that in all things the Lord Strange should refer himself to Cardinal Allen. | |||
That he for the purposes aforesaid came into England : 9 Sept. 35o. | |||
That he related to the said Lord Strange, then Earl of Derby, all the treasons and purposes aforesaid, and persuaded him to undertake the same. | |||
The treasons whereupon William Parry, Doctor of Law, was attainted by his own confession :— | |||
That he compassed the death and destruction of her Majesty : 1 Feb. 26o. | |||
That he directed letters to Gregory, then Bishop of Rome, certifying him of his intention and purpose aforesaid, and desired absolution at his hands. | |||
That he received letters from Cardinal Como, by the direction of the said Bishop of Rome, by which he certified Parry that his said purpose was recommended to the Bishop of Rome, and that he well allowed thereof, and therefore was absolved by the said Bishop for his sins; and that thereupon he was fully resolved to commit the treason : ultimo Marcii, 26o. | |||
That he persuaded Edward Nevell, esq., to join with him, and to assist him in the treason aforesaid. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—“1594; a report of the treasons of Patrick Cullen and Rich. Hesketh, ao 35 Eliz.” | |||
2¾ pp. (29. 74.) | |||
Gold and Silver Thread. | |||
1594. | Reasons to be set down in the book or lease, that the deceit heretofore used may be the better met, which, being confirmed by her Majesty, must be published by proclamation. | ||
1. All gold and silver threads, commonly called Milan and Venice gold, brought to the port of London to be sold or transported thence, to be customed there, and when the custom is paid, a mark and seal to be set upon every pound weight, so far as it be not hurtful to the commodity, which shall manifest to the buyer that all duties to the Queen are paid; otherwise to be forfeited, except the buyer acquaint the farmer with the fraud within 20 days of buying, when he shall have one third of the commodity. | |||
2. Any one in whose hands the mark and seal is found to be counterfeit and so approved, and the commodity not customed, shall acknowledge of whom he bought it, and shew his book for the quantity bought, when the seller or bringer in into the realm shall forfeit the double value, unless the buyer be found acquainted with the deceit, when each to forfeit the just value and be further fined at her Majesty's and the Privy Council's pleasure. | |||
3. Upon advertisement from beyond seas or otherwise, the farmer after the entry made may make search in suspected places so the same be orderly done. | |||
4. Where any is found without the mark and seal, the farmer may search the same house in all parts to see if any more may be found; forfeiture as before. | |||
5. Upon due suspicion to search any of the buyer's shops, where if any be found unmarked or without his true mark and seal, to show, where he bought the same, or forfeit double value. If the seller be a stranger and departed the land, or an Englishman and become bankrupt, or insufficient for the payment, the buyer to forfeit the double. | |||
Forfeitures to be half to her Majesty, half to the farmer, unless it be revealed by a buyer, when each shall have a third, &c. | |||
Endorsed :—“1594. Reasons to be confirmed by her Majesty's authority for the better meeting with the deceit herein used; for which her Majesty's custom is increased from 60l. a year to 100l., without encroaching anything upon the subjects, but rather yield to take less if it be lawful for him so to do. That is, where her Majesty's subjects pay now 2s. 8d. custom for every pound weight, may, if it be thought good, set down in the book drawn for that purpose 2s. 4d. or 2s. 6d. All strangers pay now 3s. 4d. upon every pound, which is meet they should still do; but if it may be lawful otherwise, may then also be set down to them at 3s. 2d. the lb.” | |||
1 p. (29. 76.) | |||
John James to Mr. Clifton. | |||
1594. | I lie by it and shall, as far as I can perceive, I know not how long, for the matter is so bad against the said Pooly that think[s] to terrify me in prison. I would crave you to let Sir Wm. Udall understand of it; it is a matter of right and for the Queen that I have to allege against him. He is a very earnest papist and rails in many points. It is well known he hath a brother with the enemy and hath made means himself to go thither also. I have witness of it. And more, there he receives the Queen's pay and doth no duties, no, not for the half year that I have been in the company. If this be allowed I know not what I shall say unto it. I made the lieutenant acquainted with it, and because he is his kinsman, he keeps him out of prison, and lays me in to make me eat my words; but I will not before I will be false unto my Prince. I have no man to speak for me for fear of the lieutenant, for there is no Englishmen but that one company; therefore I crave at Sir Wm. Udall's hands to send some one unto the Governor to call a court, for I have put up my bill unto him and cannot be heard, the lieutenant keeps me back.—From Bergen-op-Zoom, this Saturday, 1594. | ||
Underwritten :—The words that Richard Pooly spake unto William Caussen, at Groningen leaguer in the horse quarter, and Caussen spake unto George Skot, were, that he hoped ere long to see a place in England a burning fire; but Skot hath forgotten the place where it should be, but Caussen will give intelligence where, who is in England at this instant and easy to be had. He is one that hath been brought up in Sir John Pooly's father's house in the kitchen. And more, it is very well known he hath been agoing to the enemy and his horse hath been ready for him; this can divers in the company affirm. | |||
Holograph. 1 p. (29. 78.) | |||
Gregory Markham to Edward Reynolds, Secretary to the Earl of Essex. | |||
[1594.] | Although I hear these businesses have some stay yet I imagine they will proceed. If they do, it rests in you to pleasure your friends. There is a gentleman, Mr. Richard Hansard, for whom Mr. Bacon hath solicited you. If you will second it, he hath given me authority in his name to present you with a nag; and I dare assure you you shall do it for a man exceeding sufficient. For myself, I hear my lady hath spoken and sent to you, and my lord hath promised I shall not be forgotten, yet when it comes in question I beseech you let it be furthered.—This Monday morning. | ||
Signed. Seal. ¾ p. (29. 79.) | |||
Gio. Fr. Magiorini to Sir Horatio Palavicino. | |||
1594. | His servant has just come to tell him she hears they intend to keep him a long time in prison. Knows well he has not done wrong. If they hear aught against him let them punish him. She also said he (Palavicino) had not left, which makes him the more suspicious. Is desperate, knows not what he writes, and will not read over this, but send it as it is to show his real heart. Is indebted to a person of this house, not the master, to carry this, and begs that he may be rewarded. Asks, for the love of God, to know why they are so fierce against him, and begs four lines in reply to this. “Di gratia V. S. habbi compasione a questo modo di scrivere per che con quella angonia che huomo può haver maggiore V. S. faccio (dico per il stato mio). Se V. S. mi aquitta del frato suo che sò certisso che non manca. Mi maraviglio che possa piu uno estraniero che V. S. che e patriotto di qua e mio padre concedo a V. S. quello che lui et yo desidero e mele racomd. De la prigionia hoggii venerd.” P.S. Has not re-read the above letter lest he should repent it. | ||
Italian, very roughly written. | |||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
3 pp. (29. 80.) | |||
Don Luiz Hurtado de Mendoza to [the Queen]. | |||
1594. | Would have liked to make this journey without importuning her Majesty, although he understands that when she hears his just request she will favour him. Finds, however, that to accomplish his desire he must have recourse to her and begs her therefore to pardon his boldness and give credence to what Don Tnigo de Mendoza will petition on his part. Signed. | ||
Spanish. Addressed at head :—“Soberana y sacra md.” | |||
Endorsed :—1594. Good Seal. (29. 82.) | |||
Seminary Priests. | |||
1594. | George Stych sayeth that Joan Handford told him that seminary priests were harboured at Mrs. Tasborogh's, at Beckhamsfield, two, and she sent both beddings, hangings, and other things. One of them she knew to be a priest, and the other she could not tell what he was. | ||
Mrs. Tasborogh and two of her daughters, with Mrs. Warren, would come to her house, and then these two men were brought unto them and all the windows shut. | |||
Tasborogh came and searched the house of Hanford. | |||
A surplice, a cope, a challice. | |||
Mrs. Warren would not have them opened. | |||
Mr. Tasborogh lost a piece of wood of the Cross. | |||
Rough notes by Cecil. | |||
Endorsed :—“1594. Mr. Tasburge.” | |||
½ p. (29. 89.) | |||
“N. F.” [Nic. Fitzherbert] to Mr. Gilbert Smith. | |||
1594. | A note of books to be sent to Mr. Tucker. | ||
1. Hillinghead's (sic) History of England. 2. A book of maps of all particular shires and countries of England. 3. The History of Cornelius Tacitus in English, by Sandle. 4. Cambdenus' Descriptio Angliœ, 5. The dictionary of Thomas Tomasius. | |||
Underwritten :—“Request of N. F. to Mr. Smyth to let him have the above books by the next ship that comes to Mr. Tucker.” | |||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
Holograph. ½ p. (29. 90.) [See Part IV. p. 476.] | |||
The Queen. | |||
1594. | “An Act for provision to be made for the surety of the Queen's Majesty's most royal person, and the continuance of the realm in peace.” | ||
Draft, corrected by Burghley. | |||
Endorsed.—“1594.” | |||
2 pp. (141. 163.) | |||
Hillarie Dakyns. | |||
1594. | “The several practices and dangerous misdemeanours of Hillarie Dakyns' proceedings.” Is charged with being in league with seminary priests and traitors, importing seditious books, &c., &c. | ||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
2 pp. (141. 165.) | |||
Siege of Groeningen. | |||
1594. | Printed bird's-eye view of the town and siege of Groeningen with letter-press at the sides. | ||
Dutch. 1 p. (141. 171.) | |||
Deposition of John Gatacre. | |||
[1594.] | In Easter week next coming shall be two years, I, John Gatacre, departed from England and went into Ireland, accompanied with one Thomas Allen, who was my father's man. We passed from Ireland to Rochelle and thence to Nantes, where Allen made means by Dr. Steven Wood, an Englishman, to have been admitted into religion, but was denied. So we passed to Rouen, where we were persuaded by Mr. Woodward, I to go to Douay to prosecute my studies, and my companion to seek in those parts to enter in religion; which he obtained in Brussels, where he remains at present a professed Capuchin. I studied in Douay about a year and a half, and being weary of the place and not resolved to be a priest, I came away. From Douay I went to Brussels, where I had a half brother, pensioner to the King of Spain, called Thomas Fitzherbert, who, coming for the King of France with the Duke of Feria, remained with the Duke at Brussels. I moved him concerning my passage into England, but was delayed 10 or 11 weeks by the frost. I protest neither he nor any other did ever reveal to me any practice against the realm in general, her Majesty in particular, or any of her nobility or subjects whatsoever. When the frost broke my brother went with me to Antwerp, and in our company went Mr. Owen, as I think, a pensioner to the King of Spain. At our arrival we had our diet together at one Verstegan's, and lodged at a Dutchman's house. Within three or four days came this Mr. Sterrell, upon what occasion I know not, but I confess that from the time of Sterrell's coming, after every dinner and supper incontinent, I departed the chamber and left them to their talk. One day a Mr. Jaques came to dinner whom I never saw before that time. He was attired in black satin, with a man attending on him. He uttered these or the like words at the table : “By God, they say in England I would have killed the Queen, but, by God, belie me.” What he was I am not able to say; he was slender and reasonable tall of stature, and had a black beard; and had been, as he said, a follower to the deceased Lord Chancellor. These parties be all that had any speech with Sterrell. To come to myself, my brother committed me to him, who promised he would be a means for my passage. I departed from Antwerp with him alone under colour of his “serviteur.” After our being at Middleburgh two or three days came this other man, at the sight of whom I grew jealous (?) of his double dealing with me, yet loath to make manifestation of my meaning. He told me that he would clear my way, that only by telling I was his man, and called John Fenne, and by showing the paper which he wrote in the presence of Francis Harvey in Middleburgh, in colour of greater matters, which I protest is not to be expected of me. Concerning the letter directed to Sterrell, it was brought me by Harvey's maid, and delivered me in this town two or three hours after my departure from Harvey's house in Middleburgh.—Undated. | ||
Holograph. 2 pp. (167. 135.) | |||
[Cf. S. P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 247, No. 54.] | |||
Hugh Bennett and Samuel Thompson. | |||
[1594.] | Petition of Hugh Bennett and Samuel Thompson, painter stainers, to Sir Robert Cecil, shewing that about a year past a petition was exhibited to his father, concerning reformation of painting of funerals and coaches under the office of Clarencieux, and that his Lordship delivered the same to Clarencieux to signify what he thought thereof, who has as yet returned no answer; they therefore beseech him that Clarencieux may be sent for to answer the petition. They are content that there may also be joined with them to perform such works, Mr. Nicholas Hillyard, Her Majesty's servant, so well known for his sufficiency and care in his works. | ||
½ p. (170. 50.) | |||
Sir John Norreys. | |||
1594. | Warrant under the Privy Seal directing the Lord Treasurer, Sir John Fortescue, under-treasurer of the Exchequer, and the Attorney and Solicitor-General for the time being, to give order for the drawing of books, containing grants to Sir John Norreys in fee simple of such manors, lands and tenements, whereof the Queen is in remainder or reversion upon grants or estates tail, or by attainder or Act of Parliament, as shall amount to the clear yearly value of 300l., provided that the lands be such wherein two or three persons at the least have title by force of entail, and that the same be no part of the duchies of Cornwall or Lancaster, or of the Queen's houses.—Manor of Greenwich, 30 March. 33rd year of the reign. [1591.] | ||
Sign manual. Privy Signet. | |||
Endorsed :—(1) There is already passed of the warrants to Theophilus Adams and Thomas Butler lands and tenements to the yearly value of 141l. 15s. 1½d. Jo : Conyers. (2) A like endorsement of the passing of lands to the same to the yearly value of 54l. 3s. 1½d. Signed by Sir Edward Coke. And (3) A further endorsement as to lands of the vearly value of 104l. 0s. 1½d., making in together 299l. 19s. 2½d.—in satisfaction of the whole grant.”—Signed by Sir E. Coke. | |||
Farther endorsed :—1594. | |||
1 p. (170. 130.) | |||
Papal Authority. | |||
1594. | Portion of a dissertation addressed to Monarchs and Princes, specially praising the Emperor Constantine, proving by quotations from ancient Christian authors that the Council of Nicæa was summoned by his authority alone, and that the Popes of Rome had usurped kingly authority in this and other respects over all princes, destroying those who refused to admit their authority. It concludes :—“And you the Princes and Monarchs of Christendom are induced, to the blemishing of your authorities, to burn or by your swords to destroy any person of what degree soever that shall avow your own authorities as absolute princes, and affirm you not to be by the law of God or man subject to any pope, or that he hath authority to deprive you of your kingdoms, states and rights; a case very pitiful, that you shall be so abused as to destroy them.” | ||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
Draft, holograph by Lord Burghley. Imperfect. 4 pp. (171. 35.) | |||
Bishopric of Ely. | |||
1594. | 1. Thomas Goodrick, sometime Bishop of Ely, made a lease of part of the demesnes of his bishopric to John Goodrick his brother, 26 Henry VIII., confirmed by the Prior and Chapter of that place, 27 Henry VIII. | ||
2. John Goodrick by virtue of that lease granteth part of those demesnes to others, who enjoyed the same. | |||
3. Afterwards John Goodrick dieth and leaveth the lease to three of his sons, executors of his will. They, ignorant of the estate, did nothing therein, after whose deaths the lease came into the hands of strangers, from whom it was recovered, not without much suit and payment of good sums. | |||
4. The surviving executor taketh to wife Alice, and dieth, making her sole executrix of his will; who took to husband Richard Brakyn, esquire, of the Isle of Ely, who about 14 years past putting the same in suit at the Common Law, Dr. Cox, then Bishop of Ely, by the mediation of Sir Christopher Hatton, obtained that the same was drawn into the Chancery, where a decree passed, that Brakyn should not proceed at the Common Law for anything contained in the lease until that Court should further examine the state of the lease : since which nothing hath been done. | |||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
½ p. (171. 38.) | |||
Farnham Manor. | |||
1594. | “The commodities and revenue of the manor of Farnham.” The old rent of assise, 220l.; 1,000 acres of woods, two parks well wooded; three chases, two of red deer and one of fallow; 25 or 26 acres of meadow, whereof the crop belongeth to the manor; two great fishponds, the least containing a mile and a half about. Also the fishing of two rivers; lastly the Castle itself. | ||
“Memorandum that your lordship get a lease of my Lord Treasurer, upon the first vacancy of the bishopric, of all his meads in Hampshire and Surrey, with the herbage of 18 geldings in the great park.” | |||
Endorsed :—“1594. Concerning Farnham Castle.” | |||
2/3 p. (171. 41.) | |||
Henry Leigh, Steward of the Barony of Burgh. | |||
1594. | “Reasons to move her Majesty to relieve her poor servant Henry Leigh.” | ||
1. He hath sold his whole land and patrimony to the value of 5,000l. and spent it directly in her Majesty's service on the Borders, as is not unknown to her Majesty's subjects in those parts, who have given testimony under their hand that never any within their memories did her Majesty like service on those Borders. | |||
2. It is too well known he hath neither land nor lease in the world to maintain himself nor relieve his wife and 5 children except the Stewardship of the Barony of Burgh, to which belongeth only 5l. fee, out of which he doth yearly repay her Majesty 30s., so there remaineth only 3l. 10s. | |||
3. All other like offices on the Borders have sufficient hirings to maintain them; viz. the keeper of Riddesdale (margin, Sir John Foster and his son Nicholas, 400l.) hath the demesnes of Harbottle, let yearly for 200 marks, and all fines, gressomes, perquisites of courts, &c., amounting yearly to 200l., with a fee of 26l. 13s. 4d.; so the whole profit can be no less than 500 marks yearly. Besides, the officer is not resident, and so saveth his housekeeping. | |||
The keeper of Tyndale (margin, Mr. Wm. Fenwick, 300l.) hath the whole profits growing by rent, amounting to 50l. yearly, with all casual profits, so as her Majesty hath not one penny out of all that office, but the keeper hath all to himself, which can be no less than 300l. | |||
The captain of Bewcastle (margin, Sir Symond Musgrave and his son Thomas, 400l.) hath the demesnes of Bewcastle, with a mill, and rents of all the tenants, with their tithes, perquisites of court, &c., amounting to near 400 marks yearly, besides 140l. fee, in lieu whereof he hath Plumpton Park, which is 100l. ancient rent, besides 40l. yearly out of Sowerby paid by her Majesty's Receiver, so the profits of the office can be no less than 400l. yearly. | |||
The land serjeant of Gillesland and his brother (margin, Mr. Thomas Carleton and his brother Launcelot Carleton, 500l.) have all the parks and demesnes of the late Lord Dacres; viz. Askerton, yearly value 100 marks; the demesnes of Branton, yearly value 40l., of Farlam, value 40l., of Treddermayne, value 20l.; the demesnes of Naworth and the park, value 100l.; the parks of Branton, Briggwood and Walton Wood, value 100l.; the forest of Gelsdale, value 100l.; with 6l. 13s. 4d. fee so the profits they receive amount to near 500l. yearly. | |||
If it be demanded why these offices are so well provided for and the Stewardship of Burgh left so destitute, lying so near the Borders and subject to the enemy, it is answered, That in the time of the late rebellion, Richard Dacres, then steward, being attainted, his wife and two daughters, being near akin to Sir Thomas Bromley, late Lord Chancellor, found means to get leases of such things as Richard Dacres had of Lord Dacres for his better maintenance in that office, viz., the tithes of Aycton parish, value 100l., the demesnes of Thistlethwait, value 100 marks, with other small farms, value 40l. Also, the Steward had ever allowance in Lord Dacres' house for his own diet, two men and a boy and four horses, and was seldom at any charge with keeping house, for Lord Dacres did oftentimes keep house at Rocliffe Castle; so by these reasons the office hath only the ancient fee of 5l., out of which 39s. is deducted for two little closes adjoining the house. | |||
Wherefore Henry Leigh prayeth her Majesty to bestow on him the yearly pension of 5s. per diem, with which he doubteth not to do her Highness as good service as those which have twice as much; albeit he verily thinketh he shall not long enjoy the same, the number and greatness of his enemies considered, who no doubt by all possible means will pursue his death. | |||
And that her Majesty may think the same better bestowed, it is true her subjects within that office are so governed with equity and justice as they are all able to answer the laws both of England and Scotland, and are day and night most ready to help the rest of her subjects. And further, her Majesty hath her rents and profits as duly answered as in any part of all her dominions : and whether the rest of her subjects on the borders do the like may partly by the premises and by further examination better appear. The sum of his petition is only a pension of 5s. per diem during his life, with the casual profits, as escheats and forfeitures, within his office. | |||
It is to be understood the said Leigh cannot live in Rocliffe Castle in credit and comfort except he keep six horses in his stable, which will stand, with the servants to attend them, in 100 marks yearly; and he must also give both horsemeat and man's meat according to the country manner to all her Majesty's tenants and others as they shall have occasion to be suitors unto him, or in their going or returning from any service, or else he shall lose their hearts and they will never serve freely under him : so the charge of his house can be no less than 100l. yearly, besides extraordinary entertainment of gentlemen sent between the Wardens of the Marches, for the house standeth in the highway and they usually call upon him to be their convoy. So necessary expenses accounted, there is but a poor living to be gotten by the proportion above said. | |||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
2 pp. (171. 42.) | |||
The Contractors for the Prize Pepper. | |||
1594. | The contractors for the late bargain of pepper surprised in the carracque about the Isles of the “Assories”, having yet 30,000l. to be satisfied to her Majesty, although (1) by the infection in the city the first year; (2) through the sale of a great quantity of Corsyne's pepper, which he promised to transport out of the realm, and did not; (3) from the dearth of corn last year; and lastly, by the slow sale of the said pepper from the bringing in of sundry parcels underhand, notwithstanding the letters patent of restraint to the contrary; have been driven, towards the 50,000l. and 4000 marks already satisfied, to pay out of their own moneys 32.000l., being desirous as long as they had means to perform the payments on the days appointed. Considering the bargain at first was so long delayed they had no liking at all to accept it, and adventured only to do her Majesty's service, they pray 3 years time of payment of the remain of 30,000l., to be paid into the Exchequer, 10,000l. yearly for three years. | ||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
1 p. (171. 44.) | |||
Examinations of Gilbert Smith, and Nicholas Flute of Dartmouth. | |||
1594. | Smith excuseth his repairing to Civita Vecchia, a parcel of the Pope's dominions, by custom; for that divers ships out of London and other places have usually repaired thither. His speech with Cardinal Allen he excuseth for that he had no talk with him of any matter of estate, and besides it was for his better safety in the country. His refusal to be confessed and sworn at the solicitation of a Jesuit is to be liked, if it be true. | ||
The letters he had from Cardinal Allen's servant, Nicholas Fitzherbert, unto himself with the note of certain books, and one other letter of William Warmington to his mother at Wimborn Minster in Dorsetshire, contain no matter of any moment. | |||
Touching the letters sent by Smith from Nicholas Fitzherbert his brother and kinsman, because Smith confesseth he delivered them to Richard Kelley, of King's Wear, he is to be examined what is become of them. Kelley being come up with Smith saith he hath delivered them to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
It is said that Nicholas Flute, of Dartmouth, went as a mariner in the ship, and is not come up but remaineth at Dartmouth, otherwise there is no matter of great moment in his examination. He varieth from Smith in this, that Flute sayeth Smith was returned aboard the ship before the departure of one of the friars, and that he tarried to talk with Smith and the master and the master's mate : but Smith confesseth he heard there had been two English friars aboard in his absence, but they were gone before his coming. He averreth the same at this present | |||
1 p. (29. 86.) | |||
[See wider date Aug. 31 in Part IV of this Calendar.] | |||
Richard Martin. | |||
1594. | Petition to the Queen for completion of the patent joining his son Richard with him in his offices within the Mint. | ||
Endorsed :—“1594.” | |||
1 p. (484.) | |||
[Michael Leeman.] | |||
1594. | Petition to the Queen. Of rice taken out of his ship for the service of the fleet at Plymouth in 1588, and of his losses by confiscations in Spain. Prays for commission to recoup himself from such Spanish subjects' monies or goods as he shall find concealed within this realm. | ||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
½ p. (776.) | |||
Bartholomew Gilbert to Sir R. Cecil. | |||
1594. | As he has but a fourth part of the gain made by the stone, sold by him and three others to Mr. Brook the goldsmith, he hopes the whole burden will not be laid on him. Prays for release from the Counter.—1594. | ||
½ p. (948.) | |||
Patrick Condon to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
1594. | Prays for restoration of certain of his lands, procured from him by Arthur Hyde and other undertakers. Letters of restoration granted three times already, but countermanded, once at the suit of Sir Walter Raleigh.—1594. | ||
1 p. (951.) | |||
“Notes of Duchy Lands.” | |||
1594. | Gives the tenants, terms and rental, of the Manor of Bradwell, and parcels of the granges of Coggeshall and the Dairyhouse. | ||
Endorsed :—1594. | |||
1 p. | |||
Enclosure. — The same particulars for the following lands : demesne of Tickhull, Yorks.: herbage &c. of Hawra Park : and parcels of the Fryth of Leicester. | |||
1 p. (2403.) | |||
Lord Lumley's Lands. | |||
1594. | Statement detailing his dealings with the Lord Treasurer and Mr. Fortescue, with regard to his lands, and his offer to compound. | ||
Endorsed :—“1594, L. Lumley.” | |||
1 p. (2471.) | |||
Wheldrake and Myton. | |||
[1594.] | Particular of lands, parcels of the manors of Wheldrake and Myton, Yorks. | ||
Undated. 1 p. (2496.) | |||
Ciprian Gabril. | |||
1594. | Interrogatories for Ciprian Gabril, as to the receipt and sale of certain “oade,” said to be consigned by one Peter Hendriques, of Lisbon, to the said Gabril or to Guido Malepoert. | ||
Endorsed :—“Interrogatories, 1594, for Ciprian Gabril, merchant stranger, his dwelling is at the lower end of Michell Lane, near unto Eastcheap.” | |||
½ p. (25. 75.) | |||
Lord Burghley : Family and Historical Memoranda. | |||
1521–94. | Memoranda of occurrences in Lord Burghley's handwriting, entitled, “Memorìæ nativitatum et aliarum rerum gestarum.” | ||
1521. | William Cecil, son of Richard and Jane Cecil, born at Bourn, co. Lincoln. | ||
1526. | Mildred, daughter of Antony Cook and Anne, born in London, second wife of W. Cecil. | ||
1535, May. | William Cecil, age 14, came to St. John's College, Cambridge. Tumult at Lincoln in August. | ||
14 Sept.—David Cecil, grandfather, died at Stamford, over 80 years old. | |||
1541, 6 May. | W. Cecil came to Gray's Inn. | ||
8 Aug.—Married Maria Cheke of Cambridge. | |||
1542. 5 May. | Thomas Cecil, his son, born at Cambridge. | ||
1542–3], 22 Feb. | Maria Cecil died at Cambridge : buried in St. Mary's Church. | ||
1543. | William Cecil in Parliament. | ||
1546, June 28. | Hen. VIII. died at Westminster while Parliament was sitting. | ||
1547, Aug | W. Cecil fought in battle of Musselburgh in Scotland. | ||
1548. | Cecil fell into a quartan fever. | ||
27 Sept.—In the custody of the Chancellor. | |||
Nov.—In the Tower of London on account of the Duke of Somerset's affair. | |||
1550, Sept. | Admitted to be the King's principal Secretary. | ||
1551, Oct, 2. | Knighted. | ||
1553/4], 2 March. | His father died in Cecil's house in Cannon Row. | ||
1554. | Francisca, his daughter, born at Wimbledon but did not long survive. | ||
Nov.—Crossed into Belgium with Lord Paget and Lord Edward Hastynges. Returned from Brussels with Cardinal Pole. | |||
1555. | Crossed the sea with Cardinal Pole, Earl of Arundel, Bishop of Winchester, &c. for a treaty of peace near Calais. | ||
Sept.—Cecil's sister Elizabeth married Robert Byngfeld at Burghley. | |||
1556, Dec. 5 (Sunday). | Daughter Anna born, afterwards the wife of Edward, Earl of Oxford. | ||
1558, Nov. 17. | Queen Mary died at St. James's, Westminster. | ||
1558, Nov. 18. | Cardinal Pole died at Lambeth. | ||
[1558/9], Jan. 17. | Qu. Elizabeth crowned at Westminster. | ||
1559, Oct. 23. | Son William born, but did not long survive. | ||
1560, May 28. | Cecil sent with Dr. Wotton into Scotland to expel the French; returned 29 July. | ||
1561, May. | Another son William born, but afterwards died at Wimbledon. | ||
May 29.—His son, Thomas, crossed into France. | |||
July 14.—The Queen came to his house near the Savoy to dinner. | |||
Nov. 24.—Anna, Cecil's sister, married Roger Cave. | |||
1563. | Thomas Windebank left my service, and was succeeded by Hugh Allyngton. | ||
June 1.—Robert Cecil born. | |||
1562 (sic), June 9. | Bought Theobald's. | ||
1564, July 1. | Daughter Elizabeth born at Westminster. | ||
July 27.—Thomas Cecil journeyed into Yorkshire with Lady Latymer to see her daughter, whom he afterwards married. | |||
1565/6,] Jan. | William Cecil, son of Thomas Cecil, born at Burghley. | ||
1566. | Thos. Billett admitted as steward of Cecil's household. | ||
1567, April 15. | Catharine Cecil, daughter of Thomas Cecil, born at Burghley, and died 27 June. | ||
1568, Mar. 7. | Lucy Cecil, daughter of Thomas Cecil, born at Burghley, afterwards married to Lord St. John. | ||
1569, June 11. | Mildred Cecil, daughter of Thomas, born at Burghley. | ||
November.—“A rebellion in ye north by ye Earles of Northumberland and Westmorland.” | |||
1570, Sept. 27. | Cecil sent with Walter Mildmay to the Queen of Scots, then in custody at Chatsworth. | ||
Dec. 7.—Richard Cecil, son of Thomas, born at Burghley. | |||
[1570/1,] Feb. 25. | Cecil (age 49) created Baron Burghley. | ||
1571, Sept. | The Queen at Theobalds. | ||
Dec.—Edward, Earl of Oxford, married Anne Cecil, Burghley's daughter. | |||
1571/2,] Feb. 14. | Edward Cecil, son of Thomas, born at Burghley. | ||
Mar. 10.—William Paulet, Marquess of Winchester, Treasurer, died, whom Burghley succeeded; made Treasurer 15 July following, and on 14 October admitted by oath Treasurer of the Exchequer. | |||
1572, June 2. | Duke of Norfolk beheaded. | ||
13.—Burghley, Knight of the Garter, with Montmorency. | |||
July 22.—The Queen at Theobalds. | |||
Aug. 23.—Thomas, Earl of Northumberland, beheaded at York. | |||
24.—Slaughter of Protestants in Paris. | |||
1572/3,] Feb. 21. | The Queen at Theobalds eight days. | ||
1573, July 15. | Maria Cecil, daughter of Thomas, born at Burghley. | ||
1574, Sept. 22. | Susanna and Elizabeth, daughters of Thomas Cecil, born at Burghley, but Susanna died 9 Aug. 1575. | ||
1575, May 24. | The Queen at Theobalds 14 days to June 6. | ||
July 2.—Burghley's daughter, Anna, Countess of Oxford, gave birth to Elizabeth, afterwards married to William, Earl of Derby. | |||
July 10.—The child baptized at Theobalds. | |||
1576, May 4. | Christopher Cecil born at Burghley. | ||
1577, May 15. | The Queen at Theobalds for three days. | ||
July.—Burghley made a journey to Buxton, in the co. of Derby. | |||
Aug.—Dorothy, daughter of Thomas, born at Burghley. | |||
1578, Feb. | Lady Maria Lennox died. | ||
May 7.—The Queen at Theobalds for — days. | |||
Dec. 30.—Thomas Cecil, son of Thomas, born at Burghley. | |||
1581/2,] Feb. 26. | Wm. Wentworth, son of Lord Wentworth, married Burghley's daughter Eliza. | ||
1582. | Wm. Wentworth, Lord Burghley's son-in-law, died at Theobalds. | ||
“Michaelmas Term” at Hertford. | |||
1583, May 28. | The Queen at Theobalds till June 1. Alasco, Palatine of Musc', with the Queen. | ||
1584, Sept. | Burghley age 63. | ||
Robert Cecil, Burghley's son, crossed into France. | |||
July.—John, Lord Russell died at “Hyghat.” | |||
1585, July 8. | Lord Howard made Lord Admiral. | ||
Aug.—Thomas Cecil, Knt., set out for Holland with Jo. Nevil. | |||
1586. | Robert, Earl of Leicester, designated Governor of Holland, &c. | ||
1587. | The Queen at Theobalds. | ||
1588, June 5. | Anna, Burghley's daughter, Countess of Oxford, died at Greenwich. | ||
June 25.—The same buried in the Church of Westminster. | |||
July.—The Spanish fleet vanquished. | |||
Sept. 4.—Robert, Earl of Leicester, died at Cornbury in co. of Oxford. | |||
[1589,] April 5. | Lady Mildreda, Burghley's wife, “obdormivit in Westmon.” | ||
April 21.—Buried in Westminster near her daughter, the Countess of Oxford. | |||
July 22.—Henry, King of France wounded by a Jesuit; died 23 June (sic). | |||
Aug. 31.—Robert Cecil married Elizabeth, daughter of William, Lord Cobham. | |||
1590, May. W. | Cecil, “D. Ross,” son of William Cecil, son of Thomas, son of William, Baron Burghley, born at Newark. | ||
June 4.—Baptized “nomine neo.” | |||
April 6.—Francis Walsingham died in London. | |||
1591, March 28. | W. Cecil, son of Robert Cecil, Burghley's second son, born at Westminster. | ||
April 12.—Lady Ross, wife of William Cecil, died in London. | |||
May 10.—The Queen at Theobalds. | |||
May 20.—Robert Cecil knighted at Theobalds. | |||
July 19.—The Queen at Burghley's house at Westminster, ubi lustravit equos co. Essex. | |||
Aug. 2.—Robert Cecil admitted into the Queen's Council at Nonsuch. | |||
Nov. 20.—Ch. Hatton, Chancellor, died at Ely Place. | |||
1594, June 13. | The Queen at Theobalds until 21 June. | ||
July 12.—The Queen at Robert Cecil's house near Burghley's. | |||
Latin. 6 pp. (140. 13.) | |||
Theological. | |||
1588–94. | (1.) 1588.—“Scripturarum et Patrum testimonia ad defend. Relig. Ecc. Anglican.” | ||
Sets out the following propositions, and gives passages referring thereto, from the Scriptures and the Fathers :— | |||
Non est Purgatorium. | |||
Sancti non sunt invocandi. | |||
Opera quæ supererogationis appellant, non possunt sine arrogantia et impietate prœdicari. | |||
Imagines non esse adorandas. | |||
Unica Christi oblatio in cruce peracta. | |||
Utraque pars Dominici Sacramenti, ex Christi institutione et prœcepto, omnibus Christianis ex œquo administrari debet. | |||
“Scriptures and publicke praiers in vulgare and knowen tongue.” | |||
Conjugium sacerdotum licitum esse. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley. Latin. | |||
18 pp. (144. 111.) | |||
1594. | (2.) “Authoritas sacrorum scriptorum.” | ||
The following propositions, with relevant passages from the Scriptures and the Fathers :— | |||
Scriptura sacra continet omnia ad salutem necessaria. | |||
Ecclesia potest errare. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley. | |||
4 pp. (144. 134.) | |||
1594. | (3.) “Text of Scriptures to maintain certain conclusions.” | ||
The following propositions, with relevant passages from the Scriptures and the Fathers :— | |||
Concupiscentia in renatis est vere peccatum. | |||
Liberum arbitrium, absque gratia Dei, non potest aliquid bonum facere. | |||
Justificari sola fide, quœ per dilectionem operatur. | |||
Ecclesia Christi visibilis est cœtus fidelium, in quo verbum Dei et Sacramenta vite (fn. 1) administrantur. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley. | |||
6 pp. (144. 136.) | |||
1594 | (4.) “What things in the Scriptures and other ecclesiastical stories have been well begun, and by time corrupted, and so reformed.” | ||
Begins :— | |||
“The golden censors were appointed by God, and for a time well used. Afterwards abused by Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron, and then for a time well used. The same were abused by the Company of Corah in their schismatical and seditious meetings. Afterwards the censors were gathered, and turned to a plate to cover the altar.” | |||
Similar notes follow with regard to the brazen serpent, circumcision, the ephod, the ark, the temple, the holy vessels, matrimony, the Supper of our Lord, and the gift of prophecy and interpretation of Scriptures. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley. | |||
2 pp. (144. 140.) | |||
1594. | (5.) “That godly princes ought to set up true religion, and to reform the contrary.” | ||
Passages of Scripture and from the Fathers in support of the above proposition. | |||
Endorsed by Lord Burghley. | |||
3 pp. (144. 141.) | |||
The Catholics in Scotland. | |||
[1594 or 5.] | Information about the affairs of the Catholics of Scotland, and the distribution of the money last sent thither. | ||
Fathers James Gordon and William Creyton are blamed because the said Father Gordon knowing, after his return from Rome, that the earls of Angus, Huntley, and Arran were declared rebels with the King's consent in the Parliament of the kingdom, and that, therefore, the King was no longer their ally, but their enemy, the said fathers, nevertheless, took the money intended by His Holiness for the benefit of the said King and advancement of the Catholic religion, landed openly at one of the towns of the said kingdom, as Father Gordon has done, and, finally, squandered it at the will of the earl of Huntley for his own advancement (although Angus was there, who in rank takes precedence of Huntley), giving part of the money to one of the worst heretics of the country, with whom, since the return of Father Gordon, they have joined against the King. This is contrary to the Pope's intention and their own promises, and has increased the hostility of the King, and made the Pope deaf to our petitions. When Father Gordon returned from Scotland he declared that he had left James Chesen about leaving on a mission from the King to the King of Spain; but this has not taken effect, and a whole year has passed since then. Moreover, it is learnt, both from Chesen and the King, that no such business was even proposed. Also, the said Father gave out that he came hither from the earls of Angus, Huntley and Arran, although he had had no communication with Angus for a year before he left, as he has written to Robert Bruscio, and Arran, mistrusting his partiality for his nephew, had resolved to send another with him to treat on his account. Since his return the said Father has given good cause for mistrust by his partiality for his said nephew; and, what is more, Huntley and Father Gordon despatched from Scotland at the end of August last, hither or to Spain, a gentleman called Walter Lindesay, without the knowledge of Angus and Arran, who are much dissatisfied, insomuch that they say that if they could extricate themselves from the labyrinth in which the fathers have placed them, they would never meddle more in such matters, and they have written to Bruscio to procure them all the assistance he can. As to the party which Father Gordon said was so strong in Scotland, now that the three earls are out of favour with the King, they lose the assistance of the other Catholics, who formerly declared with -them for the King of Spain. The worst is that many of Huntley's subjects have risen against him and now even his kinsmen desert him. The same has happened with Angus and Arran, whose most prudent counsellors have abandoned them, and little short of a miracle can extricate them from their difficulties. | |||
This throws discredit on what Father Gordon has, here and in Rome, declared in the name of the King, with whom he has not spoken for years, “tambien a ello le havia movido la aficion natural a su sangre pues todos somos hombres sugetos a enfermidad.” The credit of the company has decayed by reason of the tumults which his ill advised proceedings have aroused. His nephew and the confederates have, through him and Creyton, lost their goods and lands and very nearly their lives. Creyton has endeavoured to supplant Bruscio here, as he did Colonel Simple in Spain, as can be proved by letters of his and of other fathers of the Company. His grey hairs and his coat have alone won him credit. | |||
Spanish. 3 pp. (139. 25.) | |||
Scotland and Spain. | |||
[1594 or 5.] | Points which declare the King of Scotland's good will to the affairs of the King Catholic, and what has hindered it hitherto, and his opinion as to concurring in the enterprises against England and the rebels of Flanders. | ||
As for his affection to the Queen of England and for his heretic subjects, at whose instance he is now proceeding against the three Catholic earls, he protests that he has no greater desire than to free himself from the intolerable yoke with which the said ministers have, since his ninth year (desde su nones) and before, kept him from the knowledge of religion and of his position. He is constant in his desire to avenge the assassination of the Queen, his mother; and the Queen [of England] has, under colour of amity, made frequent attempts on his life, and has broken her faith and promises, in which he pretends confidence only to save himself from greater danger. He would willingly aid the King Catholic against England, if he knew how; but some whom he has about him have prevented his sending a special commission to solicit aid, alleging the risk of discovery in case the request were refused or put off. They ground their persuasions, that the petition would be refused, upon the King Catholic's apparent want of good will to the King of Scotland, but that King, personally, has every confidence in the King Catholic's care both for him and for Christendom; he only fears that stress of important business might prevent the King Catholic sending aid in time. Therefore, if the King Catholic were pleased to spare him some assistance, and first to offer it expressly by letter, which could reach him by the way prescribed to Robert Brucio, promising him sufficient money (to raise men to defend him against sudden attacks of the heretics of his own kingdom and England) and reasonable forces, he would concur in the invasion of England. On receipt merely of such a letter, the King will send hither assurance signed and sealed, as far as regards the money and forces, and will make any other reasonable conditions; and England once subdued, the King Catholic can with much greater ease reduce France to the obedience of the Holy See, and his rebels to that [obedience] which they unjustly withhold. Finally, he begs the King Catholic to use his assistance and points out that the Catholics of England will more readily lend their assistance when they see the two kings united. | |||
II. News touching the present disposition of the King of Scotland. | |||
The Queen of England, to induce that King to persecute the three Catholic earls, besides the occasion given him by the inconsiderate proceedings of themselves and their agents, has paid him the interest due upon the principality of Wales, and has expelled from England the earl of Bothwell, whom she formerly favoured; and her chief counsellors have let him know that they accept him as king and as her successor, provided he does not disturb her during her life. Nevertheless, if Father Gordon had not arrived in Scotland in the way he did, and if the three earls had not afterwards acted so much to the King's prejudice, and if Robert Brucio had not been brought into suspicion by the sinister reports made of him, and if even afterwards Brucio could have given him any assurance of the King Catholic's assistance, he was ready to have sent the said Brucio authority to treat. | |||
If, therefore, his Majesty will write to him as aforesaid, Brucio having express order to press for it, doubtless he will send hither an ample commission, and will accept any conditions, if assured of his Majesty's good will to help him. | |||
Meanwhile he has definitively refused to the ambassadors of Holland and Zealand and of England, and of other united heretics, to ally himself with them against the King Catholic. | |||
Spanish. 3 pp. (139. 27.) | |||
The United Provinces. | |||
[1594.?] | List of the names of the United Provinces in the Low Countries, with remarks thereon, concluding, “So that in all they are well or better than the half of the seventeen Provinces, and de jure ought to discharge the half of the general debts. | ||
There is besides many inhabitants of the Provinces not United within this realm of England, which may be likewise somewhat charged.” | |||
Endorsed :—“Sir Hor. Paslavicino.” | |||
⅓ p. (29. 77, 2.) | |||
The Earl of Shrewsbury. | |||
[1594.?] | Notes relative to certain lands of the Earl of Shrewsbury. George, Earl of Shrewsbury conveyed the manors of Whitchurch, Black-mere and Marbury in cos. Salop and Chester, and other lands there, to his son Henry Talbot and the heirs male of his body, the remainder to Edward his son and the heirs male of his body, the remainder to Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, that now is, and the heirs male of his body; the remainder to the right heirs of the said George, Earl of Shrewsbury for ever. | ||
Edward, now having the lands after the death of his brother Henry without issue, laboureth to suffer a recovery to cut off the remainder to the now Earl, but cannot, as he allegeth, by reason the now Earl hath granted his remainder to the Queen upon condition of redemption at the will of the said Earl. Edward laboureth by his friends to have her Highness grant him the said remainder and her estate and all other the premises, to the prejudice of the said Earl; alleging he doeth it only to cut off the Earl's remainder, which thing is not usual to be granted by her Highness. | |||
Yet if her Majesty will grant all her estate in these lands to a third person, without expressing how she came to the said remainder, Mr. Edward Talbot may as well cut off thereby the Earl's remainder as if it were granted to himself. Edward Talbot hath no colour to require that man's estate, considering his suit tends to no more but that he may suffer a perfect recovery, which being in an another person than himself may serve his turn as well as if it had been granted to himself. | |||
1 p. (29. 84.) | |||
Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir Robert Cecil | |||
[1594.?] | I am loth to trouble you with my paltry occasions, but now there is no remedy but I must remember you of certain lewd tenants of Norton in Nottinghamshire, who, when the sales were in hand, preferred petitions to her Majesty and the commissioners that they might purchase those lands. Afterwards, not prevailing therein, they laboured to take leases, but her Majesty being by my Lord Treasurer informed of the truth, that they were never her Majesty's tenants, but I her immediate tenant and they tenants by demise from me, was pleased that I should be admitted to renew my lease (which is not yet expired), which nevertheless hath since been deferred. Now these beggars being set on anew have lately exhibited fresh complaints to her Majesty, whereupon Mr. Windebank was sent with a message to my Lord Treasurer and Sir John Fortescue in their favour; whereupon I informed them both of the state of those lands and what had heretofore passed, whereupon stay is made and my Lord Treasurer is thoroughly prepared to give her Majesty satisfaction of the truth; and I have written to my Lady Scudmore (the copy whereof is enclosed). I send you also a particular of the true state of those lands; be pleased to speak thereof with my Lord Treasurer when you see him next. | ||
Holograph, Seal, broken. (29. 85.) | |||
William Style to [the Council]. | |||
[1594.?] | Desires “my lords'” letter to the East India Company and Sir William Rumney, the Governor, for what in equity is due to his two brothers Roger and Percival Style, who died in the last East India voyage. Roger was captain of the Ascension and Percival purser of another of the Company's ships, and William desires to have the arrears of wages due to his said brothers. | ||
Holograph. 1 p. (29. 88.) | |||
[The Earl of Essex] to Sir Verginio Visino. | |||
[1594.?] | J'ai entendu, tant par les lettres que j'ai receu de vous, comme celles du Sieur Ant. Perez, votre intention de proposer un dessein qui seroit pour le bien de toute la Chrestienté, et la confiance qu'il vous a pleu avoir en moi de me le communiquer et requerir mon assistance à l'advancement d'icelluy. Je loue grandement et aime cherement ceste vertu en quiconque je la trouve, et serai tousjours prest d'advancer tels desseins qui tendent au bien public. Mais la saison ou nous sommes consideree, et les troubles tout à l'entour de nous, je trouve combien les desseins si esloignés sont degoustes par deça, et pourtant suis d'opinion que rien ne se feroit encore en cela. Mais je le retiendray en memoyre et, comme l'opportunité se presentera cy après, je m'emploierai selon les occasions à l'advancer de tout mon pouvoir. Cependant je suis tres aise d'avoir acquis par ceste ouverture la cognoissance d'un gentilhomme de vostre vertu et merite, laquelle je tascheray et d'entretenir et accroistre par tous bons offices. | ||
Endorsed : “To Sir Virginio Visino.” | |||
Draft with corrections by Essex. ½ p. (171. 39.) | |||
William Read to [Lord Burghley.] | |||
[1594.?] | Prays for a lease, without fine, of lands of which he is tenant, late Sir John Perrott's. | ||
Memorandum thereon by Burghley and the Auditor. 2 pp. (630.) | |||
Stanwardine Passie, servant to the Keeper of the Gatehouse in Westminster. | |||
[1594.?] | Petition to Lord Burghley. Jo. Dexter, a traitor, and Harry Keynes, a popish recusant, prisoners in the Gatehouse, have hardly entreated Thomas Heywood, another prisoner there, for discovering the practice of one William Grymes, a felon, to break prison, and still threaten him with violence, and have used petitioner with most vile and opprobrious speeches for setting irons upon Grymes. Suspects a confederacy between Dexter, Keynes, and Grymes. Begs Cecil's warrant to his master, the keeper, that Dexter and Keynes may be kept close prisoners as heretofore. | ||
Undated. 1 p. (P. 103.) | |||
Sir Henry Constable to Sir Robert Cecil. | |||
[?1594 or later.] | His wife Margaret was indicted for receiving Thomas Clarke, a seminary priest. Notwithstanding that the Queen was pleased to stay proceedings against her, she is ordered to appear from term to term in the Queen's Bench. Prays for order for her discharge from appearance, upon security. | ||
Undated. ½ p. (861.) | |||
Popish Plots. | |||
[?1594.] | “Beginning of a book that some priests would set forth.” | ||
Relative to a petition made by the priests that no such book should be suffered as without any necessity exasperated the heretics against the Catholics. Mention made of libel written of F. P.; also of Mr. Heywood, Jesuit, and Mr. Mart. R., and of “the plot of the Jesuits by which the Lord Ferdinaudo, Earl of Derby should have taken the kingdom.” | |||
4 pp. (144. 159.) |