America and West Indies: January 1720, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 31, 1719-1720. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1933.

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'America and West Indies: January 1720, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 31, 1719-1720, (London, 1933), pp. 293-311. British History Online [accessed 14 June 2024].

. "America and West Indies: January 1720, 1-15", in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 31, 1719-1720, (London, 1933) 293-311. British History Online, accessed June 14, 2024,

. "America and West Indies: January 1720, 1-15", Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 31, 1719-1720, (London, 1933). 293-311. British History Online. Web. 14 June 2024,

January 1720, 1-15

Jan. 3.
Boston in New England.
504. Governor Philips to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I had the honour of adviseing your Lordships in October last, of my arrival, and intention of proceeding in the man of warr on this station for Annapolis Royall, and am sorry for this occasion of acquainting you, that having embark't accordingly, after waiting five weeks, which was spent in fitting out the ship, all endeavours was used to gaine the passage but winter overtaking us, when the navigation on that coast, especially of the Bay of Fundee becomes impracticable, I was sett on shore in Casco Bay, and am returned to winter here not by choice but necessity. I will not take up your Lordships' time with a journal of my proceedings unless necessary for my justification to prove that I have lost no time or oppertunity that was in my power from the moment I recieved my Instructions, of repairing to my duty. It will be my care to sett forward again, as soon as the winter breaks up, and in the meane while to improve this absence in the best manner I can to the good of H.M. service. I am glad to hear that some of your Lordships have been at the Court of France, to settle the affairs of these countrys, which was absolutly necessary for the peace, and safety thereof, and could not be managed by better hands, and yett after all that your Lordships may have done, there will ever remaine a great obstruction to our happiness whilst the Priest and Jesuitts are among us, for it is not to be imagined whith what application, they incourage the French, and Indians, against submitting to H.M. Government, and even theire sermons are constant invectives, against the English Nation, to render it odious to the natives, among this tribe are Pere Vincent and Fœlix, who distinguish themselves for most inveterate enemies, to the Brittish interest, and preside in the quality of Governors over Minas, and Chignecto, two most considerable settlements, in Nova Scotia, the people pay them a willing obedience, and are growne so insolent as to say they will neither swear allegiance nor leave the country etc. How far they may change theire sentiments at my arrival, is uncertaine. I shall not faile to publish the King's gratious intentions toward them, and endeavour to convince them, they are acting against theire owne intrests, but the best argument will be a reinforcement of troops, for they are ignorant, that the garrison of Annapolis, consisting but five companys upon a low establishment, will not admitt of a considerable detachment to be sent against them, and tho' force, need not be made use of, but as the last remedy, it is my humble opinion, that I should have orders, to move three companys, forthwith from Placentia, which are not wanted there, the remaining part being sufficient to carry on the small work intended there, and that at the same time, the Enginier have direction sent him for raising a fortification to containe two companys, with a few cannon in a convenient scituation, for keeping those neighbouring settlements in obedience, for they are computed at above 400 families, and 'tis observed, they multiply exceedingly, and likely in a few years, to become a numerous people, and therefore (with submission) this is the time to take care of them. The French from Cape Breton have continued theire fishing last season at Cancoe under a guard of soldiers, intending that for the chief settlement, if theire pretended right, could be made out. It is (by all accounts) the best and most convenient fishery in any part of the King's Dominions, the people from the west of England, have found a great satisfaction in the place, and will return with many ships in the spring etc. I heare nothing of the presents, that were ordered for the Indians, and would be very apropos at my arrival among them. I could not stay for them without loosing my passage, but left an officer to take care of them. I was likewise told that the Surveyor should have imediate orders, to attend the service of Nova Scotia for marking out the King's woods, which is a work of time and expence, as he must have a sloop to attend him, your Lordships are sensible, that I am by my Instructions forbid making any settlement while that be done etc. I meet with many old patents granted to people of New England, and yett produced for approbation, by Col. Dongan while Governor of New York, for lands lying, in a part called the King's Territory between New England, and Nova Scotia and as I imagine under the Government of the latter, perticularly one in favour of the President of this College, of thirty miles extent likewise many old Indian grants, for vast tracts, in the same territory, which have never had the sanction of any Government, and too large to be ever improved by the present claymants, which being looked, on as a great inconvenience to the well settling, of these countrys, (as my Instructions sett forth), and may in these cases be remedied is the reason of my troubling your Lordships, etc. I have the honour of wishing your Lordships, a happy New Year etc. Signed, R. Philips. Endorsed, Recd. (from Col. Gardner) 22nd April, Read 14th July, 1720. 5 pp. Enclosed,
504. i. Lt. Governor Doucett to Governor Philipps, Annapolis Royall, Jan. 15, 1719/20. On the arrivall of Mr. Wroth I received the wellcome confirmation of your Excellency's being in America, and that [you] had sent dispatch's to me, by one Walters bound hither, who I fear is lost etc. I am in great hopes your Excellency is safe, being inform'd you had Captn. Southack on board who is judged to be the best and safest pilot on this coast etc. Mr. Erskine is settling the provisions in order for Mr. Shirreff to make up the accounts. I thank God the garrison continue in health, tho' the works drop dayly. The French still continue their clandestine tradeing to the great detriment of this Colony. There is another sloop now building att Minis to carry of in the spring, wth. provisions etc. to Cape Breton where they sell their sloop and cargoe (as they have lately done two, one of 60 tun, and one near 50) and return for more by Bay Vert, and bring French comoditys back, in short Sir if they are suffer'd another year, to drive their cattle some overland to Chebucto, and there taken in to be transported to Cape Breton, and others transported wth. quantitys of wheat from Minis, the Colony will feel a very sencible blow, besides no trade or vent for English comoditys. I wish your Excellency would have brought a good sailing sloop, etc. etc. Signed, John Doucett. Same endorsement. 2 pp. [C.O. 217, 3. Nos. 5, 5.i.; and (without enclosure) 218, 1. pp. 459–464; and (abstract of covering letter) 217, 30. pp. 8, 9.]
Jan. 4/15.
505. Mr. Pulteney to the Council of Trade and Plantations. On the 13th inst. (N.S.) I waited on My Lord Stairs and Earl Stanhope to a conference with the Marechal d'Estrées and the Abbé Dubois, at which the Regent was present, the subject of it was to be about Sta. Lucia. The Marechal d'Estrées undertook to prove the right and title of the French to that Island, from several papers, part of which he read, but indeed in so very broken and imperfect a manner that the Regent himself could not but take some notice of it; However the substance of what the Marechal pretended to prove was, that the French were as early as the English in discovering the Caribbee Islands; that the French West India Company had a patent from Lewis the 13th in 1627 for settling at St. Christophers and Barbados, that there had been eight French Governours successively in Sta. Lucia from 1650 to 1664 when some English came and dispossessed the French; He read the capitulation made between the English and French upon that occasion, which was in common form, and he said that enterprize of the English was made in time of peace, and without authority from the Governor of Barbadoes, who had disown'd it, but this he proved no otherwise than by a letter from the French Governor of Martinique to the Govr. of Barbadoes, complaining of that enterprize and supposing it to have been done without authority; the Marechal added to this that the English who had in that manner taken possession of Sta. Lucia being sencible that they had done wrong, sent Deputys the year after to Martinique, where those Deputys publickly acknowledged before the Governor and Council of that Island the right of the French to Sta. Lucia and condemned their own enterprize, and that in consequence of this, the English did immediately quit Sta. Lucia. But the argument the Marechal chiefly insisted on, and which the Regent himself seemed to give most countenance to, was, that by the 12th Article of the Treaty of Breda, the King of Great Britain was to restore to the French all they were in possession of before 1665, and as they were before that time in possession of Sta. Lucia, it belong'd to them by virtue of this Treaty. I shall not trouble your Lordships with the particulars of our answer etc., because it was chiefly taken from the several papers in your office, and since it was agreed, that each side should at the next conference give a deduction in writing of their several proofs etc. However, I must observe to your Lordships that the Regent was pleased to say the strongest argument on our side, is, that we were in possession of Sta. Lucia when the Treaty of Neutrality in America was made in 1686 and that the fourth article of that Treaty declares that each King should keep what he was at that time possess'd of in America; but he added that in answer to this it might be alledg'd that the French having continued their pretensions to Sta. Lucia soon after the making that Treaty, it was a proof they never understood their right to that Island to have been prejudiced by it. It was urged by My Lords Stairs and Stanhope that since it appear'd even by the French accounts that we had always contested our right to that Island, they could not by any pretence justify their taking possession of it in the manner they have lately done; and this was pressed with so much reason that the Regent own'd it would be but just the French Colony lately sent there should be withdrawn, and he promised orders should be dispatched to this effect. But I must add that the Regent and the Marechal d'Etrées understood that about 50 French familys were on that Island before the arrival of the last Colony (which they said was very inconsiderable) and that these 50 familys should continue there till the claim of right is absolutely determined in our favour. P.S.—I could not but take notice that Mr. D'Etrées said, the English historians own'd we never had any settlement at Sta. Lucia, I suppose he meant the British Empire, tho' I take for granted he never read or saw it. Signed, D. Pulteney. Copy. 4 pp. [C.O. 253, 1. Nos. 21 (Endorsed, Sent to Mr. Poyntz, Jan. 30, 1729/30); and (without endorsement) 22]; and (endorsed, Recd. Read 13 Jan. 1719/20). 28, 15. No. 58.]
Jan. 4/15.
506. Same to Mr. Popple. Acknowledges letter of 31st Dec. Continues—It would be of use to me to have answers to the following questions: Whether any English were settled on Sta. Lucia in 1664–1668; Whether any French were settled there in those years: Whether the French Commissioners appointed by the Governour of Martinico to treat with those appointed by Sir Thos. Wheeler and Collo. Stapleton concerning St. Christophers and other matters in consequence of the Treaty of Breda, did make any demand about Sta. Lucia; Whether any French or English were settled on that Island at the time of the Treaty of Reswyck, or during the last war from 1701 to the Treaty of Utrecht, or at the time of making that Treaty etc. P.S. I should be glad to know whether you have heard from the Governor of Barbados abt. Sta. Lucia since my coming away. Endorsed, Recd., Read 13 Jan., 1719/20. 2 pp. [C.O. 28, 15. No. 59].
Jan. 4. 507. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and Plantations. You are to lay before the House of Commons the account they have addres't for etc. Signed, J. Craggs. Endorsed, Recd. 5th. Read 7th Jan. 1719/20. ½ p. Enclosed,
507. i. Resolution of the House of Commons, 21st Dec. 1719, to address H.M. for an account of what fishing ships and sack ships and men aboard them have been employed in Newfoundland and St. Peters, 1710–1719 etc. Signed, Paul Jodrell, Cl. Dom. Parl. Copy. 1 p. [C.O. 194, 6. Nos. 73, 73. i.]
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
508. Order of King in Council. Referring following to the Council of Trade and Plantations for their report. Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 12th. Read 15th Jan., 1719/20. 1¼ pp. Enclosed,
508. i. Petition of John Moody to the King. Prays for compensation for lands purchased by him in Placentia, now seized for H.M. use, to erect a fort upon etc. Set out, A.P.C. II. No. 1331. Copy. 2½ pp. [C.O. 194, 6. Nos. 74, 74. i.],
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
509. Order of King in Council. Approving Representation of 5th Dec. 1719, and ordering that the Governor of Jamaica be instructed to pay with interest the money advanced by Lord A. Hamilton and the Council out of the first and readyest of the Revenues of H.M. said Island. Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan. 1719/20. 1 p. [C.O. 137, 13. No. 37; and 138, 16. pp. 248, 249.]
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
510. Order of King in Council. Confirming Act of Nevis for raising a poll-tax on negroes etc. Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan. 1719/20. 1¾ pp. [C.O. 152, 13. ff. 1, 1v., 2v.]
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
511. Order of King in Council. Repealing Act of Pennsylvania concerning the estate of William Clarke. (v. 9th Dec., 1719). Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan., 1719/20. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 138.]
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
512. Order of King in Council. Appointing Francis Harrison to the Council of New York. Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan., 1719/20. 1¼ pp. [C.O. 5, 1052. ff. 1, 1v., 2v.; and 5, 1124. pp. 123, 124.]
Jan. 8.
513. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Several merchants and others belonging to Barbados having complain'd to H.M. of the administration of Governor Lowther etc., encloses following for their report. Signed, J. Craggs. Endorsed, Recd. 11th. Read 12th Jan., 1719/20. 1 p. Enclosed,
513. i. Samuel Cox, Member of Council of Barbados, to the Lords Commissioners of H.M. Treasury. In Dec. 1718 a Spanish sloop, the Mary, commanded by Pablo Planes, a subject of the King of Spain and owned by Don Francisco del Rincon Quinones a Spaniard also, arrived in Barbados and on 29th Dec. Governor Lowther in Council permitted her to unload and trade in her goods of Spanish produce, in spite of my protests that this was directly contrary to the several Acts of Parliament etc. Endorsed as preceding. 1 p.
513. ii. Petition of Francis Lansa, part owner of the St. Louis of Lisbon, to the King. In Dec. 1718 the St. Louis, in her passage from Brazill to Lisbon sprung severall dangerous leeks and was forced into Barbados. John Demoracin, master, applied to the Governor for permission to unload in order to refit her. (v. 7th Aug. 1719), but could not obtain the same untill he made him a present of 38 oz. of gold dust. The Governor, his Secretary and the Collector of Customs also extorted from him a considerable quantity of sugar, by which practice the owners were endamaged 2000l. The Committee for hearing appeals directed enquiry to be made in Barbados. Petitioners' attorneys by their Councill, Nathan Blenman, moved Governor Lowther to have the method of examination directed by the said order pursued. The Governor demanded a sight of it, which was delivered to him. Petitioners' Councill, after having been grossly abused by the Governor was committed and now stands bound over to the Grand Sessions in 1000l. bail. The Governor refused to re-deliver the said order, and petitioners' letter of attorney to Mr. Beckles and Mr. Sandford is detained from them in the Secretary's Office, as petitioners beleive by the Govr.'s directions, he having publickly declared that there was great probability that it was forged and that there was no such person as petitioner. Thus petitioners' attorneys were disabled from proceeding in obtaining the necessary proofs. Petitioner is well assured that this violent conduct of the Govr. has extreamly terrified petitioner's witnesses and Councill and the inhabitants in generall, and prays for H.M. directions therein. Same endorsement. 1 p.
513. iii. Anonymous paper of complaints against Governor Lowther. A former representation of the miserable state of Barbados and containing many allegations against Mr. Lowther's administration, stated that it would be difficult to prove them there during the continuance of his Government, for that he would screen himself by the influence of his power and publick money. Those suggestions are made apparent by his commitment of Mr. Lansa's Counsel (v. No. ii.) Refer to No. i. There are several advices that he has suffered Sta. Lucia to be setled by the French etc. There are also advices of his causing a long declaration to be published by beat of drum, and read in the Churches on 18th Oct. last, reflecting upon very many gentlemen, and particularly taxing Samuel Cox, Alexander Walker and Timothy Salter for endeavouring to raise a rebellion in April 1714, by attempting to force the administration out of his hands; whereas they only gave their opinions, as members of H.M. Council, that H.M. orders for the delivery of his Government to Mr. Sharpe, ought to be obey'd; and declares that he will sit Judge of the Grand Sessions himself, by which means he will have the opportunity of gratifying his revenge, so that by the last advices that Island is in the utmost confusion. A gentleman now in London heard Mr. Lowther threaten a gentleman to his face there, who had a suit depending in Chancery, to ruin him, if he did not give his vote as Mr. Lowther desired in an approaching election of Assembly men. Same endorsement. 3¼ pp.
513. iv. Account of money paid to Governor Lowther and allowed by the Committee of public accounts, June, 1715–July, 1719. Total, 23,290l. (v. 3rd Feb.) Same endorsement. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15. Nos. 57, 57. i.–iv.; and (without enclosures), 29, 14. pp. 36, 37.]
Jan. 8.
St. James's.
514. Order of King in Council. Referring enclosed to the Council of Trade and Plantations for their report. Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 10th March, 1719/20. Read 19th May, 1721. 1 p. Enclosed,
514. i. Petition of Capt. Charles Gookin, late Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania, to the King. Having served in the Army for 30 years, he resigned his Company upon being made Governor, but his allowance proved so small (there being no settled salary) that he had not sufficient to support the dignity of a Governor, which occasioned his spending during his 9 years stay there a great part of his own private fortune and has besides lost his rank in H.M. service. Prays for a grant of some islands lying waste in the River between Pensilvania and the Jerseys, which he deems capable of improvement by banking out the tides, clearing and planting etc. Copy. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 1266. ff. 5, 6, 6v, 8v.]
Jan. 11.
Admty. Office.
515. Mr. Burchett to Mr. Popple. Encloses following etc. Signed, J. Burchett. Endorsed, Recd. 12th Jan. Read 5th April, 1720. Addressed. Sealed. ¾ p. Enclosed,
515. i. Duplicates of Nos. 425, 414. vii. [C.O. 194, 6. Nos. 81, 81. i., ii.]
Jan. 12.
Charles Town South Carolina.
516. Governor Johnson to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Reply to the Queries from the Board (v. April 29th, 1719). (i.) Refers to papers sent to the Lords Proprietors, covering recent events (v. 24th, 27th Dec. 1719 etc. (ii.) 'Tis computed that at present we may have about 1600 fighting men, from 16 to 60 years of age, everybody in the Province within that age being inlisted, and by the common computation of 4 persons in each family, the whole of the whites are 6400, 'tis bleived that since the Indian warr which broke out in April 1715 we are increased about 100 inhabitants, wee haveing lost about 400 in the war and have had the accession of about 500 from England, Ireland and other places; since the Indian warr the Province has been obliged to maintain the following garrisons upon ye outskirts of the Province to awe the Indians and prevent their comeing within us and to inspect ye better what their designes are and to secure our people and goods whilst we trade with them (vizt.) At the Congares, lying about 130 miles North from Charles Towne; a Capt. and 20 men; about 40 miles from thence westward and about 140 miles from Charles Town, the Savana Garrison, a Capt. and 20 men; upon Port Royall Island, to watch the inland water passage from St. Augustine and to prevent our white people and slaves from deserting and going thither, two scout boats of 10 men each, who have small Forts to retreat to and secure themselves; In Johnson's Fort upon James Island about a league from Charles Town which commands the ships comeing up ye Bay to Charles Towne a Capt., Leivtent. and 12 men all these men are pd. by the publick. The forts are not strong, except Johnsons Fort, which is a reguler tryangle with drawbridges, a dry ditch and a platform below of about 12 guns of 12 pound balls, and abot. 10 from 6 to 9 pounders in the uper works. The rest of the forts are sufficient to withstand Indians, who know nothing of beseageing or will fight against walls; Charles Towne was formerly in my Father's Governmt. was enclosed with a reguler fortification but in 1713 by a violent hurricane were all thrown down and ruined, and the Indian warr which broke out two years afterwards involved us in soe deep a debt that we have not been able since to rebuild them, but at present are putting ourselves into such a posture of defence as our present circumstances will allow off. (iii.) Refers to following account of the number of Indians, 1715, "which traded for above 10,000l. sterling yearly in cloth guns powder bullets and iron ware and made return in buck skins doe skins furs and other peltry, and there was one way or other near 200 English Indian traders imployed as factors by ye merchants of Carolina amongst them; But in 1715 most of them rose in rebellion and murdered ye said traders and severall of the planters and their famileys, that lay most exposed to them, but before the end of the said year we recovered the Charokees and the northward Indians after severall slaughters and blood sheddings which has lessened their numbers and utterly exterpating some little tribes as the Congerees Santees Seawees Pedees Waxaws and some Corsaboys, so that by warr pestilence and civill warr amongst themselves the Charokees may be computed reduced to about 10,000 souls and the Northern Indians to 2500 souls; At the same time the fate of our Southern and Western Indians was quite turned to our disadvantage, for as soon as ye Albamas had murdered our Facters, the French emediately tooke possession of our place and built a fort by the name of Thoulose at the Albamous therby encroching upon us and takeing the trade of the Chickesaws. Albamas and a great part of the Tallaboosees Abikaws which will make near 6 or 7000 souls. The Spaniards built a fort at Apalatchee and has taken the Apalatchees and the most desperate Creek Indians from us and the Yamasees removed to St. Augustine, from whence they still continue their depradations; As for the Creeks they are scituated now in the midway between us the French and the Spaniard and deals with those that gives them most, affecting a newtrallity, yet makeing their advantages of the differences happening between the European Nations so we may safely conclude that we have not above half of the trade and number of Indians subject to this Governmt. as we had 1715.
An exact account of ye number and strength of all the Indian Nations that were subject to the Governmt. of South Carolina and solely traded with them in ye begining of 1715, taken out of ye Journalls of Capt. Nairn, John Wright Esq., Price Hughes Esq., and compared and corrected by the Journalls and Observations made by John Barnwell while he was employed by the Governmt. amongst them.
Distance from Charles Town. Indians No. of Vill. Men. Women. Boys. Girls. Totalls.
90 miles S.W. Yamasees 10 413 345 234 223 1215
130 " " Apalatchicolas 2 64 71 42 37 214
140 " W. Apalatchees 4 275 243 65 55 638
150 " W. by N. Savanos 3 67 116 20 30 233
180 " W.N.W. Euchees 2 130 270 400
250 " W. & by N. Ochesees or Creeks 10 731 837 417 421 2406
440 " W. Abikaws 15 502 578 366 327 1773
390 " W.S.W. Tallibooses 13 636 710 511 486 2343
430 " S.W. by W. Albamas 4 214 276 161 119 770
3032 3446 1816 1698 9992
Cherokees, vizt.
450 miles N.W. The Upper Settlement 19 900 980 400 480 11530
390 " N.W. Middle Settlement 30 2500 2000 950 900
320 " N.W. Lower Settlement 11 600 620 400 480
640 " W. Chickesaws 6 700 1200 1900
200 " N.N.W. Catapaws 7 570 900 1470
170 " N. Saraws 1 140 370 510
100 " N.E. Waccomassus 4 210 400 610
200 " N.E. Cape Fears 5 76 130 206
70 " N. Santees 2 43 60 125
20 " N. Congerees 1 22
80 " N.E. Weneaws 1 36 70 106
60 " N.E. Seawees 1 57
Mixed with ye English Settlements Itwans 1 80 160 240
Corsaboys 5 95 200 295 5519
(iv.) St. Augustine is ye only Town the Spaniards are possest of in Florida etc. It is a garrison containing 300 soldiers under pay and about 100 familys, of inhabitants whose chief support depends on the expence and pay of the soldiers. Out of this number they make a troop of about 40 horse, and in and about the place in 4 or 5 villages they have 3 or 400 armed Indian men most of wch. are Yamasees that lately committed ye barbarous massacres on H.M. subjects of Carolina and still continue (even during ye Peace with Spain by connivance of ye Spaniards) their depredations and murders on the English. Besides these Indians they have in subjection a great number of barbarous Indians along the coast of Florida who ever now and then inhumanly massacree all the castaway or shipwract English, that often are cast amongst them comeing thro' the Gulf of Florida. The Spaniards of St. Augustine drive a trade with the Indians of Florida for ambergrise and wraked and with ye other Indians for peltry. The place being only a garrison there is but small trade there, what they formerly sent to the Havana was hides tallow and the rows of fish especially mullets salted, The country produces pitch and tarr, which by ye help of the negroes plundered by the Indians from Carolina and bought by ye Spaniards they begin to make a trade on, to our great detrement. In the open feilds there is orringe trees and in St. Augustine lemmon trees citron trees limetrees besides peaches figgs pomgranates and some olive trees, they are not suffered to propogate the olive trees. The country is capable of a great many improvements but ye place being as I said a garrison and ye soldiers very raw lazy fellows being bandittis banished from New Spain for crimes comitted there no great matter can be expected from them; The town is unfortified containing about 200 houses and has a convent of Franciscan Fryers, with two more churches some built with timber some wth. stone. It is gaurded by a small fort wth. four bastions built with stone and regulerly fortified the curtains has no room for cannon but there are 50 peices mounted on the bastions the ditch is dry, but they can let ye sea in at highwater the walls are about 28 or 30 foot high for which reason ye artilery can do no execution when people are intrenched within 50 or 60 paces of the Fort for they can't bring their guns to bear, ye outer square of ye Fort from ye point of ye bastion to bastion does not exceed 500 feet and the inward oppen place not built upon to be less then 100 feet square for which reason a bomb would make great execution when besides Indians there can be little less then 1000 souls confined in a siege in yt compass, there magazine and storehouse are built along ye curtains and are bomb proof, the stone of ye Castle lookes like freestone but I judge much better for fortification it will not splenter but give way to cannon ball as tho you would stick a knife into a cheese, the ground round it is proper for intrenchments or makeing approches, it being light without stones. The reason the Spaniards give for maintaining this place are yt they keep it as a barrior to prevent the English from encroaching any farther into Florida and to keep possession of that country for his Catholick Majesty, 2dly they say that the Roman Church is at one half of the expence in order to protect their missionarys that are sent to convert the Indians, and lastly that they might releive from thence such Spaniards as shall be either cast away or in distress comeing thro' the Gulf; there is but a very shallow barr going into St. Augustine and most and end the sea breaks quite across, it there being scarce 5 feet water at low water and the tyde rises not above 6 feet more except on a spring with an easterly winde, when there may be about 12 feet so they are forced to load and unload any vessell of burthen without the barr in ye oppen sea. There are good pylotes in Charles Towne yt. can carry in sloopes; At St. John's about 12 leagues to the N. of St. Augustine is a good harbour where is 17 feet water but ye channell is narrow. The Spaniards at St. Augustine haveing encouraged the Indians under their Governmt. to come and murder and plunder H.M. subjects in Carolina and themselves harbouring rebbells, fellons, debters servants and negro slaves, putting this Governmt. under a necessity of keeping a force and some thousand pounds yearly charge to gaurd ye frontiers, even in time of peace there is an absolute necessity for us to expell them out of St. Augustine we soon should reap ye benefit of it by enlargeing ye trade of ye Collony by so many hands now idell and maintained by the rest, that could follow their work and a number more would flock into us who are deter'd by ye dread this sculking warr brings with it and even our own Indians would be less insolent and more obedient to us who we are forced to court least they should revolt. Four or five hundred men to joyne wt. forces Carolina could make, with a bomb ketch some battering cannon and other warlike stores in proportion would easily efect ye conquest of this place and would be undertaken with alacrity by the people of this Province. (v.) 'Tis without dispute that the French are very strong there [on the Mississippi], by all accounts they are already not less than five or six thousand fighting men, and more are dayly sent over from France with a designe to make a very considerable settlement there, they have likewise a fort at the Holbamas, a Nation of Indians that we used to trade with which lies within ye limits of the Charter of this Governt., commanded by a Capt. Leivt. and Ensigne with 40 soldiers in the King of Frances pay where they dayly encroch upon us and draw away our Indians, these great preparacons of setling the Missisipi cannot but very much alarm all ye Continent of America and especialy Carolina that lies soe near them for even in time of peace they underhand incence ye Indians against us and incourage them to make inroads upon us to the great dammage and hasard of our outmost settlements but if there should ever be a warr between the Crowns of France and England this Province would fall an easy prey to them and very probably Virginia New York and other Plantations to which this Collony is a frontier would feel the efects of the French growing so powerfull in America. The French have seized ye fort of Pancicola and are now in possession thereof, they are not a little glad of haveing secured so good a port or haven near their intended settlement; An officer that is now here sent to me with letters from Monsr. Bienville Governr. of Moville, about some French deserters, informs me that they are about makeing another fort among our Indians above 100 miles nearer to us and thus will keep encroaching upon us from time to time if not prevented the manner of which yor. Lordps. can best judge it being out of our power to put any stop thereto.
(vi.) The bulk of the trade of this Province is caried on from Great Britain from whence come here generally one year with the other about 60 ships with sundry British and other manufactories which return thither directly loaden from hence with some deare skins, rice, pitch, and tar, dying wood etc. as the bounty money granted by Act of Parliament for the importing navell stores has been of great incouragemt. to the Plantations in generall to export navell stores, so this Plantacon in perticuler has surpassed all America besides, in suplying Great Britain accordingly with great quantities of pitch and tarr, there have been exported in one year by computation about 50,000 barrells of both, which great exports of navell stores, not only have occasioned ye greater consumption of British manufactories but incouraged ye merchants abroad to import into this Province great numbers of negroe slaves from Affrica and brought a great concourse of ships to this Port to load our bulky commodities. Wee reckon we likewise load for sundry of the American Plantacons about 80 vessells more with rice, beaf, pork, leather boards ceadar and other lumbar, pitch and tarr, whence we import bread flower bear cyder fish and other provisions, from the Northern Plantacons and negro slaves, rum, sugar mollossus cotten etc, from the Southern Plantacons. To this bounty money wee cheifly atribute the cause of our trades increasing very considerably, within these ten years our planters haveing by means thereof been so enriched as to purchase great numbers of negroes slaves the labour of which has incredibly encreased the produce and manifacture of this Province wch. being very bulky and cumbersome requires a great number of ships to cary it off. Our trade has within this 3 or 4 years met with some check, by reason of our country bills of creadit which being stamped and declared currant in all payments and no fund for the paymt. of them came almost to be of no value, to the manifest injury of those who were obliged to receive them in satisfaction of debts contracted a long while before they were made. Severall considerable merchants in England haveing thereby received a great prejudice have intirely dropt this trade to ye deminishing thereof; Another cause why our trade at present must decay is the little demand of our navell stores; vizt. pitch tarr and turpentine in Great Britain, and if the bounty money should be taken of or when ye Act is expired not renued, one third of the shipping that comes here will be more then sufficient to export our produce and severall who have great numbers of negroes will hardly finde worke to imploy them; we makeing already yearly as much rice as we can finde well a vent for amounting to about 14,000 barrells each containing about 350 lb. neat. Our tarr lies under a disreputacon of not being so good as East Country tarr but am satisfied it is mostly owing to ye intrest the East Country merchants have with ye rope makers who being obliged to buy their hemp of them will not let them have it without they will give them their price for their tarr also and oblige them to give it a good name and decry ours. Hemp grows here very well but is not as yet propogated for want of people who understands ye husbandry of it. (vii) The number of vessells belonging to this port we reckon about 20 and they generally but small as most proper to our American trade amongst ourselves some built here some in ye Northern Plantations. Wee are come to no great matter of building here for want of persons who undertake it tho no country in the world is more plentifully supplyed with timber for that purpose and well stored with convenient rivers; as for seafareing men few or none reside here they always belonging to the severall ships that come here. We may have in February and ye begining of March, ye time yt. ye greatest number of ships are here, nere 500 seafareing men but in ye summer we have but few vessells in our port, our cheif manufactories or our staple are rice pitch and tarr, wherewith our British ships load home; wth. some skins wee formerly made considerable quantities of raw silk wch. was esteemed in England better then that wch. came from ye Streights, but the price of negroes dayly enhancing and work in generall growing deare we were forced to quit it to go upon ye other commodities, which we found to yeild ye planters more proffit if encouragement were given, very large quantities of very good might be made here for the future. We formerly made likewise good indigo, but there has been none of this growth exported these severall years, being wholly laid aside. Severall usefull manufacteris might be gon upon in this Province to good advantage but our planters applying themselves almost wholly to the makeing rice pitch and tarr they do not think thereof.
My Lords, the foregoing queries have been in my hands 3 or 4 months, but ye continuall alarms we have had and distractions amongst our people which has at last ended in throwing of all obedience to Protary. Governt. has prevented my makeing ye necessary enquiries about them, so soon as I otherwise should have done etc. I send an account of a small expedicon I sent out against the Spanish Indians liveing under the protection of St. Augustine who had just before surprised and killed 3 or 4 of our people and carried away as many prisoners, as also ye examinacon off a Spanish prissoner taken in that expedition. Signed, Robt. Johnson. Endorsed, Recd. 29th April. Read 3rd May, 1720. 15½ pp. Enclosed,
516. i. John Barnwell to Governor Johnson. Account of the late Expedition against the Yamasees and Spaniards of St. Augustine performed by 50 Indians, Melvin a white man and Musgrove and Griffin half breed or Mustees under ye leading of Oweeka a Creek Indian their generall, Wettly Mico his second a Palachucola Indian. On 28th Sept. they sett out from ye Water Passage Fort in seven canoes well fitted etc. according to H.E. orders, and arrived at St. Juans 10th Oct. They travelled by land to St. Augustine wch. is abt. 50 miles distant, but they took a long cerquitt thro' ye woods to avoid discovery, and haveing travelled night and day they gott to ye Indian towns 4 hours before day, 12th instant, and haveing sent out their spys or scouts one of wch. haveing a wife and family in ye Pocotallago town, fearfull least they shu'd miscarry in ye assault went to his house and took out his famaly who likewise haveing friends being Creeks liveing amg. ye Yamasees gave them notice to escape, wch. could not be so secretly done but most of ye Yamasees took ye alarm. Now ye Pilot was faithfully promissed by ye Generall and ye whole company that none shud goe to his house but himself and that if any of his family was taken he shu'd have them again, but his doeing as he did had liked to prove fatall to them all for ye Spaniards att St. Augustine had imediate notice being but 3 mile of ye Pocotallagas. As soon as ye scouts returned, they divided their body into three parts and fell on three towns att once but did not take above 24 prisners and killed 5 or 6 Indians by reason of ye sd. discovery but they burnt all the provision and houses and took a good deal of plunder. Tuloomata one of ye towns was within a mile of ye Castle of St. Augustine being Youhaw Indians and burnt a fine Church there, ye fryer escapeing but some of his domesticks and his plate and ye plunder of his house (wch. escaped burning) fell into their hands, ye fryer's name is Fra. Pedro de la Lastras. The Indians appointed to randesvous att ye Palatchee town being informed that those Indians would revolt and joyn them, but they found it deserted upon wch. they sett fire to their corn houses and round house this town is four mile from St. Augustine, by this time the sun being two hours high they spyed 50 or 60 Spaniards in full march after them. The Indians haveing taken a Spanish prisner before; they sent him wth. a flagg of truce to meett ye Spaniards and lett them know they had noe quarrell wth. them but that they came to kill ye Yamasees that had lately taken Mrs. Burrows and murdered their friends ye English and that they wanted to parley with ye Spaniards; It seems by good look for us some of our Indians had striped ye Spaniard that carried ye flag of truce stark naked, soe when he came up in yt. condition to ye Spanish body, they thought he was sent in contempt of them and would not harken to him but imediatly fired a volly att ye Indians tho' att 400 yards distance. The Indians finding that they must loose their slaves and plunder if they fled divided into two bodys and being nimble and light armed fell on ye two flanks of ye Spaniards who kept in a close body and heavily armed made but a sorry defence and had 14 killed and about 10 taken prisners in the retreat—seven of whom they stripped and sent back again and three they brought away with them, and on Sunday ye 25th instant two of ye canos wth. abt. 12 slaves and 2 Spaniards were brought to my house, one of them seem to be mestizo and in trueth ye other is not white but being a liver in St. Augustine for 16 years and has a wife and 8 children there I told ye Indians to carry him to yor. Honr. Next day King Gilbert wth. ye Coosaboys and Tuskeroros came in etc. The prisners tells me Capt. Burrows comeing to St. Augustine wth. yr. Honrs. letters before ye Huspa King had brought in his wife they took him for a spy, but when his wife was brought in they released him. He had been very ill, but as soon as he was in a condition to putt to sea he was to come away. They tell me that Mrs. and Mr. Cord and Burrows's child and his man and ye Indian woman were all murdered not being able to travell. That one Mons. La Hay a French privateer had brought in three prizes into St. Augustine wch. were loaden wth. sugar cotton and molosses that ye 3 English commanders and 21 saylors were prisners there—that he designs to cruise out of St. Augustine he had 80 men he came in a sloop but was fitting one of ye prizes being a ship of 20 gunns. That La Hay bragged he would kill all ye Indians and joyned ye Spaniards wth. 10 of his best men etc. About 16 Creeks yt. lived amo. ye Yamasees are come away and they sent word yt. they will not leave one alive that does not come away. I congratulate wth. yor. Honr. this dawning of quietness to our poor Southern parts. Signed, Jno. Barnwell. 3 pp.
516. ii. Examination of Antonio Eleanore, Spanish prisoner, before the Governor and Council of S. Carolina, 10th Nov. 1719. Hearsay evidence and description of St. Augustine. Cf. preceding. Endorsed as covering letter. 2½ pp. [C.O. 5. 1265. Nos. 144, 144. i. ii.]
Jan. 12.
517. Lt. Governor Keith to the Council of Trade and Plantations. In obedience to your directions of 7th Aug. last, I shall take the best measures I can to determine the bounds of this Colony; But finding it impossible immediately to procure such a map as is desired, and it being nevertheless proper that you should be acquainted with what chiefly affects not only this Colony, but others of H.M. adjacent Dominions, I am willing to lay hold of the first opportunity that offers to lay before you that the Royal Grant of this Province gives three degrees of latitude from the 40th northward, and five degrees of longitude from the River Delaware westward, which according to the best and latest draughts of Canada that we have seen, will certainly include a great part of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. Of how much weight this grant (which was dated the 4th of March, 1680) may prove in any present or future Treaty with the French, is not for me to determine,; but from what can be gathered here, I beg leave to observe, that the French seem to have no right to any lands southward of the River St. Lawrence, nor to the eastward of the Lakes Ontario and Erie: and that their settlement of Canada seems to be limited by the Southern and Eastern banks of the said river and lakes; For according to the best of my information the French have no settlement, neither have they any Indians depending upon them to the Southward or Eastward of these bounds; but on the contrary as fast as they can debauch any of the five Nations from us, they generally endeavour to transport, and oblige them to settle on the North side of St. Lawrence's River. I shall use all proper measures to procure as good a map of this Colony as can well be had; but our settlements not being as yet extended above 80 miles or thereabouts from this place, the courses and branches of the remoter rivers are not known with such certainty as will bear an exact description. Signed, W. Keith. Endorsed, Recd. 3rd May, 1720. Read 7th Sept., 1721. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 1266. ff. 13, 13v., 14v.]
Jan. 13.
St. James's.
518. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Refers following for their report. Signed, J. Craggs. Endorsed, Recd. 29th Jan. Read 5th Feb., 1719/20. ¼ p. Overleaf,
518. i. Petition of Francis Sitwell and Francis Chamberlayne, of London merchants. Petitioners' ship Mercury, Mackett master, bound for Guinea and the West Indies, was taken by a pirate in the River Gamboa. Seven of the negroes on board were put on board the Charlotte, Capt. Hoalson, bound for Virginia or Barbados. Upon their arrival at Barbados, the governor ordered them to be sold, and the moneys for which they were sold to be put into the hands of Henry Lascells, Treasurer, until his pleasure was further known, etc. Pray that the money may be paid to their correspondent at Barbados etc. Signed, Fran. Sitwell, Fran. Chamberlayne. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15. Nos. 67, 67. i.; and 29, 14. pp. 53–55].
Jan. 15/26.
519. Mr. Pulteney to Mr. Popple. Acknowledges letter of 7th inst., and the Board's request about the weavers. The copy sent of Tallard's Memorial is not that which I desired, this being on Oct. 1700, and that I wanted of Jan. 1699/1700; etc. Desires to have it by the next opportunity. Signed, D. Pulteney. Endorsed, Recd., Read 27th Jan. 1719/20. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15. No. 62.]
Jan. 15.
520. Mr. Popple to Mr. Nivine. The Council of Trade and Plantations have appointed next Tuesday come sevennight to hear what you may have to offer in relation to an Act of Antegoa to indemnify Anthony Brown and John Elliot etc. Similar letter to Mr. Marsh. [C.O. 153, 13. p. 451.]
Jan. 15.
St. James's.
521. H.M. Warrant appointing Francis Harrison to the Council of New York in the room of Killian van Renslaer. Countersigned, J. Craggs. [C.O. 324, 33. p. 259.]
Jan. 15.
St. James's.
522. H.M. Warrant to Governor Sir N. Laws, reciting the memorial of Lord Archibald Hamilton and directing that the debts due to him for money advanced by him and the Council of Jamaica and for salary owing, be paid with lawful interest out of the first and readiest of H.M. Revenues, etc. Countersigned, J. Craggs. [C.O. 324, 33. pp. 260–262.]
Jan. 15.
New Providence.
523. Governor and Council of the Bahama Islands to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Enclose following. Continue:—Our present state is such as requires consideration, or we can attribute our continuance in safety to no human protection, for the want of power to call an Assembly etc. has proved such a discouragement that the few inhabitants are uneasie at having no laws provided for the immediate service of the Country whereby some steps might be made to invite others to settle amongst us. The credit of the King's garrison is quite extinct and unless there be some remedy to support it the necessitys daily encreasing we know not how the Governour can longer subsist them whilst provisions are brought here at a dear rate, and it being everywhere known that the Governour's bills are protested he cannot either purchase provisions or other necessarys. The lucky French having retaken Pensicola and made an inroad into Mexico and comerce amongst the Indians near the mines, this has drawn the force of the Spaniard that way, whereby we have been diverted from the storm we expected for the Spaniards are now mustering all their forces to dislodge the French and defend themselves and we hope will not have leave given them to anoy us. By the enclosed, your Lordps. may perceive that we have made a great adventure in detaining so many Spanish prisoners, having few more to guard them, but as we have had the happy effect to redeem our English from the tyranny of the Spaniards in the Havana, we humbly rely that your Lordships will interceed for us to H.M. that the moneys we have engaged ourselves for to the Co-partners will be paid to their order; for when we entered into this engagement we had only the publick good in view whilst we wanted power to raise the least fund for contingencies, had we more responsible inhabitants, it would very much discourage future zealous endeavours for the benefit of the settlemt., if we should not receive an acquittal of this engagement but we depend we need not despair for being too generous or have reason to repent that six of the Council and the Governour who has had abundantly more fategue then proffit ever since the Government began and yet obliged ourselves joyntly and severally for a whole Colony, it would be very hard should we pay it when we came into this agreement expecting a confirmation of the Council that we might chuse an Assembly and depended ere this if it was not discharged to have made the country lyable and other necessary lawes and to have had a larger garrison and a supply to finish the fortifications etc., which we rely upon your Lordships interest to interceed for wth. H.M. that we may be effectually supported as soon as possible to encourage people of consequence to settle here etc. and then we are in no doubt of these Islands soon becoming a flourishing Colony etc. Signed, Woodes Rogers, James Gohier, W. Fairfax, Tho. Walker, Wingate Gale, Edward Holmes, Nathell. Taylor, J. Ollyffe. Endorsed, Recd. 13th April. Read 7th July, 1720. 2¾ pp. Enclosed,
i. Minutes of Council of the Bahama Islands, 31st March, 1719—15th Jan., 1720. Same endorsement. 23 pp. [C.O. 23, 1. Nos. 22, 22. i.]