Elizabeth: August 1559, 11-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1863.

'Elizabeth: August 1559, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 1, 1558-1559, (London, 1863) pp. 467-482. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol1/pp467-482 [accessed 25 April 2024]

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August 1559, 11-15



August 11. R. O.	1182. The French Hostages in London.
	The Marquis of Winchester and Sir John Mason to the Council.
	On Wednesday last the Marquis (although he was troubled with a "catharre") taking with him Sir John Mason, went to the house of the Marquis de Tran, where he found the Marquis de Nesle and all the rest of the hostages. Sir John opened the matter in good sort and gentle speech. The Marquis himself used not many words, but all the words came from the Ambassador and M. de Candalle, which were so bitter, so haulte, and so passing the limits of all reason as might seem their feet had been upon our necks. Although they were told that the only meaning of the writers was to quiet the fury of the people, stirred by the fresh murder, still with cries and loud speeches they laid the whole charge upon our men, "inculcing" the danger they thought themselves to be in, one of them swearing he would run away, and another that he would demand a lodging in the Tower, being nevertheless as safe as if they were in Paris. The dead man having so many wounds, and namely three through the body, it was not possible, they said, to tell the murderer. All the fault, they said, was our own, they being assailed with four halberts out of Mr. Mason's house. To this they stood most impudently, whereas no one man of theirs is found to be hurt in that medley, and the man was killed within his master's gate, receiving three "foynes" at once by three several persons. Were together two hours, but nothing came of it but arrogant and high speeches. What they did was by the Queen's command and for the quieting of the people, who were now in a fury, and for the better safety of the innocent.
August 11.	The same evening the French Ambassador's men allured a serving-man to come in and drink; and having shut the doors, in the presence of the Ambassador examined him and kept him there above three hours, making him believe that he was there for some displeasurement done to some of the house. To content the Ambassador the man was sent to the Counter, though nothing could be found in him, and next day he was dismissed. There is no little difficulty to keep the peace and to stay the fury of the people. Perceive that no mean authority will be required to reduce the French to reason.—London, 11 Aug. 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Add. Endd.: To Mr. Secretary. Pp. 4.
August 11. R. O.	1183. The French Hostages in London.
	Sir J. Mason to Cecil.
	By the Treasurer's letter will understand what has passed between the Frenchmen and us touching their late disorder. Never had to do with men of more pride and less reason. Such a fact in France could not thus have been let slip, whereof has good experience. But these men, having committed such a cruel murder as the like has not been heard of, seem to find fault that they are by any means blamed for it. Had thought the Ambassador had been alone, but Candalle is worse than he. Too much honour and courtesy showed to them that deserve it not, makes ex stultis insanos.
	The maitre d'hôtel of the Marquis de Trans is not yet returned, and it is feared he has miscarried.
	The Book of Common Service in Latin is now in perfection. Would to God Cecil would put his authority to the setting of it to the printer, and makes the like wish for the little book of private prayers for children and servants. Wishes his cousin Wotton were stayed here for eight or ten days. Can do no good without the letter of instruction for the visitation of the diocese of Oxford.—12 Aug. 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. P. 1.
August 12. B. M. Sloane, 4734. 183 b. Knox, 1.386. Calderw. 1. 498.*	1184. The Lord James to Francis II.
	Has received his letter from Paris of 17th July last, in which he marvels that the writer, forgetting all the favours shown him by the late King of France and the present Queen of Scotland, should declare himself head and one of the principal beginners of the alleged tumults and seditions in Scotland; and that if he did not declare his repentance, he and the rest should receive the reward they merited.
	It grieves him heavily that the King should charge him with ingratitude, the rather that he perceives the same to have proceeded from sinister information. Touching the repentance, his conscience persuades him in those proceedings to have done nothing against God or his duty to him and the Queen. The King, being truly informed and persuaded that that which they have done is to God's glory and without derogation to his due obedience, they doubt not but that he will be well content with their proceedings, which being grounded on the commandment of the eternal God, they dare not leave unaccomplished; only desiring that His Majesty know the same, and the truth thereof, as it is persuaded to their conscience, and all those who are truly instructed in the eternal Word of God, upon Whom they cast their care for all dangers that may follow the accomplishment of His eternal will, and to Whom they commend the King, beseeching Him to illuminate his heart with the Evangel of His eternal truth, to know his duty towards his poor subjects, God's chosen people, and what he ought to crave justly of them again.—Dumbarton, 12 Aug. 1559.
August 12. B. M. Sloane, 4737. 102 b.	1185. Another copy of the above.
August 13. R. O.	1186. Reformation in Scotland.
	The Earl of Argyll and the Prior of St. Andrew's to Cecil.
	Have received at Stirling, 6th August, his answer to their letters and credit sent by Master Whitlaw, which was neither so full nor so plain as their expectation was; for they, having referred to him the means whereby these two realms might be joined in perpetual amity, looked to have received from him some especial heads, which either they might have granted, or at least have answered with simplicity. Although the chief part of his letter, consisting of giving them counsel (good, but impossible for them to follow,) and showing them dangers already foreseen, makes them doubtful what further to answer, yet they have thought good briefly to touch the points of his letter.
	1. Touching the doubt he seems to make whether this reformation by them begun appertains to all men within this realm, or to one part thereof, they are persuaded that it ought not only to appertain to them to provide that the ancient liberties of the realm may remain free from the tyranny of strangers, but also to suppress and abolish all manifest idolatry and maintainers of the same, in doing which, albeit their power has failed, yet they have lacked no good will. As they wished the felicity of the English to be perpetual, so they hoped to have received of them such aid as might have set themselves in the same liberty.
	2. They are not ignorant that their enemies, the popish kirkmen, are crafty, rich, malicious, and blood thirsty, and gladly would the writers have their riches otherwise bestowed. "But consider, sir, that we have against us the established authority, which did ever favour you and Denmark both in all your reformations; and, therefore, that without support we cannot bring them to such obedience as we desire." The danger of the army prepared against them in France first moved them to seek the support of England, and after to send their other messenger, Master Knox, with fuller instructions to Sir James Croftes, which they suppose Cecil has received, whereof they desire the plain minds and full answer of the English, that they may either prepare themselves to join with the English for their common defence, or else provide for some other means to avoid the present inconvenience. They still look for the comfortable support of the English, what danger that ever shall appear by re-entering in war with France.
	3. They have tempted the Duke by all means possible, but as yet of him have no certainty other than a general promise that he will not be their enemy when the matter shall come to the uttermost. They care not to provoke all men to favour their cause, and of their nobility they have established a council; but suddenly to discharge this authority until he [Cecil] and they are fully accorded, it is not thought here expedient. They heartily desire that the [English] Council would use with them plainness and simplicity in all things. These enterprises are such as ought, they think, justly to deliver them from all suspicion of any doubleness, without further pledge to be required for the performance of their promises. They do not think it good to trouble the Queen with their other letters, because to their former they have received no answer.—Glasgow, 13 Aug. 1559. "Your loving and assured friends in the name of the rest, Ard. Ergyll, James Sanctandr."
	Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Aug. 13 & 14. R. O.	1187. Intelligence from France.
	Francis Edwards to Cecil.
	Wrote last on 7th and 8th inst. from Rouen and Dieppe, at which latter place he remained one day after the despatch of his letter. Having there been informed that diverse band of horsemen had been at Arques and had ridden to Calais, he rode to Arques and perceived that forty horsemen had passed by of late, and more were looked for to go to Calais, where there shall meet, on the 15th inst., 200 horsemen to be shipped thence or from Boulogne to go to Scotland, along with 1,000 footmen or more, all of whom shall be ready to depart by the 20th inst.
	On the 10th as he rode to Rouen he met three horsemen of the band of M. d'Elbœuff, well horsed, every man his dag at his saddlebow, three laquies leading four fair great horses. They said they were going to Calais, and that there were of their company forty horsemen.
	On the 12th, being in this town ready to ride to Newhaven, was certified from thence that five great merchant ships were departed from thence on the 10th inst. to go to Calais. At the same time was advertised for Dieppe that the same four ships arrived in Dieppe Road on the morning of the 11th, and that Capt. John Roase went aboard them and so departed the same day towards Calais, to take in their men appointed and to await the coming of the King's ship named the S. John, which had remained behind at Newhaven to take in M. la Brosche, who is appointed the chief of this army into Scotland. M. la Brosche came to this town of Rouen yesterday in the afternoon, and this day in the morning departed from thence towards Newhaven, there to take shipping, thence to depart on the 15th or 16th. Of this the writer is certain, by intelligence he has received from hence and from Newhaven. Will thence go to Calais, where the rest of the ships abide his coming. Two ships more go from Newhaven with him, although it be not spoken of. Two merchant ships are here in readiness, as if to go forth on their merchandise, but there is no lading in them. The French are subtle and crafty in their doings, and say that only five ships shall go on this voyage, but there have departed out of Newhaven eight sail, and the ninth is ready to depart.
	Hears that there is a new ship at Boulogne of 200 tons burden, which shall go also, and one or two of Calais; most men think there will be ten sail, whereof four laden with munition and victuals. Some say that the Bishop of Amiens, or some Abbot, goes with them. Has this day been informed that the Lord Admiral of France has sent commission to Newhaven to make ready the rest of the King's ships that be there, and to Dieppe to rig forth the Great Carrick. If this is true, it is like that they will make forth a new army. It has been said that they would send 8,000 or 10,000 more into Scotland. To-morrow he will ride to Dieppe to see this letter safely conveyed, and if the Carrick is being rigged he will write in the end of this letter. They are much afraid of war with the Scots, and fear that the Queen will take part with them. Trusts that Cecil will not forget his coming home. Lies at Rouen at the house of John du Metz. Most of the English merchants are departed.—Rouen, 13 August 1559. Signed.
August 14.	P.S.—Saw this morning without the town gates of Rouen, of M. de Beauvois' band, ten horsemen well mounted, every man his dag at his saddlebow, abiding for M. de Beauvois, who rides to Newhaven, as they say, and to lie about the coast; yet some say that he goes into Scotland with M. de la Brosse. This day he came to Dieppe and perceived that the Great Carrick shall rig forth. This day the carpenters have begun to pluck down her forecastle; she must be new made from the chain holes upwards, it will be three whole weeks ere she can be ready. The men of the town, to colour the matters, say that the Lord Admiral will send her to "Brassell." The like commission has gone to Newhaven for part of the King's ships. Will go there shortly.—Dieppe, 14 August 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Hol. Endd. Add. Pp. 4.
August 14. R. O.	1188. The Marquis of Winchester to Cecil.
	Sends all the Bishops' books, a calendar of the Commissioners, and another of the bishoprics. Dr. Stuard is departed this life. Has taken order for Lord Latymer, and for the Bishop of S. David's, but not the Bishop of Exeter.
August 14.	The matter between the French hostages and Watsons' folk remains quiet, because the citizens are kept under obedidence, which cannot continue, the French are so disordered and their masters so far from the knowledge of reason, except it be the Marquis, who of himself would do well enough. Since they cannot rule their own men they were better lodged in the suburbs than in the heart of the city.
	The obsequies of the French King cannot be done without the presence of noblemen. It must be known whether the Queen will have it done with a livery of black, (and therein the Ambassadors and hostages must be remembered,) and whether she will have the hearse and old ceremonies, which he supposes she would be loath to have. Then, there must be a device how her proceedings may best be set forth for honour, and how it shall like the French, who cannot well like anything that is done by us. Doubts how it shall be taken of their side; and to have ill report for charges to be done he thinks not best. Therefore, as he wrote first, writes now, that he thinks best the Queen tarry nearer Michaelmas, when she will be nearer London, and thereby noblemen at hand; and in the meanwhile Cecil shall hear further how the world shall proceed.
	As he sees no certainty of the continuance of peace, the Queen should consider Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, wherein no nobleman in England will serve her but himself. Wishes as much good to Berwick and the Marches. Sends a paper, whereof he broke to Sir R. Sadler at his going that he, Croftes and Leighe, might consider it and advertise. Has sent my Lord of Oxford's letter. Signed.
	Orig. Add. Endd: 14 Aug. 1559. Pp. 4.
August 14. R. O.	1189. Montmorency to Throckmorton.
	When last in England noticed the great pleasure which the Queen took a la diversite de chanssons en musique. Thinking therein to do her a pleasure, sends him herewith a dozen of the most beautiful which he could procure in France; and also some "gaillardes," obtained from the King's violin players, which he thinks she will find very excellent. Regrets that he could not send them sooner, in consequence of the hindrances which have so continually occurred from the period of his return until the burial of the late King, during the time when he lay wounded, since which time he himself has been ill of a fever, from which he has not yet recovered. Desires to be recommended to the Queen, for whom he entertains the greatest affection.—Escouen, 14 Aug. 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Add. Endd. Fr. Pp. 2.
August 15. R. O. Forbes, 1. 197.	1190. Throckmorton to the Queen.
	1. On the 10th repaired to the Constable to Meigret, who received him very courteously, and when he had conducted him into a parlour (where at his coming he was walking) and caused him to sit down, he [Throckmorton] said that awhile ago he had received letters from the Queen to him, which hitherto he had deferred to give him, seeing him so busied about the interment. He then delivered the Queen's letters, saying the Queen had commanded him to declare that she was desirous to make some proof of his friendship.
	2. Having read the letter, the Constable said he was much bound to the Queen, and that she would always find him ready to do her service, and divers times said to him these words, "Mon compere, when shall I have occasion to see that woman whom the world speaketh so much of?" and that he thought one day he should see her.
	3. Then he began to talk of Throckmorton's servant (of whom he has written to the Council) who played upon the virginals, and asked if he had him again? The writer answered, No. Then the Constable said that if he willed him to do anything in this matter he would do his best. So leaving that talk, the Constable asked if, through him, he could be furnished with greyhounds for the hart and for the wolf. The writer replied that there were no wolves in England. The Constable said, "Those that be good for the hart will serve also for the wolf." So if the Queen's master will send two or three brace of greyhounds it will please him. He goes into the country after the interment. The Constable told him that the Sacre of the King will be on the 10th September, and that he would leave St. Germain for Rheims on the 22nd inst.
	4. The same day the Constable sent M. de Lansac to tell Throckmorton to be at the Tournelles next day to conduct the body of the King to Notre Dame Church, and also to tell him that, to maintain the amity between the Princes, on the 12th day, which was the day for carrying the corpse from Notre Dame to S. Denis, the Portuguese Ambassador should be present and he absent; and on Sunday, the day of the interment, he should be at S. Denis with the other Ambassadors; and prayed him not to think it strange to be absent when the Portuguese Ambassador was present. Lansac also reminded him of the greyhounds.
	5. On the 11th the corpse of the late King was carried from the Tournelles to Notre Dame with very great magnificence. The Ambassadors were the Pope's Nuncio with Marrillac, Archbishop of Vienne, Throckmorton with the Bishop of Challon, the Ambassador of Venice with the Bishop of Evreux, and the Ambassador of Florence with the Bishop of Orleans; the Ambassador of Portugal was absent in respect of Throckmorton, as were those of Ferrara and Mantua, in respect of the Ambassador of Florence. By the way, the Bishop of Challon his companion asked how it chanced, that though King Philip and his allies and almost all the Princes of Christendom, had sent to condole with the King on the death of his father, no one had come from the Queen to condole or congratulate? He answered that their Ambassador had not given her knowledge thereof; and that it was not the custom for any to be sent to condole without knowledge given by their Ambassador on that side, which was not yet done.
	6. On the 13th the corpse was interred in S. Denis, the Cardinal of Lorraine said Mass. The Duke of Lorraine, the Duke of Guise's son, the Prince of Janvyle and the Duke of Montpensier's son, represented the King's children; the Dukes of Orleans, d'Angouleme, and Anjou, with the Duke of Montpensier and the Prince of Rochsurion, were chief mourners. There was an oration made which he could not hear, but as both it and all connected with the interment will shortly be in print, he will not trouble the Queen with it. When the ceremonies and offerings were ended, Valois, the King of Arms, stood up, and after he had said twice, "Le Roi est mort," he turned him about and proclaimed the King alive, and the third time said "Vive le Roi tres Chretien, Francoise le deuzieme de ce nom, par la grace de Dieu Roi de France," without any more; thereupon the trumpets sounded, and thus was the interment perfected. Then all the Estates went to dinner in the Abbot's hall, hung with black, and the Ambassadors with them. At a table on the right hand were set the Duke of Lorraine, the Constable, the Duke of Guise, the Prince of Janville, the Duke of Montpensier's son, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and certain other Cardinals; and the Ambassadors according to their places.
	7. After dinner the Duke of Guise came unto Throckmorton, and calling him apart by name with very courteous usage, said that although he understood there is a quarrel between him [Throckmorton] and his brother, the Prior, about a man of his, he would take upon him to have this man restored. He began to set forth the Queen's virtues and his good will to her; and said, he marvelled that Throckmorton did not come to him before about this man's case. He also said that at the time of his [Throckmorton's] trouble, he had made divers signs of his good will, though unknown to him. And he would do all he could for the continuance of the peace and treaty between the Queen and the King his master. Throckmorton replied, with as good words as he gave, that the Queen would certainly do nothing to frustrate their good opinion of her.
	8. Then the Duke, taking him by the hand, led him to the other Ambassadors, and asked whether he knew that Stranguishe were taken or not. The writer replied that he was told a day or two passed, that the ships had taken him and carried him to England, so that they might see their doubts about the setting forth of these ships was groundless. Then, before the Ambassadors, the Duke set out with many good words, how much he wished that all Princes would do the like, so that many breaches of friendship might be taken away. Then he said, he heard a pirate of the French was taken, and some Frenchmen found in Stranguishe's ship, and prayed him to write to the Queen, that if any such be taken, they be sent thither to have justice done, and be executed as an example to others, which the writer promised.
	9. The reports of the time of the King of Navarre's coming being so uncertain, and having for some days letters from her to him stayed in his hands, and not knowing how important they may be, he thought good to send Mr. Killigrew to Vendôme to the King of Navarre on the 8th to tell him that letters from the Queen to him were stayed in his [Throckmorton's] hands for some days, and his arrival in Paris seeming uncertain, sends this messenger to desire to know the King's pleasure, as to what day he [Throckmorton] shall wait on him to deliver the letters. The King received Mr. Killigrew gently, talked with him apart; said he was glad to understand the Queen's wise and godly proceedings in religion, which would be surely for God's glory; so also he desired to make a league with her, saying he thought God had heretofore preserved her from so many dangers for the setting forth His Word, and he trusted had done the like to him, in preserving him from so many perils; and how he desired to set forth religion, which he wished might be for God's glory, if they could conclude the said treaty.
	10. The King demanded of Mr. Killigrew, whether any league was passed between the Queen and Protestant Princes of Germany. He answered he did not know what had passed between them, but thought there was great show of friendship. The King asked him what had become of the Earl of Arran, and he said that he knew nothing certain, but had heard of his being at Geneva and in Germany. The King commanded that he [Throckmorton] should at his coming to Paris send to know what time he should come to deliver his letters, and said he would be in Paris on Wednesday, the 16th. Then he questioned of the French Court, and speaking of the coronation of the French King said he marvelled what they meant to hasten so the coronation; and then licensed Killigrew to depart.
	11. Nothing of note save this has happened since sending the last letter on the 8th. Being informed of all this, and being told of what is thought of her remaining so long without sending to condole or congratulate, also of the proclamation of the French King's style at the interment, which was thought would have been done to her prejudice, he would know her wishes about the letters staid in his hands, being passed date and unmeet to be delivered, which may hinder her affairs if others be not sent with speed.
	12. And now the interment being passed and the occasion of condolence taken away, that they may have less cause to judge any misliking of them, he asks her to send some great men to congratulate, thereby to qualify the not sending of one to condole. This must needs be before the Sacre on the 10th September. And because, the state being altered, the rulers also are changed, and they which heretofore would have stood her in stead are now exempt and others in their places, it will be well by letter to cause them to think she has no less estimation of them than she had of others heretofore.
	13. For the winning of their inclination towards her minister in Paris, she should appoint some such man as may be acceptable to them, and to send letters to the King, the Queen called la Reyne Mere, and the young Queen, the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Duke of Guise, who are the chief managers. Thinks it meet in no case to use the letters he has, being so far past date, and the sooner she determine her pleasure, the more it shall be for the advancement of her service.
	14. And although he is informed that the French King minds still to use his old style, yet understands that the young French Queen has a seal in making with the arms of England and Scotland quartered, to use for the affairs of Scotland and her private affairs, the style about which is "Maria Dei Gratia Regina Francœ, Scotiœ, Angliœ, et Hiberniœ." Although the matter is not so certain as to work upon, yet informs Elizabeth in case she should mind to give the condoler or Ambassador resident her instructions, in case the matter shall fall plainly out for the use of that seal.
	15. Is informed that M. de Noailles shall shortly be revoked from the Queen, and in his place shall come to reside one M. de S. Pierre, brother to M. Laleigre; and also that a great personage shall come thither to confirm the peace.
	16. It may like the Queen also to remember her fourth hostage, the Vidame of Amiens, whose servant came to Throckmorton to know whether his going to England required speed. Answered that he would do well to hasten.
	17. Is informed that the French have a secret practice in hand for the sudden surprise of Berwick, by the way of the cliff there, at the low water mark; whither they mind upon a sudden to bring their men, and so (doing the guard out of the way), to be possessed thereof, and to keep the same by force. And for the better bringing whereof to pass, they will have ambushes about; whereof she will do well to inform the Governor of Berwick.
	18. Is informed that the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Councillors have openly reported, and caused some men of estimation purposely to tell him [Throckmorton], that the Queen Dowager of Scotland has slain 1,200 Scots of her enemies; and almost discomforted all the rest of the Lutherans (as they call them), and by force entered the castle of Edinburgh, and keeps the same. Also that Labrosse and the Bishop of Amiens are gone to Scotland, the Bishop to be Commissary for France and Legate for the Pope, and a power of men to work enterprises, and that there shall be left there continually 1,000 men at arms besides footmen. Advises the Queen to consider of them, and to provide in time to prevent their malice, if they pretend any.
	19. Hears the Duke of Savoy is displeased that the forts appointed by the late King to be restored to him are unrased. Is told that all the French have left Corsica, though the Genoese are not entered, and they have offered to a French gentleman to be their lord, saying that rather than have the Genoese as rulers they will submit to the Turks.
	20. Lord Gray is daily by the Count Rochefocault more cruelly handled. He is kept at the castle of the Count beside Bloys, and threatened to be removed further into Gascoigne, being quite exempt from liberty. What grief for the poor gentleman to be constrained to pay more than he is worth! What importance he is of for the Queen's service! Without her help he is never like to be rid of the Count's tyranny. Earnestly begs her to have such remembrance of the Lord as both may be to her service and keeping the poor gentleman's house from utter decay.—Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Add. Endd. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 14.
August 15. B. M. Sloane, 4134. 439.	1191. Another copy of the above.
August 15. R. O.	1192. Thockmorton to the Lords of the Council.
	Wrote to them on 20th July that a servant of his had been taken and "embeciled" from him by a man of the Great Priors, and that he could not recover him. On the 13th inst. he [Throckmorton] being at the interment of the late King at St. Denis, after dinner the Duke of Guise, brother to the said Grand Prior, took him apart; and after many words tending to the continuance of the amity between the two realms, said he had heard of the taking of the servant, who should return that night or the next day. Hitherto has heard nothing of his servant.
	These good words and large offers make him think that either they can be content to live quietly with their neighbours, notwithstanding all that has been heretofore debated among them to the contrary; or else that now, at the first entry, he, taking upon him the rule of all, will make fair weather with all men to make them have the better opinion of him, and so to win them. And this he reckons to be the likelier.
	Has already written to them about my Lord Graye, whose strait, yea, cruel handling, rather increases than otherwise. He is at a castle of the Conte of Rochfoucault's, near Blois, but will be shortly removed further from his friends, with strait guard and usage. A servant of his, the bearer of this letter, comes into England to labour to the Queen for his master. My Lord is respited and stayed where he is for fifteen days only, to see what can be done for him in the meantime. Entreats them to deliver him from this tyranny; they know his case already by his son, and may further by the bearer. Refers them for recent occurrences to what he has written to the Queen.—Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Add., with armorial seal. Endd. Pp. 3.
August 15. R. O.	1193. Throckmorton to Cecil.
	Upon the report of the news out of Scotland, (viz., that the Queen Dowager had taken the castle of Edinburgh, and slain 1,200 of her enemies, and discomfited the rest,) which are taken here to be true, divers well affected to the Queen came and sent to him to know whether he had any intelligence of the same. Having heard nothing but the same bruits, could say nothing. Wishes that from time to time Cecil would use the commodity of merchants passing over daily from Rye to Dieppe, and so to Rouen or hither. Being so long without intelligence from home, people think that either he dissembles with them, and so make them the stranger to him, or else that he is so little regarded at home that he is not written unto but when necessity requireth, which, in his simple opinion, cannot but greatly hinder the Queen's service.
	Has heretofore written that for certain considerations already alleged he had stayed the delivery of such letters as Mr. Killigrew brought with him, but has received no answer, at which he wonders, seeing the matter requires haste and that he wrote on July 27. Has yet all the said letters except the Constable's letter, which he has now of late delivered, as shall appear by his letter to the Queen. Requests to be fully answered in these matters.
	In reference to what he had written, that two priests had arrived, the one from Cornwall the other out of Devon, has to add that they are now departed hence into Bretagne, alleging as the cause that they may live "better cheape" there.— Paris, 15 August 1559. Signed.
	Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
August 15. R. O.	1194. The German Protestant Princes to the Queen.
	Frederick Count Palatine and Elector, Wolfgang Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Christopher Duke of Wirtemburg, to Queen Elizabeth.
	When they heard of her accession to the throne they rejoiced exceedingly, remembering the amity which had existed between them and her ancestors, especially with her father and brother. They recognize her talents and virtues, but are more especially concerned in what she is doing in matters of religion; she having purified her realm from the worship of idols and introduced the true doctrine. They trust that herein she will continue, despite the attacks of the devil, who will endeavour to quench the Word by alternate promises and threatenings. Hope that she will imitate the example of her brother Edward and adhere to the religion which is founded upon the writings of the Prophets and Apostles, and is in accordance with the Confession of Augsburg. —Augsburg, 15 August 1559. Signed: Fredericus, Comes Palatinus Elector, etc.,—Wolfgangus, Comes Palatinus Rheni, manu propria subscripsi,—Christofferus, Dux Wittenburgensis.
	Orig. Add Endd. Lat. Pp. 5.
August 15. R. O. 171 B.	1195. Another copy of the preceding. Modern transcript.
August 15. R. O.	1196. Mundt to the Queen.
	On the 12th inst., he being at Strasburg, received two letters from her, dated at Otford on July 29, one addressed to the Elector of Saxony, the other to the Landgrave of Hesse. These he sent on the day following to Augsburg by a messenger of his own, expecting to find there the Orators of the said Princes, who were at the same time requested to deliver the letters to their respective masters. If it should so happen, however, (which is scarcely credible) that the conference were dissolved, then he had requested a merchant at Augsburg, whom he could fully trust, to send the letters as directed by a special messenger.
	After his departure from Augsburg the Emperor had obtained the promise of more than 300,000 "aurei," the Imperial States had also promised him 200,000 "aurei," so that in all he will obtain from the present Diet and from the Diet of Frankfort more than 1,100,000 "aurei," equivalent to more than 300,000 marks sterling. He has increased all dues and tolls throughout all his provinces, so that many merchants, chiefly those of Italy, now convey their goods through Switzerland.
	On his return home had taken the road through Tubingen, where he met Vergerius, who stated that his master, the Duke of Wittenberg, was annoyed that he had received no answer to the letters which he had addressed to her, and which asked for nothing but the continuation of the friendship which had hitherto existed between herself and the other states of the Empire, and that the Duke attributed this silence chiefly to Mundt, who hereupon took some pains to convince Vergerius that this was impossible. Requests, therefore, that (unless there be some reason to the contrary), she will write to the Duke, and he, Mundt, will take care that her letters are safely delivered. She may, however, prefer to delay writing until the Orators of the Princes shall arrive at her Court; for the Chancellor of the Elector Palatine told him, when at Augsburg, that the Princes who were present had resolved to send an embassy to her. The Elector Palatine takes the charge of matters of religion in this part of Germany, as the Elector of Saxony does in the other, wherefore it might be useful to establish good feeling with the Palatine, of which the Elector himself is very desirous.
	The whole efforts of the Diet are now directed towards the introduction of a purer coinage for the whole Empire, but it is opposed by the Duke of Saxony, the Archbishop of Saltzburg, and the other states who have silver mines, upon the ground that if the coinage were purer it would be carried off into other countries.
August 15.	All good men are anxious to know into whose hands the administration of affairs in France will pass. He of Vendôme is deficient in courage and constancy. The Guises are now securing the goodwill of all in Germany as well as France.— Strasburg, 15 Aug. 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 4.
August 15. R. O.	1197. Mundt to Cecil.
	Has received on the 12th inst. Cecil's letters dated at Otford, and has despatched with all speed the other letters which accompanied his own, as he had mentioned to the Queen.
	Cecil's proposal for a union of all those states which have deserted the Papal superstition and joined the pure doctrine of the Gospel is a good one, as it will show at once the causes for which they have abandoned the superstitions of Rome, and condemn the arrogant confidence of their adversaries. A difficulty, however, arises from their own disputes upon non-essentials, for instance, upon the mode of the presence of the Lord's Body in the Supper, all of which disputes might easily be settled if men cared as much about concord as they do about having each his own way. Is in daily hope that there will be a meeting of the Protestants to establish a consent in doctrine, which, if it be accomplished, will deprive the adversaries of the opportunity of accusing and calumniating them. They cannot accuse our doctrine; the diseases and vices of our manners and lives we ourselves lament.
	The two universities of Wittenberg and Jena are now rivals; neither of them will admit that it acted with cowardice during the dangerous period of the Interim of Charles, yet one claims for itself greater prudence, the other greater boldness than its neighbour, and each inveighs against the other. It would be far better for the sake of the public peace to pass over these lesser disputes and assist each other.—Strasburg, 15 August 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 2.
August 15. R. O.	1198. The Bishop of Aquila to Cecil.
	The bearer is the agent for the restitution of the ship of a Spanish merchant which had been captured by an English pirate. Had already spoken about the matter to the Queen, and now sends to her the letters of the King, his master, hoping that she will take care that such an event does not again occur.—London, 15 Aug. 1559. Signed.
	Orig. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 2.
August 15. MS. Sadler, 1. 392. MS. Burton-Constable.	1199. The Privy Council to Sadler, Crofts, and Ingleby.
	Having heard that one John Wylding, and John Stoddert, were of late discharged of their entertainment in the North, and being informed by the Earl of Northumberland that these men are honest, and have done good service; require that they be restored to their places. And further, for that in Queen Mary's time, John Flemming and fifty gunners from Guysnes were sent to Berwick, since many of them by this time are dead, he shall take order that the same shall not be filled by others. It is also thought convenient that Fleming's mate's entertainment shall be brought to 16d. a day, and the four quarter-masters to 12d. a day each.—Hampton Court, 15 August 1559. Signed: W. Northt., Arundell, E. Clynton, W. Howard, Tho. Parry, E. Rogers, F. Knollys, W. Cecil, S. Sackville, N. Wotton.
August 15. R. O. Knox, 11. 35. (fn. 1)	1200. Knox to Cecil.
	Had double impediment why he did not visit him according to his expectation. Formar; no signification of his pleasure being made to him in that behalf, for only did Sir Harry Percy will him [Knox] to come and speak with him, which conveniently at that time he could not do, by reason that the French (which was the second and chief cause of his stay), did most furiously pursue them while their company (the only Lords and their quiet household excepted), was dispersed, and then he durst not be absent for many inconveniences. Neither did he think his presence so necessary, considering that this matter, which he long thirsted after, was opened and proponed by those after whom it becomes him not to speak. Wishes that Cecil had sent a more plain and especial answer. For, albeit Mr. Whitlaw in his credit, Mr. Kirkcaldy by his letter, and Knox affirmed Cecil's good mind towards them and their support, yet could not some of the Council of the greatest experience be otherwise persuaded but that that alteration in France had altered the former purpose. Because the favour which they three bear to England is not unknown to their countrymen, they heartily desire that the favour and good mind may rather appear to the Council by Cecil's writing than by any credit committed to any of them. The case of those gentlemen stands thus: that unless without delay money be furnished to pay their soldiers, who in number are now but 500, and to retain another 1,000 footmen with 300 horse, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for his own safety.
	Is as assured as flesh may be of flesh, that many of them will take a very hard life before that they compone either with the Queen Regent or with France, but this he will not promise of all unless they see greater forwardness for their support. To aid them as liberally as they require to some will appear excessive, and displeasing to France, and to many dangerous, but their destruction would be England's greatest loss; and when France shall be their full master they will be but slender friends to England. Heard Bouttencourt brag in his credit after he had delivered his menacing letter to the Prior, that the King and the Council would spend the crown of France unless they had their full obedience. Is assured that unless the French had a further respect, they would not buy the poverty of the Scots at that price. They labour to corrupt some of the great men by money, and some are so poor that without support they cannot serve; some they threaten, and against others they have raised up a party in their own country. Some of the Council immediately after the sight of Cecil's letter departed not well appeased; the Earl of Argyle is gone to his country for putting order to the same, and minds shortly to return with his forces if assurance by had of the support of England, and likewise will the gentlemen of the low parts put themselves in readiness to enterprise the uttermost if they are assisted. Therefore, in the bowels of Christ Jesus he requires him to make plain answer what they may "lippen to," and at what time their support shall be in readiness. It was marvelled that the Queen wrote no manner of answer, considering that her father (the most noble and redoubted of his time) disdained not lovingly to write to men fewer in number and far inferior in authority and power to those who wrote to her. Answer was made that her father being established of long time in authority, and fully obeyed of his subjects and Council, might suddenly have done many things dangerous to her to enterprise, and this satisfied some, but not all. It is thought very necessary that he comfort the Master of Maxwell with favourable writings, as his assistance may greatly promote this cause.—St. Andrews, 15 August 1559. Signed.
	P. S.—Desires him to haste answer of the four Earls, as they have great need of comfort. If he loses the hearts of those that are here he may perchance after feel that he now fears not. Desires him to labour for licence for the writer to preach in Durham and Northumberland, by which means Cecil will know more of his mind. This other letter is to be sent to the gentleman from whom they receive advertisements out of France. The Ambassador knows him.
	Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4.