Elizabeth: May 1578, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 12, 1577-78. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1901.

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'Elizabeth: May 1578, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 12, 1577-78, (London, 1901) pp. 716-732. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol12/pp716-732 [accessed 25 April 2024]

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May 1578, 26-31

May 26.
K. d. L. x. 493.
913. LEICESTER to DAVISON.
I have written earnestly commending Mr. John Norris both to the Archduke and more particularly to the Prince of Orange. I have commended him above all Englishmen yet there, and for his birth and virtues' sake have specially requested for him the colonelship of the English soldiers. You know the man, and have no doubt the same opinion of him that I have, that he is the fittest man in all respects, for birth, skill, courage, wisdom, modesty, and faithfulness to the Prince, to take that charge. Pray further him herein to the two princes and the States and the English soldiers. He will deserve any friendship you can show him.—From the Court, 26 May 1578. P.S. (autograph).—My leisure would not serve to write with my own hand ; but I pray you receive this commendation as if it been [sic] written all with my own hand. I assure you this gentleman will perform what I say of him, or none of our nation will. There is courage, modesty, wisdom, religion, and good [sic] for his time good experience in him. I have written for many, but for none for whom I look for more thanks. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 86.]
May [26]. 914. [POULET and STAFFORD] to the QUEEN.
On the 25th we went to the Court and found the King, Queen Mother, and the French Queen in Queen Mother's chamber, where I, Edward Stafford, after salutations, presented your Highness's letter, and delivered to the King the substance of my instructions plainly and faithfully. He answered that he had always been anxious to nourish amity with his good friends and allies, and had attempted nothing to their hurt. He had been very 'curious' to avoid all occasions that might cause suspicion of his contrary meaning. Evil tongues delighted in nothing more than to sow seditious rumours between princes, and your Majesty was not free from those slanders. It was given out that some towns were delivered to you by the States. His doings were open to all the world, but last year during the assembly of the Estates at Blois the like practice was in hand, but he dissuaded his brother from it then with much difficulty. Beside the alliance between him and the King of Spain he could not forget the good offices which the King had in sundry ways done him during the late troubles ; and he never thought anything less than to recompense these courtesies with so open and manifest injuries. If he intended to deal so unkindly he would not do it covertly ; such dealing would not be honourable. He was not afraid to discover himself plainly and openly to his enemies ; he had been long at war, and now desired nothing more than peace. He had taken account of his duty toward God, and desired to continue his reputation with foreign princes ; he misliked much his brother's resolution, and had dissuaded it by his ministers, while his mother had employed herself herein, even with danger to her health. She had been twice with Monsieur to this purpose— (I think this twice was during one journey)—and had used all arguments possible ; but he would not be diverted, and therefore Marshal de Cossé was on the point of being sent to him with the same object. Nothing should be omitted that might serve to witness his sincerity, and he was glad to find your Majesty of like disposition. It was replied that you would be very glad to learn his good inclination, and that nothing remained but to see it confirmed by good effects. The King said he was not ignorant that this matter reached to himself, and he would let the world know that his best endeavours should not be wanting to break this enterprise. It was answered that he could not think it strange if the world thought that these things were being done with his secret consent. He was at peace, and obeyed by his subjects ; all the bridges and passages of the realm were at his command, and therefore men might in reason believe that his brother could take no army out of the country without his permission. "What can I do more than I have done?" says the King, affirming that he had given strict orders to all governors to use all possible means to stay all soldiers passing to the Low Countries, and had given like orders to the Bailiwicks (for so he termed them) to ring the 'Toxsing' bell against them, and to cut them in pieces. It was answered that it had not been heard that any interruption had been given to such as passed ; that the largest troops were not of force to withstand the governors, the greatest number going in scattered companies ; yet it had not been seen that one of them had been hanged, imprisoned, or otherwise punished for disobedience in this respect. "You know, M. l'Ambassadeur," says the King, "how I am obeyed. If you were newly arrived, and were not acquainted with the state of things here, I would excuse this matter with more store of words." "You know," says he, "what my brother has been able to do before this time ; you know what my other subjects have done without my brother, and you know how the world goes in this country." It was answered that in those days whole provinces were banded against him which now were wholly in his possession and had governors of his appointment, and nothing could be done without their permission. "The king," says Queen Mother, "has done what he could, and my good will has not been wanting ; and when my son has answered that I hinder his greatness, and that this counsel proceeds from his enemies, I have told him that this journey will be his ruin, that he ought to consider that he is the king's only brother, that the king has no children, and, therefore, have prayed him to have care of himself." "My brother," says the King, "has lately sent into England, to my good sister, and assures himself of her assistance in his journey, and that Duke Casimir is ready to join him with 20,000 horse and 6,000 Swiss." It was answered that this matter touched your Majesty's honour ; your servants here firmly believed you had never been moved herein, and, therefore, found it strange that Monsieur had used this language. Touching Duke Casimir we said we did not know what intelligence there was between him and Monsieur, or between him and the Estates, and thought it likely enough that the Estates might levy some men in Germany for their safety ; but did not know that Duke Casimir was hired for the service of Monsieur. We concluded that he was an absolute king, and had means to let this enterprise if he pleased. "You make it very easy," says the King, wishing it were so indeed, "but," says he, "I have no means to stay my brother otherwise than by open force, which cannot be done without danger of new civil troubles ; and I have tasted so much of them, and paid so dearly for them, that I would be loath to see them renewed" ; praying me to tell him what your Majesty would do if you stood on those terms with brother or sister. It was answered that it seemed more honourable and safer to have war with one part of his country in a just quarrel than to have war against all equity and reason with the greatest princes of Christendom ; naming your Majesty, the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Princes of Germany ; and, therefore, prayed him to leave his 'intreaty' and fall to sound doings. The matter was not yet so far gone but that the remedy was easy if he would embrace it in earnest. "I know," says the King, "this matter touches me nearly, and am not ignorant of the danger that may ensue. I have now taken order for the assembling of all the companies of my men-at-arms, intending to retain part of them for the safety of my person and will send the rest to my governors. But the best hope that I conceive of this matter is that I hear the Estates have advertised my brother very lately that they thank him for his good will, and have no need of his succour," asking us if we had not heard of it. We answered, no ; adding that it would be honourable for the King and profitable for his subjects if he were to mediate between the King of Spain and the Low Countries. The King said he was resolved to dispatch a messenger shortly to the King of Spain and another to the Estates and Don John, desiring us to inform your Majesty and pray you to do the like. It was answered that this tract of time was accompanied with great and imminent danger ; that in the meantime these preparations would grow so great that it would be too late to stay them ; that this matter had been moved to Queen Mother ever since, and no answer had been received, though the motion was so grounded upon equity and reason as to deserve some answer. These things would abide no delay, and the only remedy was in the beginning. Queen Mother said that she departed very suddenly ; "and you know," says she to the King, "that I moved you in it." It seemed that both the King and Queen Mother were content to hear no more of it, and the King would not say that he had heard of it. Then the King said that as soon as he heard of the overthrow of some of the French companies which are gone into the Low Countries under Combelles, he did not fail to advertise his brother of it immediately, because he would omit nothing that might discourage him from this journey. We concluded that we would not fail to report to your Majesty the speech that had passed between us, and knew you would be glad to see him so well affected to the preservation of amity with his neighbours. Then I, Edward Stafford, declared to Queen Mother that your Majesty made special account of her sincere dealing in this matter ; that her credit in this Court and country was known to all men, and that it touched her honour to apply it to nourish amity between her sons and their neighbours. You had long since told her your opinion herein, upon especial confidence of her sincerity in those proceedings, and therefore prayed her so to further this good meaning that the effect might appear to her honour and that of the King, her son, and to the general profit of this part of Christendom. Lastly I, Edward Stafford, presented your Majesty's letters to the French Queen, and told her that you desired to hear of her good health, though you would not be sorry if she were sometimes troubled with some such small sickness as might bring forth some comfortable fruit to the King, her husband. Some of good judgement think it suspicious that the Marshal de Cossé is employed in this journey, who besides his affection to Monsieur, which has been much observed since the last broils between the two brethren, is well known to desire nothing more than the full execution of this journey. Some say that he is sent to Monsieur expressly to serve him as a councillor, to assist him in his enterprise. It is evident that the King is resolved to endure anything rather than enter into any act of hostility against his brother ; and it may be doubted lest this assembly of men-at-arms tend to some other end than is declared. It seems that levies are to be made on every side, and this dealing is suspected by many. We are informed that letters and commissions for the levying of men are given out by Monsieur daily in great numbers, but so slenderly obeyed that no great effect ensues ; so that if his journey were certain, there is no likelihood that he would be able to march for some time. It is certainly that in the actions of this country nothing is less intended than what is outwardly pretended ; their doings being carried on with great secrecy. It is usual to debate things at the Council-table which are not meant to be executed, so that it is not easy to see the bottom of their devices. But we trust your Majesty is persuaded in general that the greatest princes and potentates of Europe have conspired against the professors of true religion, and will not fail to discover their malice upon the first occasion that shall be offered. This wicked design is so mighty and monstrous that all the favourers of it with all their means are not able to effectuate it at one instant, and therefore seek to come to it by degrees. No doubt this enterprise of Monsieur into the Low Countries is the first step ; there can be no other meaning in it than to banish religion out of those countries and reduce the poor people to servitude. This step once won the next will be easier ; and if measures are not taken to withstand the beginning, the last and highest step may be in danger. Your Majesty by your wisdom and policy joined with industry has broken their devices, discovered their treasons, and overthrown their practices for many years ; and we doubt not but that as those virtues increase in you the good effects will follow, to the safety of your Crown and the comfort of your subjects. As for what the King told us he heard say, that the States had refused Monsieur, it is true that an Italian captain of one of the French companies that have lately been defeated by the Spaniards arrived here not above three or four hours before our audience ; and now it is given out in the Court that this voyage of Monsieur is broken. But we are credibly informed that the negotiation continues. We hear that the Pope is levying a great army in Italy, but to what end we cannot learn.—Paris, May 1578. P.S—I, Edward Stafford, found the King and Queen Mother very willing that I should resort to Monsieur, taking my journey towards his this morning. Draft. Endd. (and again, incorrectly, in later hand). 8½ pp. [France II. 46.]
May 26. 915. STAFFORD to BURGHLEY.
Though my lord ambassador and I have fully set down our whole negotiation with the King and Queen Mother, yet my particular good will to you, bound thereto with your continual friendly usage of me, makes me not let this dispatch go out of my hands without this letter to make you acquainted with the effect of the particular points that have happened hitherto. I found the King very glad to do anything he could to accomplish her Majesty's request every way (as he says), and more glad of her friendship than of anything. For the drawing of my brother from this enterprise he assures me he has done what he could, and though he be almost out of hope of doing good, his mother being come back without any 'good doing,' yet to continue the same he has dispatched the Marshal de Cossé for the same intent. But if I may write my poor judgement, I rather think it is to counsel him of the best way to go forward than otherwise ; and the more so because I know the hate that he has always borne to the Spaniards, and also that the Queen has within these few days let slip words to the effect that she could have some hope of her son's likelihood in this matter if he had a Marshal de Cossé to give him advice and to join with these young beards. Rochepot came from the Low Countries yesterday, not two hours before we spoke with the King, and by a word the King uttered it may be he brings an answer to Monsieur from the States not to content him, for the King told us there was such a thing coming, not naming Rochepot's man's coming back. We cannot yet know with certainty what he has brought. Their dealings here have been so strange and so full of stratagems that a man cannot almost tell how to judge of their actions ; for when I consider the little ability that Monsieur has to perform such an enterprise, and knowing the Frenchmen's humours to be so variable that to-day they take something in hand and to-morrow they give it over again upon the least incommodity that they may suffer, I cannot think how Monsieur can go forward with this, or if he enter into it how he should not be quickly weary of it ; lacking all things necessary to so great a matter, and by necessity being subject to such great wants as I know the Frenchmen will never be able to abide the half of them. But by means of this pretended journey into the Low Countries Monsieur arms himself. The King to hinder him, and for his own safety, does the like. It will rest with them if they can agree to choose, being ready, whether or no they will assail them that are unready. I think that the burden of this whole power will at length be heaviest to them of the Religion. Howbeit, going to Monsieur I shall be able to see further and hear more of their doings, and to bring better report thereof at my coming home ; which shall be with as great expedition as may be. The King has at the first motion and with a very good will given me leave to go to his brother ; whither I had gone this day, but that I am fain to spend this day in this dispatch, and to take to-morrow for my journey, in which I will make as great speed as I can to come home.—Paris, 26 May 1578. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. II. 45.]
May 27. 916. [WALSINGHAM] to [DAVISON].
Mr. Saltonston acquainted me, before his departure, with my Lord Treasurer's pleasure, which was to be signified to you by him, that you should make stay of the sum sent over to you under his charge, to be by order of the States made over to Cologne for Duke Casimir, until you should receive further orders from my Lords. Whereupon I sent my servant Tomson to his lordship to know his mind therein, considering that it was intended by her Majesty to make this a means to cause the States to break off with the Duke of Alençon, and to hasten the entry of the reiters into the country, which by reason of this stay might greatly be hindered. His lordship's answer was that it was only meant that in case the States were already grown or likely to grow to any resolution of agreement with the Duke of Alençon's deputies for accepting his aid, and putting any towns into his hands, you should forbear to deliver the sum or any part of it into the States' hands ; being very likely that they would not send it for Casimir, and the thing in itself not meet, that they should be so greatly relieved by her Majesty, who could so easily persuade themselves to rely rather on Monsieur, who never did them pleasure than on her to whom they are so manifoldly indebted. You need, therefore, make no stay from proceeding according to the directions you have received, in case the States stand as clear as before, and have not come to any composition with Monsieur's deputies. If you see things stand soundly on their part towards her Majesty, use all convenient means for the dispatch of the sum to the Duke, that his expectation may be answered, and his Majesty keep promise with him. I thought it convenient to tell you this, lest you should have misunderstood their lordships' meaning in Mr. Saltonston's message ; though I doubt not you would without further directions make stay of payment if the States had taken any such resolution.—London, 27 May, 1578. Copy. 6 pp. [For. E. B. Misc. II.]
May 30.
K. d. L. x. 494.
917. DAVISON to the QUEEN.
Last Saturday night, at eleven o'clock, I received your Highness's letter of the 22nd, the particulars of which I signified next day to the Prince, to whom after I had opened at some length the error committed by himself and the States in their forwardness to conclude with the French before knowing your Majesty's liking, together with the just cause of offence herein offered to you, I discoursed and proved somewhat in detail the evident danger of this French traffic, both by examples of times past, by a comparison of the advertisements from all parts with the present course of things, by a consideration of the circumstances of the matter, and by observation of the persons that have an interest in the handling of it. For the first, I laid before him the calamities that befel the estate of Ludovic Sfortia, Duke of Milan, and the whole country of Milan, by introducing the French among them, with other fresh and modern examples not unapt to the purpose ; reminding him also what advertisements I had at divers times received from his own mouth and from others of good experience detecting a dangerous pretence in this negotiation, and wishing him to weigh by a consideration of the causes, what effects could be hoped from that traffic, which broached by Mondoucet and other suspected instruments, was now embraced by their master. It was not from any pity for their troubled estate, for how can he in likelihood be touched by the miseries of another country, that has no sense of the calamities of his own ?—nor from a zeal to succour and relieve them, for what example is there of such a good nature in him ?—not of magnanimity to embrace their cause and immortalize his name by so godly an action, for who has ever observed any such princely virtue in him ?—finally, not in such respect as his ambassadors would pretend, but rather of ambition, and a hope to make his profit out of their troubles. Which being in all likelihood the final and inductive causes of his enterprise, I left it to his own judgement what might come of it. Lastly, touching his person, etc., whoever considered, I said, what he was by country, by nature, by race, by disposition, by calling, by affection ; what his actions had been hitherto ; how he was now counselled ; what authority and credit his mother and some of her favourites had with him, with other circumstances, would find argument enough to convince him of the apparent danger of this fair-coloured negotiation. This discourse finished, to which he gave an attentive ear, he made me in sum this answer. He was persuaded that your Majesty would not lightly conceive any sinister opinion of him that always had been, was, and would be, your most faithful and devoted servant. As for what had passed in this matter, he said being but a member of the whole body of the States, and one that did nothing himself, he was not to be specially charged with what concerned them all. It was well known, he said, and took God to witness, that for his own part he was so ill a Frenchman, that there was no nation in the world he would less willingly deal with if there were other help. But as a patient in extremity will experiment any remedy that may restore him to health, when he is persuaded that without it his case is desperate ; and as a man in danger of drowning would without respect of friend or foe lay hold on him that comes next to hand, to save himself ; so they, being fallen into a dangerous sickness, and not likely to overcome it by their own strength, are not to be blamed for embracing any remedy offered. As for the violent quality of the French medicine, he said it was only what was necessary for their desperate infirmity ; yet he thought the danger would not be so great in the use as in the disuse and neglect of it. His chief reason was that if the States-General did not conclude with the Duke, the States of Hainault were resolved to go through with him, to the manifest dismembering of the provinces ; and so instead of the two or three towns by which the Duke might have been diverted, that whole province, if not the rest of the country, would be endangered. Hereupon he called for and communicated to me Count Lalaing's own letter written to him since the departure of the French commissioners (copies of which I enclose) to show on what desperate points those Henuiers stand. He assured me, too, that they had newly sent deputies to persuade the rest of the States to call back the Duke's deputies, who are still about St. Ghislain, and give them satisfaction ; protesting else that as they are in danger above the rest they would not neglect the remedy. Then he fell to summing up the causes that might induce them to proceed in this treaty ; as namely, their inability to subsist long by themselves, considering their outward enemies and inward differences, the little succour they could trust to from abroad, the fear of a separation of Hainault from the rest of the provinces and consequent fall into a dangerous division, the small importance of the places demanded in regard of what is now like to fall into the hands of the French or of the enemy, the profit they might have reaped by his employment upon Franche Comté, both in respect of stopping the succours that are to come out of Italy and of diverting the enemy out of these parts ; and finally the effect which this negotiation might have wrought in dividing the two kings or the two brothers, either of which could not but greatly advantage their affairs. He concluded therefore that if these considerations were indifferently weighed in the balance of reason and judgement, it would appear of more peril and less profit to break than to proceed with the French. And while the matter would in his opinion be advantageable for his country, he could not see how it could be thought prejudicial to their neighbours, especially to your Majesty, whom above the rest, he said, they had and did in this matter respect and provide for. After I had replied in detail to all these reasons, differed upon the greatest points in opinion from the Prince, I proceeded to the other parts of your Majesty's letter ; namely, requesting an authentic copy of the points of their communication with the French commissioners, signifying your resolution to send over Lord Cobham and Sir Francis Walsingham fully instructed of your pleasure with regard to the matters in hand, and lastly acquainting him with the order I had from you both to detain the money now in my hands and to stay the advance of Duke Casimir, in case they came to a conclusion with the French before learning that pleasure. He answered that the Estates, of whom I was to demand it, would make no difficulty about delivering a copy of the negotiations with the French. Touching your Majesty's determination to send hither, he said he was very glad of it ; the more so because he hoped you would not send so special an embassy with any fruitless or slender negotiation. Here by the way he discoursed to me what journeys had been made to and fro for almost this twelve months' span, and how little had come of them ; especially of this last journey of the Marquis, whose cold successes and unsatisfied return had singularly discouraged them here. He wished therefore, if your Majesty have any good will to help them, it would please you to deal resolutely and plainly with them. He protested to me in his conscience, that if your Highness had proceeded with the same frankness and good will you first 'pretended,' you might have disposed as much of these countries as of your own. Lastly, touching the order given to me for the stay of Duke Casimir, he seemed to make no great matter of it ; being of opinion that the charge is likely to be greater than the profit of that overplus of forces which was accorded him at your instance. Howbeit, he thought the States were not so hasty in concluding this French treaty that you would need to stay him in that respect. This as near as I remember was the sum of what passed between him and me that afternoon. I thought to have repaired directly from him to the States ; but as they did not assemble that day, my audience was postponed till the next morning, when I propounded the same points in their which I had discoursed in private with the Prince. I received a general answer, with request for time to consider my overture. I told them that I was detaining an express messenger, whom I had orders to return with all possible expedition ; and, therefore, prayed them not to 'suspend' on beyond that day. They accorded this, but when the hour assigned for my answer came they sent to excuse themselves and crave a longer pause and time for consideration, and so put me off from day to day till this evening, when they sent their deputies to me with their apostile in writing to the material points, together with the like to certain articles I had upon a former diversion from my lords of your Council delivered to them, which answer I here send. As touching the £20,000 which your Majesty has addressed to me for the use of Duke Casimir, I have not yet in any way disposed of it, having depended upon the resolution of the States, nor under correction do I think it fit to send it any further than this town ; partly because it is in bullion and cannot be coined in time to serve the Duke's turn at the place of muster, partly for the infinite difficulty and danger of conveying it to him, and partly because the Duke, as I understand, may conveniently furnish himself by exchange in those parts with as much as he needs, to be repaid here upon the sum aforesaid. I have pointed out these difficulties to a councillor of his lately come here, who allows of them and has promised to send to his master and signify as much to him. By the same councillor I understand that the Duke is so well forward that he intends to begin his journey on the 12th of next month. Other things here hold on their uncertain and variable course The people of Quesnoy, since the departure hence of the French commissioners, have expelled the one ensign of French which remained in their town, suspecting some ill traffic between them and other companies of their nation lying not far off. The commissioners are still in Hainault, 'labouring' Count Lalaing and the rest of that party, the sequel of whose negotiations are very much doubted. In Mons are four companies of foot under M. de Montigny, brother to the said Count, and two companies of the 'bands of ordinance,' all esteemed to be at his devotion, which with a little faction among the burghers may put that town in hazard. The deputies sent from the Estates of that province insist hard to have the Duke's commissioners recalled and satisfied ; not without suspicion that this matter is specially laboured by the ambassadors themselves, who desire but a sufficient colour to return, having departed in the opinion that the States would recall them in a day or two. The particular points of their communication from the States, as I received from them, I send to your Majesty. It is still in doubt what the enemy will next attempt. He has made some 'countenance' towards Maestricht, though it is suspected he shoots rather at Vilvorde, Enghien, Ath, or some town nearer at hand. Of the eight companies that were in Philippeville, five came out armed and ensigns displayed, the other three remaining in service with the enemy under Florennes that was governor, Haveron, and some other captains, whose revolt has bewrayed the intelligence which they were long before suspected to have with the enemy. At Amsterdam the Protestants have ransacked the cloisters, broken down the images, expelled the whole rabble of friars and monks, and apprehended their magistrates upon detection of some treason intended by them for reducing the town to the enemy's devotion. At Flushing some treason has been in brewing, but the matter discovered, one Captain Rossen, a mariner of that town, and a principal conductor of the practice, is apprehended. There is no certain confirmation of the marching of forces from Italy to Don John. From Portugal it is reported that the long threatened preparation of Stukely is in good forwardness ; and his Holiness has sent him 2,000 Italians. The enemy has of late received 300,000 ducats by way of exchange, and expects as much more from Genoa, made over from Spain ; which will advance the rest of the reiters and footmen from Germany, who have 'stayed upon their gelt.'
The States are advancing the first pay for the 8,000 reiters now in the country. A gentleman is just arrived from the Emperor to divert the States from the French course. He had audience two days ago, and has made liberal offers on his master's behalf. Within the last day or two he is gone to Don John, to see what he can work with him. The Emperor would make these men believe that he will declare openly against Don John if he do not incline to reason. La Motte receives daily men, munitions, and victuals into Gravelines, but his men come by small number, 'for the less observation.' Count John of Nassau, being within these three or four days sworn Governor of Gueldres, is gone to his post, in order to 'assist at' the assembly of the States of that country, which is to begin this week at 'Newmeghen.' At Ghent I hear they have prepared a church in one of the cloisters for the public exercise of religion ; which they are resolved no longer to suppress, however it be digested here. This is all I have at present of any moment to signify to your Highness, whose pardon I most humbly crave if, in the discharge of my duty, I have not satisfied your expectation.—Antwerp, 30 May 1578. P.S.—Certain advice is come this evening of the entry of two companies of French into St. Ghislain, a place of the greatest moment in Hainault after Mons. There are within it four ensigns of the States' folk, of whom they cannot yet tell here what assurance to make. This matter, done by the authority of Count Lalaing, singularly increases the suspicion of that man, and is likely to bring forth some special alteration either in the general state of the country, or the Count's own particular. Add. Endd. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 87.]
May 30. 918. Draft of the above letter. Endd. 4 pp. [Ibid. XII. 87a.]
May 31. 919. DAVISON to BURGHLEY.
Letter covering copy of letter to the Queen. Add. Endd. : Mr. Davison to my Lord, with a copy of his letter to her Majesty, and of others to the Prince of Orange from Count Lalaing and others. 7 ll. [Ibid. VI. 88.]
May 31. 920. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
Though your man has tarried long for his dispatch, having made great diligence hitherwards, he can witness that the fault has not been mine. Till last night I could get no resolution from the States, and whether it be now such as her Majesty will thoroughly like, I doubt. All that I can at present write you will see by my letter to her Majesty.—antwerp, the last of May 1577 [sic]. [On the same page.] I have not been able to accomplish your command for the speedy return of this messenger, because till late last night I could get no answer from the Estates. In what condition things are you may judge from the details of this dispatch. Your arrival is every day awaited, but your welcome in respect of your legation will depend much upon the substance of it. The Estates seem resolved to proceed with the Duke if he will accept their offer, as many generally think he will, rather than give the matter over thus. I do not yet see that they are so estranged from him, if he will accept their offers, a thing expected. Flanders of all the provinces has been the greatest enemy to the success of the negotiation. Captain Palmer, whom you sent to me of late, was apprehended at Newport, and is still prisoner in that town. The causes [erased : proceeding from the fury of some particulars in that town, who had heretofore received some outrage, as they say] I think you may understand by the Prince's letter. Besides his apprehension they did me the outrage to break open my packet, though not the particular letters. Whereof having complained, I can as yet get no reparation [erased : the Prince has written to the magistrates of the town] ; but how the matter will be repaired I know not. I beseech you to think of my suit, and advance the dispatch of it before my coming. Rough draft. Endd : Ultimo Maii 1577 [sic]. To Sir Fra. Wals. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 89.]
May 31. 921. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
Fragments of rough draft for : (a) Covering letter similar to No. 919 ; (b) letter similar to the last. "I have remembered your commendations to the Prince and Princess, but it was after we had been together by the ears over this French bone ; with whom I have been half out of charity since the heat of this French negotiation. Draft. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 90.]
May 31. 922. The QUEEN to the COUNT PALATINE of the RHINE.
We are sending our deputies to the assembly of Theologians, which we hear is to meet at Schmalkald to discuss certain articles of the Augustan confession. Robert Beale had much talk with you on this subject last year, and reported that you were vehemently opposed to the censures passed upon churches holding opinions on the Lord's Supper different from those set forth by Luther. We think you quite right, and that you hold the view which appears most adapted to promote the concord of all the churches. Hearing now that it is proposed to remove the discussion to Schmalkald, we beseech you to intervene with all your authority, lest by the headlong counsels of a few an occasion be afforded for a great schism in the Church of God. You can see what a pleasant spectacle we should display to the Papists, if food for dissension is furnished by the wiles of Satan, and they see us fighting among ourselves. This we entreat you to hinder, for the common peace of Christendom and the dignity of the empire of which you are an elector.—Greenwich, 31 May 1578. Copy. Latin. 1 p. [Germ. States I. 62.]
May 31. 923. The QUEEN to the DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.
Same tenor as the last, in different terms. 'We exhort your Excellency not to join yourself with the restless wits of those who want to move and disturb everything as they list rather than with those who cherish the concord of all the churches.' Copy. Latin. 1¼ p. [Ibid. I. 63.]
May 31. 924. The QUEEN to LANDGRAVE LEWIS OF HESSE.
As we were sending letters to your brother William, we have thought it good to send at the same time to you, begging you to have a care, in the assembly at Schmalkald, for the concord of the churches, as we have heard that certain factious persons are using every effort to start a controversy about the Lord's Supper and separate the other churches from you.—Greenwich, 31 May 1578. Copy. Latin. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 64.]
May 31. 925. The QUEEN to the PRINCE OF ANHALT.
Same tenor as the preceding. 'We pray you to do your best to hinder the discussion, or get it put off, lest the spark should burst forth into a flame, whereby the Church of Christ may be set on fire.'—Greenwich, 31 May 1578. Copy. Latin. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 65.]
May 31. 926. The QUEEN to DUKE JULIUS OF BRUNSWICK.
Same tenor as the preceding.—Greenwich, 31 May 1578.
Copy. Latin. 1¼ p. [Ibid. I. 66.]
May.
K. d. L. x. 455.
927. DANIEL ROGERS to WALSINGHAM [see No. 849].
M. Swevenghem told me the 8th of this present month of May, how that on the 1st he had first seen and obtained a copy of the instructions which the late Comendador had given to Bernardo Mendoza when he was sent to England in 1573. The instructions were in Spanish, and as certain things were comprehended in them touching her Majesty, he showed and read them to me, wishing me to impart them to your honour. It was that the said Mendoza should diligently enquire of Guerras in what readiness the two matters were of which he had lately written to him, and which he commanded before he should only write to him of ; one of which concerned a practice he had to deliver the Queen of Scotland ; the other was touching some trouble which then was to arise in England, and was not so particularly specified. He wished Mendoza to enquire of Guerras whether these things were in camino, to wit, in the way, and whether the parties went forward in these matters ; besides that in case he should take heed about opening this matter to Swevenghem, who then was in England, for he understood that Swevenghem and Guerras were not the greatest friends. M. Swevenghem counselled her Majesty to rid herself of this valet Guerras, for that he was a meet minister for Don John in like matters. It is to be noted that Mendoza came to England to desire her Majesty to show friendship to the King's armada, which then was to pass to the Low Countries, in order that it might have victuals from England. And meantime he had instructions to trouble the quietness of her Majesty's realm. Memorandum in writing of Daniel Rogers. Endd. by L. Tomson : A note of an instruction given to Bernardo Mendoza, touching the delivering of the Scottish Queen and raising a rebellion in England. 2/3 p. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 91.]
[May ?] 928. The Queen's obligation for payment on the last day of February next ensuing, of £3,500 to Horatio Pallavicini, being part of the sum of £16,636 7s. 3d., arising from the sale of 12,000 centners of alum at Antwerp, and placed by him in the hands of William Davison, for her Majesty's purposes.
Copy. Endd. first in Italian, and in a later hand in English. Latin. 2¼ pp. [Ibid. VI. 92.]
[May ?] 929. Obligation of the Mayor and Corporation of London to the same effect.—Guildhall, of, 1578.
Copy. Endd. as the last. Latin. 2½ pp. [Ibid. VI. 93.]
May. 930. The Queen's bond to discharge the Mayor (Thomas Ramsey) and Corporation of London from their obligation for the sum of £100,000 borrowed by Davison and Gilpin in Germany.- Greenwich, May 1578.
Copy (signed by William Dalby). Endd. in later hand. Latin. 7½ pp. [Ibid. VI. 94.]
May [?] 931. CERTAIN REQUESTS of DUKE CASIMIR proposed to D. ROGERS to declare them further to her Majesty.
1. As the Duke has agreed to march to the Low Countries rather at her Majesty's request than at the persuasion of the States, he desires her to procure that either the States send at the day of the muster (which will be the last of this present) the other £20,000 to Cologne, into the hands of Isaac Lewenhart, or that she cause the said sum to be delivered there. If she send the sum to the Estates to be by them transported to Cologne, it will be necessary to advertise them that they do not employ it otherwise, but that it be duly sent to the Duke without subtracting anything from it, for the avoidance of 'cavellations' which might hinder the troops from marching. [Marginal note : Accorded.]
2. He desires her Majesty to send some man of good estimation and calling, who may continually during the war remain about him and be present at all deliberations. He especially desires Mr. Philip Sidney to be sent, a gentleman whom for his noble towardness and virtue he has greatly in admiration.
3. And as her Majesty requested that he should foresee that he were accompanied by some noble and expert man to second him, in case he should miscarry, he has written to three Dukes who have before offered their service to him, Maurice Duke of Lauenberg of the house of Saxony, Duke Casimir of Pomerland, and Duke Frederick of Deuxponts. In the 'bestalling' or capitulation sent to the Duke, the Estates have appointed no allowance at all for them ; wherefore he desires her Majesty to intercede with letters to the Estates, that some noble pays may be allowed for them and other noblemen who accompany him, he himself being content with only 3,000 Flemish for his own allowance. Such intercession he thinks cannot but bind the said Dukes to her Majesty, and 'engender a singular affection towards her proceedings' throughout all Germany.
4. Whereas he is to conduct 6,000 footmen, he desires that 2,000 English soldiers may come and serve him under some good conductor and head ; and that they might be especially such as might bring for the most part corslets and pikes
5. He beseeches her Majesty to treat with the Estates that they appoint to be delivered in Germany certain sums of money, as 10,000 or 12,000 florins, to be distributed to the best colonels there ; that they might be at the devotion of the Estates in case other necessity force them to levy supplements. This provision might further the Estates, and keep in suspense such others as Don John goes about to allure to his service. At the last expedition into France, this provision was found very commodious for the Protestants.
Memorandum : The Estates do not as yet know that the 20,000l. which Duke Casimir was to receive at Hamburg was in bullion, and they should be admonished of it that they may make obligation accordingly ; being thought best for her Majesty to be repaid in like bullion. Endd. by D. Rogers. 2 pp. [Germ. States I. 67.]
932. Another copy. Endd. by D. Rogers. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 67a.]
933. Endd. by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 67b.]
? Early in 1578. 934. A list of the companies of men-at-arms and light horse at present round the city of Brussels, with the amount of their pay. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 95.]
May. 935. The Estates' obligation by which they make themselves personally liable, individually and collectively, for the repayment, out of the first money which they shall raise on the obligations of the Queen and the City of London for the sum of £100,000, bearing date the 8th, the 12th, and the 18th March, 1577, "according to the computation of the Anglican Church," of the sum of £20,000, which the Queen has sent them by the hand of William Davidson, "for the purpose of keeping these regions in the obedience of the Catholic king." Copy. Latin. 2½ pp. [For. E. B. Misc. II.]