East Indies: September 1624, 1-10

Pages 382-401

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 4, 1622-1624. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1878.

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Sep 1624, 1-10

Sept. 1.
583. Barlow to Carleton. Perceives by his letter of the 31 Aug./9 Sept. that the Company have sent him a copy of their letter to the Bewinthebbers. Holds that Boreel is employed in answering "our mens' relation," as he has not seen him abroad these 14 days. Since the publication of the placard they are very mute; and not one of the Bewinthebbers do once offer any speech in defence of the business. Concerning the payment to be made by the Mayors. [One page. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 2.
584. Sec. Conway to (Carleton). The King, Prince, and Duke or Buckingham acknowledge his wise and dexterous pursuit of the business of Amboyna; but observe such a slackness and generality in the States' answers as would suit better with those that had all advantages on their side, and had power to give satisfaction, not according to reason, but favour. "That which the States have sent is of no consideration. It is possible, if the Act had come from the States with your additions it would have given such satisfaction, as his Majesty would have attended the prosecution of it, and held his merchants to it." Has sent his additions to the Company, and expects their answer; but at their last being with the King nothing was to be had from them, but withdrawing of their goods, and resolving of other parts to trade in, or making their own fortunes as enemies, "for with tyrants and faith-breakers they could not have security," except his Majesty would countenance them to repair themselves upon Holland goods in these parts. Assures him that in conformity with the King's resolution, if the States do not give his Majesty satisfaction before their ships come within the possibility of staying, his Majesty will give orders to seize them; if their resistance be made fight they must, so there must happen the taking of a bloody revenge or increase of injury and heartburning. While writing this some of the Company came and told him that they find no satisfaction in the proposition, and little in Carleton's additions, their obstinate judgment being that the States have no intent to make them reparation but to cool the business by delays, and in conclusion thrust them out of the trade. That it is vain to hearken to propositions for examination of the business in the Indies, for the proofs are already made, the witnesses come thence, and the whole state of the business in the States' hands; and that the treaty bears, that things which cannot be agreed upon in the Indies shall be referred to Europe, that the legal way of proceeding should have been by the Council of Defence, and therefore, as the English there have protested against it, there is no place for judging the cause but in Europe. So to deal clearly with Carleton, except the States change their apprehensions of this business and their resolutions, "we are like to be our own carvers shortly." "For let the business of Spain and France go which way they will, we intend nothing more seriously than to put ourselves into such a condition as we may bring the States to be plaintiffs, which is very likely will not be long; except the States will pass by that way, and seek to become even by reprisal, which will not differ a hair from an open war." Are now appointing Commissioners to give order for the first seizure, and advise what shall be fit to be done from time to time; yet with this protestation, in our hearts that we are innocent, and the States guilty of the evils that shall succeed. [Two pages and a half. Holland Corresp.]
(Sept. ?) 585. A statement of the injustice of the Dutch proceedings at Amboyna against the English. That they had no lawful jurisdiction over the English, the 30th article of the treaty of 1619 is recited; and the explanation of that article, that in case any dispute shall arise, "they shall be commanded not to proceed one against the other, by way of fact or hostility, or in any manner whatsoever," "but each shall advise their Company in Europe," &c. That before the treaty, on complaint here against the Dutch for whipping a common man [Wm. Clarke], the King declared himself plainly against all pretence of sovereignty in the Indies, which declaration was accepted by the Dutch Commissioners. But albeit the jurisdiction of the Dutch over the English at Amboyna should be admitted, yet they exercised it most unjustly, as appears by these particulars. To make way to their proceedings against the English, they apprehended and tortured a Japanese soldier, on no other evidence than that he had inquired from his fellows the strength of the castle; and upon his confession that he and the other Japanese had plotted with the English the taking of the castle, they brought them all to torture; though the confessions of the tortured are by their own law an insufficient evidence to torture any other person without further proof, of which kind none is mentioned in all the Acts of Process. To Abel Price, the first of the English examined, the Dutch specified place, persons, and time (as their own acts show), to teach him what to say to avoid torture, which is expressly contrary to their own law. There is not the least evidence against any of the prisoners, but these confessions; there is no iteration of them, free of bonds and fetters; and the confessions themselves contain many contrarities which are specified, and which alone overthrow their validity. The pretended plot was not only impossible to be executed by such means as the English had, but as impossible also to be conceived feasible by Mr. Towerson or any other man in his wits. The English were but 12 in number, armed with three swords, two muskets, and half a pound of powder, and all their pretended accomplices, but 10 Japanese, armed with Catans or short swords, and therefore could not imagine themselves able to take a castle garrisoned by 200 Dutch soldiers and a company of Amboynese. They had no ships there, and the next ship that came had express commission from the Council at Jacatra to fetch all the English from Amboyna; upon sight of which the Governor declared all the English at Jacatra (as those of Banda shortly after) to be clear of the pretended treason, and yet proceeded to execute our men whom they had before condemned. To what end should the English attempt a thing they could not enjoy ? For the Dutch had other strong castles adjacent, all the people of Amboyna, and eight tall strips, presently to have recovered it from the English, who with the Japanese were but 22 without ships, victuals, or succour. And the English knew if they had taken it that they must have restored it, because of the treaty, and yet be punished as violators of the peace and endanger their fellows at Jacatra and other places where the Dutch are masters. Lastly, the protestations made in writing by Mr. Towerson in his bill, by William Griggs in his table book, and by Samuel Colson in his Prayer Book and catechism, which are all ready to be produced, together with their all taking their death in the constant profession of their innocency set down in the English relation are of much more value to purge them than their mere confessions to charge them with the same. [Two pages and a half. East Indies, Vol. III., No. 39.]
(1624.) 586. Draught (in Carleton's hand) of answers to the States General in three points. 1. As was that of 20 English merchants against a garrison of 200 soldiers in a well-fortified place, without any other expected assistance than one Portuguese and 9 or 10 Japanese, for it must be remembered that not a man of Amboyna or of the adjacent isles has been examined. 2. This also is an idle comparison, since the English have never inflicted this punishment of pressing [to death] (ce supplice de presser), upon your people in the Indies, but have often been oppressed and inhumanely treated by your people in more than one place; witness the cruel punishment of an Englishman [Wm. Clarke] in the public square at Jacatra, and other examples which Carleton will not repeat. 3. In default of your resolution, his Majesty has already taken his, as they well know, and it will undubitably be put in execution. [French. One page. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 3.
587. Court Minutes of the East India Company. The Court took knowledge that the President and Council at Jacatra had given Spaldinge a certificate tending to his justification in divers particulars, the contrary whereof he had confessed in Court, as in the point of private trade. Ordered that in the next letters to Jacatra, they may be advised to be very cautious in giving such testimonials. Suit of Spaldinge, which was seconded by Mr. Crooke, in mitigation of Spaldinge's fine of 1,000l.; long discussion thereon; in the end it was concluded to abate 100l. for Mr. Crooke's sake, which was thankfully accepted. The speedy despatch of the pinnace considered. Five pipes of canary wine and three of white, part of which is to be done with wormwood, which is specially commended to be provided. Resolved also to send in her 15 chests of coral of the value of 2,000l. and tobacco for the use of the mariners. The London to be dispeeded away three months hence. The price of silk fixed at 4 nobles. Agreed that Mr. Deputy and others attend the King at Windsor on Monday with such papers as had been agreed upon concerning the States declaration, and with the reasons touching the King's pleasure in being partner with the Company which were now read and approved; and also to present books to the Prince and Duke, and for the release to have patience awhile, because Sec. Conway hath promised it; also to attend the Duke that he may not think himself neglected because of late the Company have gone to the King by other means and not by him. The goods in Leaden Hall warehouses not being safe, for lack of wooden windows, and an attempt having been made to steal indigo by hauling a barrel to the window, out of which some small quantity was gotten out. Ordered that wooden windows be made to shut up every evening. [Four pages and a half. Court Minute Book, VII., pp. 104–109.]
Sept. 3.
The Hague.
588. Carleton to Sec. Conway. Refers to his despatch of the 20th ulto and inclosures. The States have often met since, and called before them the Mayors of the East India Company from Amsterdam, and his Majesty will find by the inclosed how far they have enlarged their resolution by a line or two of alteration, and it now rests with his Majesty whether those Dutch in Amboyna shall be brought from thence upon the first voyage here, to be judged in Europe. The other points in Carleton's memorial passed over in silence. A committee of the chief towns has been appointed to take into consideration the whole business of the East Indies. The point of hostages so ill understood by the Prince of Orange and the States that Carleton sees no appearance of it being granted, they esteeming it a note of hostility, and neither proper nor usual between allies; shall be glad to know whether his Majesty will have this point persisted in, or if he can be as well pleased to admit of the States General making themselves respondents for the Company's arguments thereon. The French Ambassador takes hold of these differences, to renew an old overture of settling trade in the East Indies with the Dutch, but thinks it will not be easily entertained, for the State "doth cherish our alliance and society in commerce above all others." The placard for suppressing the newly published pamphlet was last week published on the Burse and all the corners of the streets at Amsterdam. Poppen, one of the most furious and indiscreet of the magistracy, well known to our Company, is now a deputy in the Assembly, and one of the committees in this business; it is a no less ancient than an ill use of this State to choose for deputations those most interested; cannot expect any good endeavours from that man, for the Italians have a saying, "Il garbuglio fà per malastanti." Has confidence in the good intention of the deputies, but for the event can undertake the less in the absence of the Prince of Orange, whose authority is needful in these occasions. Beseeches Conway to answer for Carleton to the King, that nothing that depends on himself either is or shall be omitted. The Assembly is not to last above ten days, so the deliberation on this side cannot be long, and has let them know that delays cannot be suffered on our side, because all this while our merchants forbear their trade. The expectation of the coming of these ships is often alledged as an excuse of delay, because therein the States expect further information, "since directly from Amboyna, they have hitherto had nothing more than was sent them from Jacatra." Betwixt the good intentions of these men and their slow resolution Carleton has more here than in any occasion he ever handled. [Five pages.] Incloses,
588. I. The States General of Holland to (Carleton). This is a duplicate of their letter of 13/23 Aug (see No. 567, inclosure I.), but with two "changes made upon my reply" (as appears by a marginal note in Carleton's hand to the copy below), viz., that punishment shall be inflicted (upon the guilty) "in the said Indies," if his Majesty "does not prefer that they be brought over and judged here in Europe." The Hague, 9 Sept. 1624 (N.S.). French. [Three pages.]
588. II. The copy above referred to with the corrections in Carleton's hand. [Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 4. 589. Morris Abbott to Carleton. The Company wrote to him last week (see No. 575), signifying the success of their deputies at Woodstock, touching lightly (upon) his Majesty's displeasure with Mr. Secretary for not sooner giving them copy of Carleton's letter [see ante, No. 557], the import whereof did so far cross their expectations and fall short of what the King told them he was advised, that had it not been for an honorable personage they had immediately returned complaint to his Majesty. The Company are so greatly discontented with those double replies of being true and of sending the cause back to the Indies that they have again sent their deputies this afternoon to his Majesty at Windsor to show the little content they find therein. Could wish "that you rather send such answers as the best you can get from the States than such as you hold satisfactory." Before their deputies' departure from Windsor, Sec. Conway sent them eight points [see No. 567. III.] propounded for their satisfaction, which they hold to be Boreel's draft, "and howsoever heretofore we have been caught by treaties, yet our eyes are too open to swallow such double-faced stuff." Remarks on these points: the seventh point is remarkable above all, that they shall build forts so as it be found needful for the good of both Companies; "did the Hollanders ever build forts for our good ? or will they confess that our building of forts will be for their good ?" * * * * "We have tried too much of their public faith, it is grown to be worse than a publican's." This is a brief of what our Company are this day gone to the King with. Begs Carleton not to take this advertisement unkindly, being done in affection, that Carleton may so carry the business that it may no way touch himself, but rather put it upon them (the States), from whom by experience Abbott well knows Carleton can receive no such satisfaction as he desires, but which the Company notwithstanding conceive to be a coldness grown upon Carleton by some alteration from his first zealous expressions in this business. Some of the Company advise to beseech his Majesty to put it to the judges of the kingdom, but many of the gentry themselves to rely upon the House of Parliament. The desire of the States is only to put off the present complaint, hoping that time shall mitigate the rest. Entreats Carleton's favorable construction, in all "being glad I have got free from being any of them that shall for the present prosecute this business, which I have endeavoured may be modestly pressed." Endorsed, "Recd. 14th." [One page and three quarters. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 4.
590. Chamberlain to Carleton. Many petitions have been presented by our East Indian merchants, and divers merchants sent this progress after the King to remonstrate that they cannot subsist, but must give over the trade if they be no better protected. They think Sec. Conway somewhat partial and leaning to the other side. [Extract from Domestic Corresp., Jac. I., Vol. CLXXII., No. 5, Cal., p. 334.]
Sept. 5. 591. Phil. Burlamachi to Carleton. The affair of Amboyna grieves him more and more every day, seeing the little satisfaction that has been received and the indiscretion of our merchants, who would put everything into confusion, in order, if possible, to be revenged. [Extract from Domestic Corresp., Jac. I., Vol. CLXXII., No. 7, Cal., p. 335.]
Sept. 6/16. 592. "Extract from the last letters of the States to Sir Noel Caron." Cannot say anything further than that they are deliberating very warmly on the fact of Amboyna, to give his Majesty a clear understanding of their good intentions, which are such as he will without doubt be satisfied with. It is true the affair seems to be delayed, but they are making it as short as is possible in this State. [French. Extract from Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 6.
593. Barlow to Carleton. Has received a sealed letter from the English to the Dutch Company, but it being written in English, and Boreel not present in the Assembly, they could not read it. Makes account Boreel is at the Hague about the Amboyna business. Sends copy of "our men's relation" in French. Has now order from the Company to forbear putting anything in print; it is well there was nothing done in that kind, or it would have received the same disgrace the Dutch pamphlet has had. The placards still on the pillars of the Burse, but cannot yet learn that it is published in Zealand. Wishes the printer could be found, but holds the author to be none other than Boreel. [Half a page. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 8. 594. Court Minutes of the East India Company. A request of the King of Denmark for a ship carpenter to dock him a ship for the Indies duly considered; but the Court gave answer that they had but one experienced man, and him they could not spare, neither durst they recommend any other. Petition of seven of the Rose's men who were taken prisoners at Aden, and are now come home in the Dolphin, for payment of their wages; ordered, after discussion, that the Company should pay their ransom and allow their whole wages, except for the time of their captivity, which if they took kindly they might have, if otherwise, they might take their course. Report of Mr. Deputy that himself and others had attended at Windsor and were commanded to wait on the King at Whitehall on Thursday morning. That at their first coming to Windsor they had addressed themselves to Sec. Conway, who took the Company's petition to the King in good part, and gave thanks for their respect towards himself; he intimated the intention for a commission to examine the business, and gave some touch of the King's purpose to right himself; he declared that however he honored the States yet would he ever be a true servant to his master, utterly protesting against the pretended sovereignty of the Dutch. Mr. Deputy then represented what had passed, both over night and in the morning, with Lord Annand, how that they had desired audience, and that the Lord President, the two Chief Justices, and the Judge of the Admiralty might be nominated in the commission; that the Company's answer to the Dutch libel might be printed, and that for the King's partnership with the Company their reasons were ready to be presented to his Majesty; whereto answer was returned that the King approved well of the commissioners, that the book must first be viewed, and for the business of the partnership his Majesty would expect the reasons at Whitehall. Mr. Deputy further signified that they understood, both from the Lords of Annand and Holderness, "that the King takes the answer of the Dutch in scorn." Messrs. Bell and Munnes to attend the Lord President to take his opinion in this business, and move the Lords to write that the murderers now come home in the Dutch ships may be detained in safe custody until the matter be examined. Concerning the sale of calicoes; offers made for 20,000 and 30,000 pieces, but the contractors refused to deal on the Company's terms; the Court of opinion that the "commodity would go roundly off in small parcels." Wages to be paid to those of the Whale's men that died before the ship was cast away, or that were before then transported to other ships, but not to the others, because the loss of the ship is imputed to the negligence of those in her. The master of the Whale attending to justify himself was told that she was merely lost by his negligence, that she overset by being overladen in her upper works, carrying 40 pieces of ordnance, whereof four brass cannon of 4,000 weight a piece, besides great store of goods for private trade; the way in which she was lost is described, and he said that no care had been wanting in him, only the visiting hand of God brought it to pass; it was held fit to have the matter examined in the Admiralty. A cut diamond of six carats, belonging to Nathaniel Hallsted, deceased, delivered by Mr. Banggam to Mr. Treasurer's custody. [Five pages and threequarters. Court Minute Book, VII., pp. 109–114.]
Sept. ? 595. "An answer to the Dutch Relation touching the pretended conspiracy of the English at Amboyna in the Indies." [This is the East India Company's "Answer to the Dutch libel" referred to in the above Court Minutes of the 8th Sept., which was subsequently printed (the additions to and variations from the original copy are here printed in brackets) together with the "True Relation of the unjust, cruel, and barbarous proceedings against the English at Amboyna" (see No. 499. I.), and the copy of the Dutch pamphlet (in English) "falsely intituled a True Declaration of the Newes that came out of the East Indies with the pinnace called the Hare which arrived at Texel in June 1624," (see No. 537. I.), and "Published by authority. London. Printed by H. Lownes for Nathaniel Newberry, 1624." The three pamphlets together 92 pages, with the following preface showing why the East India Company "cometh now at last to the press."]
Gentle Reader. Thou mayst perhaps wonder why this relation of the business of Amboyna so many months since taken upon the oaths and depositions of our people that came thence, and presented to his Majesty and the Lords of his Privy Council, cometh now at last to the press, and was not either sooner published or altogether suppressed. The truth is, the English East India Company have ever been tender of the ancient amity and good correspondence held between this Realm and the Netherlands, and have been very loth by divulging of the private injuries done them by the Netherlands East India Company, to give the least occasion of any distaste or disaffection which might haply grow between these two nations for the sake and on the behalf of the two Companies respectively. For which cause, although the wrongs and injuries or rather contumelies done unto the English by the Dutch in the Indies, have been as intolerable as manifold, as to say nothing of those great heaps of them buried in the amnesty of the treaty of the year 1619, and only to point at the general heads of those committed since that treaty, and grossly contrary to the main intent, and express words and disposition of the same: first, in the point of hostility, the invasion of the islands of Lantor and Pooloroon, then and before in the quiet possession of the English in the name of the Crown of England, the taking of the same islands by force, the razing and demolishing of the English forts, the binding of the English (that had not so much as resisted them) to stakes with ropes about their necks, throttling them with the same, and flourishing their naked swords about them, as if they would presently have dispatched them, their taking them so amazed and bound, and tumbling them down the rocks, and after carrying their crushed and bruised carcases away in irons. Secondly, in the point of their usurped sovereignty, their taking upon them the conscience of controversies between the English and the Indians, for matters passed far without the compass of the Netherlands pretended jurisdiction, and executing their sentences thereupon by plain force, seizing of the English Company's goods, fining, imprisoning, stocking, yea, whipping our people at a post in the open market-place, and after washing them with vinegar and salt; thirdly, in point of partnership with the English there putting great sums to the common account which were disbursed to the private and sole behoof of the Dutch giving great presents for the glory of the Dutch without consent of the English, and making war for the enlargement of their own dominion, yet bringing the charge to the common account, together with infinite other the like, the particulars whereof would arise to a just and ample volume. Nevertheless the English Company from time to time contented themselves with informing his Majesty and his Honorable Privy Council with their grievances privately in writing, to the end that necessary relief and reparation might be obtained without publishing anything to the world in print, thereby to stir up or breed ill blood between these nations which are otherwise tied in so many reciprocal obligations. And the same course they have hitherto holden also in this crying business of Amboyna, only offering to the manes of their murdered countrymen, factors, and kinsfolks, their effectual endeavours in a dutiful course unto his Majesty for justice for their innocent blood and reparation of the honor of the nation herein interested. In which their wonted way they were so constant that they could not be driven out of the same by the contrary course of some of the other party, that not glutted nor mollified with the blood of these innocents, nor with all the other sufferings of the English in the Indies published a pamphlet in print in the Netherlands language, not only in justification of this barbarous butchery, but withal in disgrace of the English nation and the laws and justice of the same. But behold now further the same pamphlet being called in by an edict of the States General, was yet afterwards translated and printed in English, and dispersed even in this realm itself to brave and disgrace us at our own doors and in our own language. This no English patience can bear; the blood of the innocent cries out against it, the honor of the nation suffereth in it. Whereby the English East India Company is hereby enforced, contrary to their desire and custom, to have recourse also to the press to maintain the reputation of those their countrymen and servants that lost their lives unjustly, and to acquaint the world with the naked truth of this cause, hitherto masked, muffled, and obscured in a fog of fictions, concealments, and crafty conveniences of the author of this pamphlet and his clients the Governor and Council (so termed) of Amboyna.
Having thus acquainted thee, Gentle Reader, with the reasons why this business was no sooner published in, print, it remaineth yet further that thou be satisfied in an objection or two more, which common reason will suggest unto thee. Without doubt, reading this discourse, and being a true patriot of thine own country, and a well willer of the Netherlands (as we presume and wish thee to be) thou wilt wonder how it cometh to pass that our nation, which hath not been wont to receive such disgraces should now be so weak and unprovided in the Indies as to suffer such indignities, and to be so grossly overstopped, outraged, and vilified there, as also thou wilt no less admire that any of the Netherland nation which hath received such and so many favors and supports from hence, and held so good and ancient correspondence with our nation should now offer and commit such odious contumelies on Englishmen their partners and allies by special treaty. Herein thou wilt soon answer thyself if thou but consider the different end and design of the English and Dutch Companies trading in the Indies appearing by their several course and practice respectively. The English, being subjects of a peaceable prince, that hath enough of his own and is therefore content without affecting of new acquests, have aimed at nothing in their East India trade but a lawful and competent gain by commerce and traffic with the people of those parts. And although they have in some places builded forts and settled some strength that hath not been done by force or violence against the good will of the magistrates or people of the country, but with their desire, consent, and good liking for the security only of the trade, and upon the said magistrate and peoples voluntarily yielding themselves under the obedience and sovereignty of the Crown of England, their own ancient laws, customs, and privileges nevertheless reserved. Further the same English had undoubted confidence in the Netherlands nation there also trading, especially being lately conjoined with them in the strict alliance and social confederacy of the year 1619, and therefore attended nothing from them but the offices of good affection and partnership. Upon these grounds the English Company made their equipages answerable only to a course of commerce and peaceable traffic, not expecting any hostility neither from the Indians, nor especially from the Dutch. On the other side, the Netherlanders from the beginning of their trade in the Indies not contented with the ordinary course of a fair and free commerce invaded divers islands, took some forts, built others, and laboured nothing more than the conquests of countries, and the acquiring of new dominion. By which reason as they were accordingly provided of shipping, soldiers, and all warlike provision, as also of places of rendezvous upon the shore, and thereby enabled to wrong the English as well as others, so the cost and charges of their shipping, ports, and soldiers employed upon these designs rose to such an height as was not to be maintained by the trade they had in those parts. Wherefore for a supply they were forced (as some of their own countrymen and adventurers in their Company affirm), to fish with dry nets, that is to say, to pick quarrels with the Indians, and so to take their ships and make prize of their goods. Which, yet not answering their charge and adventure, they proceeded also to quarrel with the English to debar them of trade to free places, and for attempting such trade to take their ships and goods. Touching which, when a good order was set by the said treaty of the year 1619, yet they saw they could not make their reckoning to any purpose unless they utterly drave the English out of the trade of those parts, thereby to have the whole and sole traffic of the commodities of the Indies in these parts of Europe in their own hands, and so to make the price at their pleasure sufficient to maintain and promote their conquests, and withal to yield them an ample benefit of their trading, which, unless they can by this and the like worrying and wearying of the English bring to pass, it is easy to be judged by those that understand anything of the course and state of the trade of those parts, that albeit their returns hereafter should prove as great continually, as of late extraordinary, they have happened to be, yet the main stock and estate of the Company must needs abate and decay by some hundred thou sands of pounds yearly. Thus, Reader, thou seest what hath made us unprovided against such accidents, and what now enforceth the Dutch East India Company or their servants in the Indies against the common genius of their station, and the wonted firm affection between these two nations mutually thus to degenerate and break out into such strange and incredible outrages against their nearest allies and best deserving friends. Farewell. [Eight pages. Brit. Mus. 802 K. 1.]
The "preface" or first part of this answer describes the pretended fear and jealousy of the Dutch. and their causes of suspicion towards the English in the Spice islands, the natives of which the Dutch declared had "great and secret correspondence with the English," and then proceeds to the matter itself, as follows:—
First setting down the occasion and manner of the discovery of this pretended plot, and then the confessions of the Japanese and of the English. But he [the author of the Dutch relation] maketh no mention of any torture used upon the Japanese that first confessed, nor of any other indicium or presumption to torture or examine that Japanese, but only his curious questioning touching the setting and changing of the watch, and of the number of the soldiers in the castle, with what sufficient indicium and cause it was to torture a soldier of their own, that, serving them had reason to desire to understand the course of their watches, and the strength of the aid he might expect if any sudden attempt should happen in his quarter, is easily to be judged. And how this poor man and the rest of his countrymen were tortured appeareth in the English relation. Here also is concealed by what manner and kind of questions this and the other Japanese were led along in their confessions to make up the plot just as the Dutch had devised it; as also what other answers they made before they were thus directed. That they and the English both confessed what the Dutch would have them, is no doubt nor wonder, being so tormented and feared with [torture]. Etiam innocentes cogit mentiri dolor. But what likelihood or possibility there is of the truth of their confessions (if yet they confessed as is here related) may appear by that which hath been already discoursed in this point towards the end of the English relation, which for brevity sake is here forborne to be repeated. Yet some circumstances which the Dutch relation hath more than the English deserve here to be examined. And first that of Abel Price, the English barber, who is made the messenger and negociator of this practice with the Japanese. It is true that he (and he alone of the English) had some kind of conversation with some of the Japanese, [that] is, he would dice and drink with them as he likewise did with other blacks and with the Dutch also; but is it credible that Mr. Towerson would commit any thing of moment, nay, so dangerous a matter as this, to a drunken debauched sot, who also (as the English that were there constantly report), threatened to cut his the said Towerson's throat, for that he had punished him for his misdemeanors. Further, this relation makes this Abel Price confess that all the English merchants in the out factories were privy and accessory to this pretended treason; yet the Governor and Fiscal in their own process found John Powell, Ephraim Ramsey, and two others guiltless. After Price his confession, he sets down the general substance of all the confessions in one body, where first, having assigned Mr. Towerson a preface to the rest, to induce them to the exploit, he tells us: That they made doubt of the point of possibility (as well they might), knowing the weakness of their own part and impregnable strength of the Dutch in comparison of theirs, for satisfaction of which their doubt he saith Mr. Towerson told them. That he had already won the Japanese within the castle to his purpose, and that he would attempt this matter, not when the Dutch were at their full strength, and the English at the weakest, but would expect till the Governor should be somewhere abroad upon some exploit, and some English ships or ship at least at Amboyna, the people whereof he would use in the enterprise; likewise he would send for the factors and slaves of the other factories, and should have a supply from the Ternatans of Loho of certain curricurryes, &c.
Here he hath enrolled a goodly army for this action; but let us examine the several parts of this great strength [see how they would have executed their exploit]. And first for the Japanese in the castle, we must believe (if this author or his voucher say trne), that Mr. Towerson had acquainted those and won them to his plot before he had imparted it to his own countrymen the English. [And yet in the act of the process Emanuel Thomson is reported to have confessed that eight days after the consultation, Master Towerson told him that he had then sent out Johnson and Price to treat with the Japons and win their consent to this enterprise.] But what should these (being all but ten) have done, marry (saith the relation by-and-by) Mr. Towerson had ordained that eight of them should have been bestowed by two in a company upon the four points of the castle to kill all those that should resist them, and to take the rest prisoners (it must be therefore here imagined) that the Dutch and their Mardikers in their castle being three or four [hundred ?] would [scorn] to take the advantage of sending 40 or 50 much more of an entire company to any point of the castle, but would combat with the Japanese at even hand by two at a time, and so give the Japanese leave and respite to kill or take them by two and by two. A sweet conceipt, and such a service as perhaps hath been sometimes represented on a stage, but never acted in [surprise of] a castle in good earnest.
Thus we see how eight of the Japanese were to be employed; what should the other two have done ? Forsooth, they should have waited in the great chamber to murder the Governor. Yea, but this relation told us ere while, that this plot should have been executed when the Governor was abroad upon some action; how then should these two Japanese have killed him in the castle at the same time ? But we see how all the Japanese (that is all the pretended party of the English within the castle) should have been occupied. Who should have opened the gates to the English and their other aids? Who should have killed the watch [court of guard] at the gate ? These parts were left for them that were without; therefore let us take a review of them what they were.
The relation mustered them to be 14 English, whereof 11 were merchants, one steward of the house, one tailor, and one barber to dress the wounded, besides God knows how many English shippers, slaves, and Ternatans. First, for the English merchants, of what dexterity they are to take forts, is easily judged; and in all the English house, when it was seized by the Dutch upon this pretended treason, the whole provision was but three swords, two hand guns, and about half a pound of powder. Yea, but the English ship or ships would have brought both fitter men and better provision. But how knew Mr. Towerson that those of the English ships when they came would join with him in this work, being so contrary to the treaty and in itself so dangerous? Or why did he not stay the opening of the plot till this ship or ships were come, that he might sway [swear] the shippers also, or at least the chief officers amongst them and take their advice ? Is it possible that Mr. Towerson was so slight as to open his plot to all the Amboyna, yea, to the tailor and barber [and which is more, to the Japanese], so long before it was [to be] put in execution, and before he knew the minds of his chiefest assistants, of whose arrival he was so uncertain ? Yea, but he was sure of the slaves of the English and of the Ternatans of Loho with their curricurries in quemlibet eventum. This, indeed, is the remainder of the army, let us view them. The slaves were all in the English factories, just six in number, and all boys. The Ternatans were enemies as well to the English as to the Dutch, as is before shewed in answer to the preface. When were they reconciled ? How cometh it that in all the examinations of the English this point was not sifted, and somewhat confessed of it amidst so many tortures ? [There is no confession thereof in all the examinations, and Mr. Towerson in his expressly denied it, and was pressed no further.] The truth is, the Governor and Fiscal of Amboyna knew that whatever had been confessed on this point, would not have been believed by their own people there, who knew well enough that the first beginning of this breach between the Dutch and Ternatans at Loho was about the slave of the English; and the outrages thereupon following were done upon the English as well as upon the Dutch: yet this author seems to hope that that may be believed here in Europe that had no colour in Amboyna.
Concerning the time of executing this plot; it was not (as the relation saith) yet prefixed, but left to the next meeting of the conspirators which should be shortly holden when Gabriel Towerson had prepared all things, &c. Here was certainly a hot practice of treason [and worthy to be termed by this author an horrible conspiracy]. They met together on New Year's Day, and plotted as before is related, and now it was the 25th of February, and not only nothing done all this interim, but not so much as a new consulation. But this (forsooth) is the body and substance of the unanimous [uniform] confession of all the English by themselves severally subscribed.
In the next place the author relateth somewhat singular in Mr. Towerson's confession, as that he said he was moved to this fact by hope and desire of honour and profit; and being demanded from whom he attended this honour, and for whom he meant to hold the castle, his answer was, that if he could have compassed his project he would have forthwith have given advertisement thereof to the rest of his nation at Jacatra (which now they have christened Batavia), and have craved their aid, which if they had yielded him, then he would have held the castle for the English Company, and if not, then he would have kept in for himself, and have used means to have agreed with the Indians, and so by the one means or the other, he would have compassed the enterprise.
Here, first, is to be observed, that he would not (as the author makes him speak) have sent for aid to Jacatra until he were first master of the castle, and yet in the general confession before it is said he would attend the coming of some English ships or ship before he would adventure upon the castle. Next, let the ambiguous and alternative resolution here said to be confessed by Mr. Towerson be considered in both the parts thereof, and it will appear that no man in his wits would have any such conceipt as is here pretended. What hope could Mr. Towerson have that the President and English Council at Jacatra, living under command of the Dutch forts there, are altogether subject to the Hollanders, durst join in any such action, thereby to give occasion to the Hollanders to arrest, torture, and condemn them of treason ? Mr. Towerson knew well enough that about six months before the General of the Dutch at Jacatra had caught at a very slight occasion to entrap the English President there, who having sent out two of his people in the night to the English cow-house to see what watch the blacks in their service kept over their cattle, the said two English were apprehended by the Dutch soldiers, kept in prison seven days, and charged that they had said that they went the round: and one of them, being last examined, was told by the bailiff (the officer of the Dutch in criminal causes), that his fellow had confessed that they had said that they went the round, and that by the English President's Commission, and that if he would not confess the same, he should be tortured; but the fellow, being constant in the truth, came off at last without torture. Yet this was item enough to the English President and Council how the intent of the Dutch was to entrap them upon the least occasion, and this and other daily captious dealings of the Dutch at Jacatra (which were too long here to recite) were all advertised from time to time to Mr. Towerson, who therefore was sure he could expect no assistance from them that were themselves in such a predicament. The other part of Mr. Towerson's resolution is said to be [have been] to keep the castle to himself, and to agree with the Indians in default of help from the English. This is yet more improbable than the former. Were the Portugals and Indians not able to keep out the Dutch from Amboyna, when they had no footing there, and should Captain Towerson with 20 or 30 English and Japanese without ship or pinnace be able with the help only of the [poor] naked Indians to drive them out, having already three castles in the islands of Amboyna and at Cambello hard by, all well furnished with men and provisions, besides their power of shipping which makes them style themselves Lords of the Sea ? And yet how could Mr. Towerson hope to win the Amboynese, the Hollander's sworn subjects, to his side ? He might rather assure himself that after he had mastered the Hollanders (if yet that must be believed to be possible), the Amboynese would have surprised him and cast him out (being so weakly provided to stand of himself), that so they might utterly free themselves from their servitude. [Here also must be remembered that this author himself in his preamble saith that the Indians themselves durst not undertake any such great sign (as he there feigneth) against the State of Amboyna, without some great aid of some nation of Europe, either of Spaniards, Portugals, or some other. Whereby is not only confessed how weak the Indians themselves are, but withal it followeth how small hope Mr. Towerson might have, being deserted of his own nation (as here the case is put), to hold the castle for himself by the help of those Indians if yet he could once have won it.] In a word, they that know the power of the Hollanders in Amboyna and thereabouts, and the weakness of the poor Indians there, will judge this conceipt of Mr. Towerson's to keep the castle for himself to be a mad plot, and for which Mr. Towerson should rather have been sent to Bedlam or the Dullen Kist (as the Dutch call it) than to the gallows.
Demonstration to the Lords States touching the Government of the Mayors.
But this author hath one voluntary confession upon which he taketh special hold, to wit: That Mr. Towerson the very day of execution [after his examination was finished] being expostulated withall by the Dutch Governor and demanded whether this should have been the recompense of his (the Governors') manifold courtesies towards him, answered with a deep sigh, Oh! were this matter now to do, it should never be done. But the author remembreth not that by-and-by he took his death upon it that he was innocent. What he spake in the former place (if he spake any such thing as is now delivered and meant it as it is here interpreted) might be in hope to save his life; but when he came to the place of execution, and to utter his last words, there was then no place to dissemble nor hope to win by falsity. But in that this author makes so much of this poor circumstance of Mr. Towerson's profession of sorrow for what was done, nameing it a voluntary confession, it is plain how destitute he was of other voluntary confessions, and of all true and concluding circumstances. What! was there not a letter or other paper to be found in all the chests and boxes of the English so suddenly seized at Amboyna, Larica, Hitto, and Cambello, to discover this treason, nor amongst so many complices of divers nations, a false brother to betray the rest, and accuse them voluntarily ? but the process must begin with the torture and the heathen's confession upon torture be sufficient to bring Christians to torture; the debauched and notoriously infamous persons, such as Price was, to draw tortures upon the sober, orderly, and unstained. [And yet this relation itself confesseth that Price's confession was drawn from him by the examiners specifying of place, persons, and time unto him.] Certainly one of their own nation had reason to advise that more advocates might be sent over to the Indies to aid the accused to make a legal answer, for (saith he) they go to work there so vilainously and murderously that the blood of the poor people crieth to Heaven for vengeance.
But why have we no particular of any man's confession but this of Price and Mr. Towerson, and all the rest blended together in one body ? Did none of all the rest go further than his fellows, or confess more than they ? Where is Sharrock's confession, that he was at Amboyna on New Year's Day, when 10 or 12 of the Dutch themselves witnessed he was at Hitto ? Where is his confession of Clark's plot to go to Macassar to deal with the Spaniards there to come and rob the small factories ? Where is Collins' confession of another plot about two months and a half before his examination, undertaken by Thompson, Johnson, Price, Browne, Fardoe, and himself ? Where be the leading interrogatories that directed them to the accusation framed by the Dutch, lest otherwise there had been as many several treasons confessed as persons examined ? Not a word of all this nor of a great deal more of this kind, which is here in England proved by the oath of six credible persons to have passed in the examinations. [Whereby appeareth how faithfully the Dutch at Amboyna have entered the acts of this process.] Well! at last he concludes the narration of the confessions with the summing up of the number and nations of the parties that had thus confessed, which he saith were 10 Japanese, 14 English, and the Netherlandish merinho, or captain of the slaves; by which last words he would give the reader occasion to think, that the fact was so clear, and their own proceedings so even and just, that they had executed one of [their] own Netherlanders for it; yet in the preamble he makes this man also a Japanese, reckoning 11 Japanese, which could not agree with the rest unless this were one, [which how true it is, is already declared in the conclusion of the English relation]. The truth is, this captain of the slaves was of the Portugal race, and born in the Manillas [Bengala] always [his very name, Augustine Perez, showeth] he was no Netherlander. Having thus finished this relation, he proceedeth to a disputation, and taking notice of some aspersions in England cast upon these proceedings at Amboyna, he divideth them into two heads; the one that the process was without its due formality, the other that there was excess used against the conspirators * * * [then follows the disputation.] * * * *.
But here must be answered an objection that may be made against this from another part of this relation, that is:—That some of the English confessed without or before torture; yea, this Price here mentioned was either not tortured at all, or very lightly. Yea, but he was shewed the tortured bodies of the poor Japanese, martyred with fire and water, and told that unless he would confess that which they told him they had first confessed, he should be tortured as ill or worse than they. This fear of torture is (by their own law) equalled to the torture itself, and consequently the confession thereupon made no better indicium or evidence to bring another man to the torture than the confession made upon the rack itself. Again, it must be here remembered that the very matter of Price his confession here mentioned (to wit), that all the English merchants of the out factories were privy to the pretended treason was refuted by the process of the Dutch themselves that found Powell, Ramsey, and two others of that factory's guiltless.
Then follow arguments touching the objection made in England against the jurisdiction of the Dutch Governor, and his Council at Amboyna over the English there.
But if it were granted that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners the English in those parts without respect to the treaty, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna are bound to observe the laws of the United Provinces, for so saith this author himself. Do these allow to begin the process at the torture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the rack upon others confession made in the torture ? Do their laws allow of the leading interrogatories above mentioned to direct the prisoner what to do to avoid the torture ? Where in the United Provinces is that drowning with water in use? Or the torture with fire used to Johnson, Thompson, land Clark ? Or especially the splitting of the toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in gunpowder and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire neither for innocency nor execution ? Clark and Thompson were both fain to be carried to their execution though they were tortured many days before. Lastly, their confessions were contradictory, apparently false, and of things impossible to be done, much less practised before by the said parties; and therefore ought not by their law to have been believed, nor the prisoners to have been condemned thereupon, without other sufficient indicia or evidence besides.
In the last place, this author handleth in excess of torture apart by itself (though it also pertain to the formality of the process) [whereof he taketh notice there is much complaint in England], and saith that the Lords States General take great care to inform themselves of all the passages of this business. And to that end have desired to see all the letters, pieces, and papers that concern this process by which it appeareth not that there was any cruel torture used. But suppose the acts make no mention of them. Is it any marvel that the authors of this murderous and tyrannous process being themselves the persons that also formed the acts would omit those things that made against them ? It is to be presumed also, that the acts kept by their people at Pooloway in Banda have omitted many things of their process against the poor Pooloroons * *.
Then follows an account of the treatment of the Pooloroons, of their being tortured by the Dutch in August 1622, and of the agreement with the English as to the possession of Pooloroon. The reports of the English merchants of credit who have lately come from Amboyna, that excepting the Governor himself, who is well steeped in years, there was scarce any of the Council that had hair on their faces, yea, that most of them are lewd, drunken, debauched persons, and yet must be judges as well of our English as of the poor Indians there; and the arguments put forth that no excess was used in the pro ceedings; what the torture was and in what degree appeareth in the English relation. Why the act of the 25th February cannot be a true act, and what credit is to be given to the other statements of the author. Also the fear of the English "Conspirators" joining with the Ternatans.
But it may be they feared some English ships also to come thither, for so they had made their own people believe, and therefore two ships being descried at sea, the Dutch and their free burghers cried out, that there were the English that should have holpen to take the castle; but when they arrived they proved to be two ships of the Hollanders come from Jacatra, wherein was a letter from the President of the English there to call away Captain Towerson and all the English from Amboyna to Jacatra; which letter was opened and read by the Dutch Governor while our people were yet in prison and not executed, and might well have secured him that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aid of shipping, whatever the English prisoners had through fear of torture confessed. At last the author comes to the sentence itself, transcribing out of the acts of the 9th of March:—That the College of Judges being competent and calling upon the name of the Lord to assist them in this mournful Assembly, to preside in their hearts, and inspire them with equity and justice, proceeded to sentence, &c. Who knoweth not but the act may be thus formed and yet no prayer at all made ? Or if there were any such prayer, yet the proceedings well weighed will show it to be but like Jezebel's fast, the preparative to the false judgment against Naboth. Neither will the wise and indifferent judges of this whole matter conceive the better of the cause for hypocritical formalities therein observed.
Last of all he concludes his treatise with a justification, yea, an eulogy and commendations of the whole proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna against the English, not finding the least to be blamed in the Dutch, but aggravating the crime of the English very ridiculously, because, forsooth, that this plot amongst other things was against the means [wealth and advantage] of the Netherlands East India Company, as if a conspiracy to rob them of any such had been must needs be treason [of this kind, if any such had been, must needs be treason], or as if the intent only in any crime, but treason were capital.
Thus have we examined this strained justification of that most barbarous and execrable process of Amboyna, consisting of a preamble full of false and forged suspicions, a narration of the fact frought with absurdities, contradictions, and impossibilities, and of a dispute of impertinences with concealment of the main grounds of the English griefs. All which verifieth that of Papinean; that parricides are easier [more easily] committed than defended.
[Thirty-eight pages. Mutilated by damp. Endorsed, "Parker." East Indies, Vol. III., No. 40.]
[There are printed copies of this MS. in Dutch and in English in Brit. Mus. 106 a. 58 and 802 K. 1.]
Sept. 9.
596. Barlow to Carleton. Sends a book, done in Zealand, the author whereof, he assures himself, he knows. Holds that Burgomaster Boreel caused it to be done. Has received the Company's answer concerning the 23,906 ryals, which he will signify to the Mayors. Sends "the cargo" of the three East India ships just arrived. [Half a page. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 9. 597. Carleton to Sec. Conway. Had no sooner despatched his letters of the 3rd than he was privately advertised that the Committee of the States had made their report on the matter of Amboyna only. Complained to some well-minded men of the inconvenience which might befall the whole State, through the fault of a particular company, swayed by three directors, Bas, Boreel, and Poppen. Their desire was that Carleton should demand audience in the Assembly of the States, and lay open the whole business, but he excused himself as a thing he could not do without special order; so in the end a resolution was taken to authorise their deputies in the States General to concur in any course for his Majesty's contentment that that Assembly shall think fit. Has therefore taken the occasion to represent more amply the whole state of our men's grievances, and his Majesty's just desire for satisfaction, which he has delivered in writing, and sends copy herewith. Is told that the Mayor's will be commanded hither again, and charged either to put all these affairs into the way of reasonable satisfaction, both for the past and future, or else to be abandoned by the State. The Directors have their advices out of the Indies by these three ships, in which also (it is said) are some of the judges of Amboyna; so as now they cannot draw the matter into more length upon pretence of want of information. Need not express the difficulties of carrying a cross business, wherein so many are interested, through such diversity of colleges and assemblies as there are in this commonwealth, among which, like the wheels of a clock, any stop or stay disorders the whole motion. Finds much miss of the Prince of Orange's presence to set all right. Incloses,
597. I. Proposition of Sir Dudley Carleton, made in the Assembly of the States General the 8/18th September 1624. As his silence might lead them to believe he was content with their provisional declaration of the Aug.30/Sept. 9 [see ante, No. 588. I.] he will "ex officio," with his accustomed confidence, frankly give his opinion, which is in one word, that the affairs of the two Companies are like a body sick unto death, with divers wounds and ulcers, and that the provisional declaration seems like a plaster applied to one only of these wounds, without thinking of others not less mortal though less bloody. He then particularizes the grievances of the English Company, viz., 1st, the violent procedure of the Dutch at Jacatra, in January 1623, on the unjust complaint of certain Chinese. 2. The cruel torture and execution of Pooloroonese in Aug. and Sept. 1622, on pretence of treason against the Governor of Neira, and the refusal of the Dutch to deliver up the island to the English, according to treaty. 3. The fact of Amboyna, which was cast in the same mould, of a pretended treason, as the proceeding against the Pooloroonese. 4. The tolls and impositions at Batavia and Banda, and the exactions at the Moluccas, Banda, and Amboyna. 5. The prohibition of the trade of Bantam to the English, whilst other nations are permitted to trade, which is contrary to the 3rd article of the treaty, and the exclusion of the English from trade at Singora and Niesligora, contrary to the 27th article. 6. The attempts of the Dutch to appropriate the trade of China to themselves by fortifying at Piscadores. And lastly, a pretended royal sovereignty exercised by the Dutch over the English in all parts of the East Indies, and subjecting them to all sorts of processes, confiscations, corporal punishments, barbarous and diabolical tortures, and even capital punishments, according to the indiscretion and rage of rash and ignorant Fiscals and other ministers of justice, who, for the most part, being by incapacity or malversation expelled from the bar in these provinces, go to the end of the world to exercise their calling. Argues that the proceedings of the States General will be suspected, unless by a public act they present some practical means for their execution and not to be so ill advised as to become like the tree which sustains the ivy, whose sustenance is its own ruin. Can say, without boasting, that to the affection of his Majesty and his subjects, after God, they owe their own preservation. Parliament re-assembles in November, and since the English Company have been heard by the Privy Council with tearful eyes, what effect will they have in an assembly where are the relations and friends of the oppressed. After so many years' residence amongst them, he is filled with apprehension for the effect of these sanguinary and ravenous offences, and their cool justification and he once more beseeches the States General to take a worthy resolution super totam materiam, so as rather to continue friendship than to provoke deserved vengeance. [French. Together ten pages. Holland Corresp.]
1624? 598. "Relation of the death of certain Pooloroons at Banda." Pooloroon one of the Bandas in possession of the English at the treaty in 1619. The Hollanders forbear publishing the treaty in the Indies until after they take Pooloroon, in which they left little or nothing worth, demolishing and defacing the buildings and taking away the nutmeg trees to their own islands of Neira and Pooloway. The dreadful tortures and death of the Orankayes, or gentlemen of Pooloron, at the hands of the Dutch in August and September 1622. The coming of Herman Van Speult to Neira in Oct. following, and the setting on foot by him in Feb. 1623 the same accusation of treason, with the same tortures and putting to death as four months before against the Pooloronese. Endorsed by Carleton as above. [Four pages and a half. East Indies, Vol. III., No. 41.]
1624. Sept. 10.
The Hague.
599. Carleton to Sec. Conway. Arrival this week of three East India ships richly laden. The French Ambassador's motion to have free trade in the East Indies likely to prove a work of great length and difficulty. [Extract. Holland Corresp.]
Sept. 10.
The Hague.
600. (Carleton) to the East India Company. The business of the East Indies (which of late days has taken up the most of his time and the best of his industry) requiring rather action than advertisement, has spared writing until now that he has shot his last arrow at the mark. All his endeavours have aimed at making the States sensible of the wrongs the Company have sustained by the Dutch, and the persuading them to give satisfaction for the past and the future, which otherwise will be taken by his Majesty. Sends copies of his two propositions (see inclosures, Nos. 548, 597. I.). The bearer, his nephew, has copies of all that has passed for the Company's information, but must pray them not to take more knowledge of these papers than will be given by the King's command. Thanks for their weekly letters and papers, and will be glad to receive anything which may contribute to the service, the advancement of which he affects as much as if the unfortunate Towerson had been his brother, or that he himself had his whole fortune in their Company. To imagine that the States will here absolutely ordain punishment and restitution without disputing as they say why or wherefore, is a vanity; and therefore the Company must come either to a rupture or a new treaty. For the business of Amboyna, this needs not, for the States in their answer to Carleton have provisionally resolved that if it be true what our men alledge (which they cannot as yet but be allowed to doubt), the fact shall be punished, not disputed; and if what they propose for further trial be misliked, what his Majesty likes better, they offer to submit; but other affairs cannot be determined but by a new treaty, which if the Company are content to come to, Carleton doubts not to bring it to be resolved of without dishonour. This is more than he writes anywhere but to themselves, because he would not, by any such overture, put the Company out of the way they may judge best for their good. [Two pages. Holland Corresp.]