Elizabeth: June 1580, 1-10

Pages 284-302

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 14, 1579-1580. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

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June 1580, 1-10

June. 305. 'A Latin rendering of the privileges or letters of the most potent Mussulman Emperor Sultan Mured Khan at the request of Elizabeth, etc. confirming peace and alliance.' Leave to English subjects to trade ; English slaves to be set free ; Englishmen settled in Turkey not to be liable to taxation ; freedom of appointing consuls in Alexandria, Damascus, Samos, Caesarea, Tunis, Tripoli, and elsewhere ; if pirates or other 'liberi gubernatores navium' take Englishmen, and sell them, examination to be made, and if the Englishman be found, and have turned Mussulman, he is to be let go free, but if he has remained a Christian, he is to be handed over to the English, and the buyers must recover their money from the sellers ; English ships not to be plundered.— Constantinople, year of the Prophet, 988, the beginning of June. A.D. 1580. Copy. General endt. to the whole correspondence. Latin. 6 pp. [Turkey, I. 1s.]
I would have written you at my first coming into this country but that I found I was 'straitly looked unto' ; the cause of which is wrought by certain men in England, yet much made of. If I may not now name them, I may say they are Spaniards, and one is an Englishman. Hereafter I shall have a better time for them. Divers men have written that the great preparations here were made to go for 'that parts,' and so it was and is given out after divers sorts. To know the truth of it, I have laboured somewhat more than others have done ; and as I am acquainted with matters of the sea, I find there is no reason to lead me [sic] that such a preparation as this could be appointed as is reported ; for the greater the number, the more danger there is in going so far, not having any certain place of security to go to, especially England being prepared as it is. If for Ireland, if there be a pretence as there was on the Pope's part, there is no more to say. But let that be provided that the enemy do not land there, and all their device is utterly undone ; for certainly 'and' they come aland quietly with the provision that they have, it will breed great displeasure to England. In fine, I will be plain with you ; if I had been provided as I requested, and as you thought good, I had given such advertisement as I am certain has not yet been given. I would I had here a trusty man that I might deliver something to, which at now I may not write. In fine, let Ireland be made sure, and then the greatest danger is past. This bearer, whose name is Nicolas Ellis, has somewhat by word ; please hear him. And thus for the present I rest. The King with his whole army prepares for Portugal ; I think he will be occupied there for this year, for it is not known whether he will be received in peace or not.—'Saint Lucas,' 1 June 1580. Add. (seal). 1 p. [Spain I. 47.]
Great preparation and show of wars is made and gathered together here in this part of Andalusia, being in number of men above four score thousand of sundry nations ; without any knowledge where they shall be employed. To obtain knowledge of this, divers men have taken some pains, and yet few have obtained their purpose. I am certain divers have written therein largely, some after one sort and some after another, but in my opinion most are deceived, because these matters alter from time to time on sundry occasions, which is too long a matter to trouble you with ; wherefore it is hard to write with certainty in so great and changeable causes. Nevertheless I will deliver you my opinion on all these matters which I have by some labour 'procured to know' ; I will begin at the first cause and pretence of all these provisions, and so following to the time we are now in. To the first part of this matter I find that great is the hatred that grows between all nations for matters of religion ; therefore Spain being, as you know, governed altogether by the spiritualty, and the King being thereto most earnestly bent, he gives the more occasion to their pretence. You know what is to be looked for at their hands, considering how far we are from them in opinion of religion. The second part is that the loss of the Low Country is also a great grief to them, which they say is only by the aid that England has given, and specially because the Queen has never hitherto granted them safe ports for their fleets in England ; without which there is no hope of recovering those places in Flanders. And to revenge this injury there are many devices made, resting in hope, though not now, yet hereafter, to have a time to serve their purpose. It had been attempted this year, had not the matters of Portugal altered it ; in which business most certainly the King and his great power and preparations must be employed this year, however matters go, and how long after is not known. The preparation in England is well known here. It did and does somewhat trouble them and their pretence. I am of opinion that you know that the greater the preparation is of ships and men here, if it should be bent towards 'that' part, the more is their danger, unless they had some certain place that they might securely repair to. And as they are certain that they cannot come into England without the Queen's consent, it is determined that Ireland will serve their turn far better, because the ports are specially good, the land plentiful, the sea and rivers with plenty of fish, the land with plenty of timber for all kinds of shipping. And for anything else that 'lacks them' plentiful provision is made, at no small charge, with four or five thousand ploughs. In this I will not trouble you with what I know ; only that Ireland being so provided for that the enemy do not land, their whole pretence is void. The men and provisions appointed for Ireland are such that the like has not been seen. They all go in the Pope's name, so that in this King Philip will say he does not meddle. I say again, let there be such order set, that there is no landing in Ireland, or it will breed such harm as is manifest to all men of knowledge. As I will not trouble you long with my plain manner of writing, I have committed somewhat by word to the bearer, Nicholas Ellis, master of a ship that is here. If you will hear him, he has somewhat of importance. If I know hereafter that I can do you any service, I will in diligence apply myself thereto.—San Lucar 1 June 1580. I beseech you, let this letter be to yourself, for I am here somewhat mistrusted ; the causers whereof are there, and what harm they do I know and have somewhat felt. No foreign men can be suffered here. I have divers times spoken of them, but it avails not. Therefore I name them not. In this doubtful time there were and are here 50 good ships with above 1,200 or 1,300 good mariners. I was sorry to see it, and also all nations furnished with ordnance from England. We shall find the smart of it if we brave any of them to enemies. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 48.]
June 2? 308. SUSSEX to BURGHLEY.
I 'perceived by' the French ambassador that his whole speech to her Majesty to-day tended to getting some good matter which he might have written to Queen Mother, before she returned from Angiers, but he could get no further certainty than he had before. He declared to her how plainly he had written to the King and Queen that all persons here who loved the state, and such as had been enemies were now satisfied, so that he knew no let, if God would accord their two hearts. On the receipt of that letter, Queen Mother went at once to Angiers, to bring all things to a resolution there. Her Majesty liked his writing well, and all that he declared, but when it came to the conclusion that he required some certainty to write of to Queen Mother her answer was that he might write as he thought best, but as yet she could not advise him what to write as from her. After his audience was finished, he departed without 'resolute' answer. I told him that she had written to Monsieur by Burge [Bourg] and had received no answer ; so that until she received understanding of his resolution she could not in honour go further than she had done. He knew du Vray was coming with resolution, which her Majesty daily awaited. She had written honourably by Burge, she had spoken frankly with him ; whereupon he had written liberally, which she well allowed, and he had not found her alter in anything ; which I thought was matter sufficient for him to write, until upon du Vray's coming, her Majesty knowing the resolution of France might also resolve here, which is the substance of this day's negotiation. God send all to a good end. I will shew all my letter to her Majesty saving the copy Simier's letter, of which she has the original.—This Thursday, late in the night. P.S.—She keeps to herself the contents of Monsieur's letters, saving for du Vray's coming. Add. Endd. in Burghley's hand. 1 p. [France IV. 78.]
I wanted to write to you, to satisfy the wish I have had to see and speak with you if occasion offered, as has not been the case since the two or three favourable audiences which I have had of the Queen. They have left me full of hope that she would complete what she has begun in the matter of her marriage with the brother of the King my master, and that by her great prudence, honour, resolution, and authority, she would overcome all the difficulties in the way of perfecting a thing so much wished by all good subjects, whose only passion is to see her prospering and establishing her reputation securely in ages to come ; a thing worthy of such a princess for the good of these two realms, nay, of all Christendom, and one which will immortalise her name and reign for ever, to use her endeavours to leave heirs to these two crowns, and to her virtues. It is a thing which we have desired with one common accord, and done what we could to promote so holy a cause ; but this would all be regret and loss of time if the end did not crown the work. Therefore, approaching you with this letter in default of seeing you, I beseech you, by the sincerity of the affection wherewith you have served her Majesty, to importune her on the decision which she has promised me to take in a few days, if she is not already about putting their Majesties of France out of pain, and a prince who this day looks for nothing in the world but this good news, of which I have in these days not been able to refrain from giving them some hope such as I have myself gathered from her Majesty. And in order that I may not deceive them in France and myself here, I will once again ask you, as a Nestor in your Queen's Council, to aid her a little in a victory so great as that of overcoming herself, as she said to me that she would do : and that jacta erat alea. Spare not then your prudent counsel, that no more time be lost, and that the Parliament may be held on the day appointed ; in order that the Commissioners, who are all ready to start, may take the road as harbinger of the perpetual happiness of her Majesty and of these two realms, which will not long enjoy their ancient splendour if they are not allied by the marriage, whatever those who do not desire it in England and France may contend to the contrary. They are not sufficient to ward off (garentir) the evil which would arise from the dissolution of so holy an alliance ; upon which it seems to me we are in all directions so far embarked that on no side can one withdraw honourably and profitably. For my part I should much regret if after having employed so much time I had to start a new plan, such as I promise you some are trying to lay the foundation of, for the pleasure which they take of believing that her Majesty has never wanted to marry. I cannot yet think this, nor that God has so little regard for Christendom and for a Queen whom He has so loved. That is what I could have said to you ; and I have put it in this letter. As regards the Queen of Scots, and what she has written to the Queen and you of her Council, the subject of which you know, as it was placed in your hands to show her Majesty, as the person whom I deem most exempt from all passions save for the service and honour of your mistress, when I spoke to her about it, she had the letter from the Queen of Scots in her pocket, and I the copy in mine. When I wished to read it again, her Majesty seemed a little offended over the commencement and little disposed to grant what she asks. She deferred till another time answering it, and even speaking of the permission to visit the baths for her health. I have not since spoken of it to her Majesty, who will do as she pleases. But, Sir, it would surely be a work of pity if those who cannot have enough of increasing the trials of the Queen of Scots, would desist from bringing fresh charges against her without cause, whether directly or by artifice, to keep her always in her Majesty's disfavour ; such as saying that she maintained English rebels and bad subjects out of her dowry. She could not do it, in the first place for want of means, and for want of will, as may be well believed, just as little, seeing that she places all her hopes for good and for safety in her Majesty. All the Queen's dowry, originally only 50,000 livres d' assignat, does not to-day, owing to the wars, and the forfeiture of the duchy of Touraine, amount to more than 40,000 livres tournois, of which 33,000 are mortgaged to French officials since the time when she was Queen of France, and this is a first charge on her estate ; so that the salary which she gives her ambassador and a few small pensions to some Scotchmen banished to France on her account are remitted on the expectation of certain chance receipts and about 2,000 crowns allowed her every year at her Majesty's pleasure for her clothing and wages of servants and women about her, and to buy medicines and other things needful for her heatth. This her treasurer's clerk, who is here, assures me to be true ; and that having always handled her dowry under his master M. Dolu he has never heard tell that any Englishman has had a sous of her dowry, and he says that he will answer it on his life. I would have you credit this for the lady's justification, in order that if she is found to be innocent, and with many enemies, her Majesty's kindness and justice may be more favourable to her than the bitterness and malevolence of these accusers, who will always have means to increase her sufferings if no one is found to speak for her, and if she cannot be heard in her justification. For myself I have always so restrained myself and been so shy of speaking about the affairs of the Queen of Scots for fear of saying anything displeasing to her Majesty, that no one can complain of my behaviour in those affairs, as her Majesty confessed to me. She is her own relation, she has been much honoured, and has been our queen in France. If she has done wrong, God has not exempted her from doing penance for it. He it is who holds the hearts of mortals in His hand, of princes as of people. He has done what pleases Him. But the conclusion of my letter will be to refer it to your prudence to aid and defend the Queen of Scots so far as you shall judge reasonable and as she shall be found innocent and shall seek her Majesty's grace and render her behaviour and actions agreeable to her. The letters which she writes me are full of hardly anything else, as the Secretaries have been able to see, whenever they have pleased to open the dispatches, when I have sent them to them, if they have taken the trouble to read them. But neither of them, as both have often said to me, would concern himself with any matter touching the Queen of Scots, which is the reason why you will please excuse me if I have spoken of her to you and added this discourse. In conclusion, if her Majesty takes the good resolution to marry Monsieur she will cut away the road to all the inconveniences which may result from the factious practices of those who intend something against this Crown. There are all sorts of lookers-on upon the hope of this happy marriage. I leave it to your consideration, beseeching you to keep me in her Majesty's favour and your own, and praying that a year hence I may see her born again in a fair son, your prince.—London, 2 June 1580. P.S.—Excuse this letter badly written in my own hand, and kiss her Majesty's for me ; and beg her among all her animals to remember her frog. Add. Endd. by Burghley : The Fr. Ambassador to me, being at Nonsuch. Fr. 5 pp. [France IV. 79.]
It was March 13 before I left England, by means of the restraint of the ships, whereby I was driven to ride from one officer to another, before I was suffered to depart. So I arrived at Bayona on the 28th, where I stayed 6 days, till I heard from the Groyne. Meantime I had conference with the sub-prior of 'Twye' [Tuy], who told me that within three months Ireland will pass many troubles, 'for those of our coat know more than we may speak ; for whereas it is given out that this great army shall go for Portugal, there is no such matter, for the Portugals shall have the Indies to themselves and be ruled by five Governors, till it shall be judged who shall be king.' On April 11, at St. James de Compostella, I acquainted myself with an Irish priest called Sir John Pergos [corrected in Burghley's hand to Fergus], and after I had professed to him that I was a Catholic and was shriven, and heard his mass, and gave him liberally for his benediction, he showed me a letter which he had received from 'Faro' from the bishop his master, that one Thomas White, his lordship's 'solicitor,' had written him that he should be ready by June 5, by which time the rest of the fleet would be ready, and that the King had answered him that all things should be accomplished as he had written in his former letter ; and that he had heard from Ireland, by way of Biscay, that the Earl of Desmond had 8,000 men in readiness, requiring him to make as much speed as he might to come away. But he meant not to go before the rest of the fleet were ready, for he would not venture to go as slenderly as James Fitzmorris did. And that he had at the 'styrris' [? Asturias] 4,000 soldiers, who he would not should come to 'Faro' before the fleet were readier ; that no intelligence might go to England. And that he had received money from the Pope for their provision. On May 8 I had intelligence by a young Spanish gentleman, a servant to the Irish bishop, that his master had great friendship at the Court, as appears by White's letters, and that his master had 4,000 soldiers in readiness in the styrrys, and at 'Faro' he had two ships well furnished, and in the town, pikes 3,000, harquebuses 2,000, halberts 1,500, corselets 4,000, powder 300 barrels, field beds 200, wine 200 pipes. Bread and other provision he shall have from the storehouse at the Groyne as much as he likes. The Spaniard's name is John 'Roderigus' de Lado ; he was servant with one of the 'oyadors' [oidores] of Galicia, before he came to the Bishop.
The King of Spain's provision at the Groyne, under the charge of one Bonyface.
Wine, 3,000 pipes ; oxen killed, 3,500 ; bacon, 4,000 flitches ; biscuit, 4,000 quintals 'and yet do bake daily.' On May 4, came an English ship of 70 tons, laden with wheat, which was taken for the king's provision. On April 22 this copy was sent to the Archbishop of Santhony [sic], and on May 8 he had the same copy of Gonsalvo Fernandos, the regent of Gallicia's steward ; by whose means I was delivered from prison the last time I was in Spain. [A translation follows of the document calendared above, No. 283.] In February last Fernando 'Pyrys' Andrada, a captain in Gallicia, came into England as a spy, and so came to London in a mariner's apparel, and sold 'orynges and lemmans,' and returned to Spain on March 22 at the Groyne, and so posted to the Court, and was not returned at my coming from thence. This I heard from his sister and one of his men. Endd. with date. 5¼ pp. [Spain, I. 49.]
June 3. 311. A detailed statement drawn up in tabular form of the various breaches of the Edict of Pacification which are alleged to be the cause of the renewal of civil war in France, under the heads 'Exercise of Religion,' 'Administration of Justice,' 'Assurance of Promises.' Under the second head appear the cases of towns attacked, captured, or surprised by the Catholics, murders committed on Protestants, etc. Concluding with 'Objections against the Prince' (his entry into la Fère, and the taking of Mende) and answers thereto. Endd. by Burghley : 3 June, 1580. The state of the violation of the edict of pacification in France ; also by his secretaries. 6½ pp. [France IV. 80.]
Please excuse my importunity, or rather my inclination (affection) to send every hour, if it were possible, for news of her Majesty, who has in me a humble and faithful servant, desiring only to give her practical proof of it. I do not want to be wearisome to her about the decision which she has promised to give as to the answer to be made to Monsieur, for this must depend on her good pleasure. She sent the Earl of Sussex to give me audience, in pursuance of my orders from Monsieur, in three days' time. These expire to-day ; kindly let me know, the Earl not being at Court, what time will suit her.—London, 4 June 1580. Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [France IV. 81.]
June 4. 313. [WALSINGHAM] to GILPIN.
I have received yours of the 29th ult. and perceive from it that the 'matter' for the reception of Monsieur goes forward very fast. If they continue in this course, or proceed to make any change in the government of those countries without her Majesty's privity, considering how contrary it is to the bond of true 'gratuity' toward her, the advancement of their affairs, and the continuance of the ancient amity which has been and should be maintained between this Crown and the House of Burgundy, it will be taken in so evil part here that 'the first occasion they may minister to her Majesty thereby to conceive of their overgreat unkindness toward her,' will, I fear, fall out more to their hindrance than they are ware of. For the avoiding of which inconveniences you will do well, according to the contents of my former letter, and as you heretofore have done to very good purpose, to employ all your best means and persuasions toward such of the Estates as you know to be good patriots, to induce the deputies of the provinces not to resolve touching the reception of any government without her Majesty first being made privy thereto. I thank you for the pains you have taken in getting Piper set at liberty ; also for your good advertisements.—Nonesuch, 4 June 1580. Copy. ¾ p. [Letter-book Dom. Eliz. Vol. XLV. p. 72.]
June 5. 314. R. LLOYD to WALSINGHAM.
[First part appears to be missing.] Divers gentlemen arrived here last Tuesday in post from Monsieur, among whom I understand was Captain Valière with the wooden leg ; who, in four or five days, depart hence with no less speed towards Flanders. From them I learned that M. du Vray had not spoken with Monsieur since his return, but on that day, being the third, he was appointed to be at Tours. M. Rambouillet, who as the bruit ran was sent by the king to present Monsieur with the office of lieutenancy, is not yet returned. Of this there is divers speech ; in Paris they report that the King had added these three conditions ; that Monsieur should not open any of the King's packets, that he should not deal with the treasure or finances, and that he should admit the Duke of Guise for his lieutenant-general. But M. de l'Estoille, one of those that came, who is of the Religion, told me for certain that the only condition Monsieur was bound to was to take arms at once and go against them of the Religion. I understood from him also that Monsieur made answer that he 'seemed' very grateful for the favour shown him ; but touching the office, he craved pardon, he would not accept it now or at any other time if it came with any kind of condition. Nevertheless he promised to do what he could to unite the King and his subjects, and to pacify the present troubles. M. Fervaques is not as yet returned from the King of Navarre, who lies at Nérac, but as soon as he comes, Monsieur departs from Tours to meet the King of Navarre at some convenient place between Nérac and Tours ; some think, for the pacification of these troubles, but the greater number say that he goes thither to see the young princess, the King's sister, more than for any other cause. Touching Monsieur's return thither, I would I were in England to learn some news where they are stirring, for here it is grown out of remembrance and 'no man speaks of it, but will smile.' Last Friday or Saturday Monsieur appointed to 'go see' the Duke of Montpensier, at his house called Champigny, 8 or 9 leagues from Tours.—Paris, 5 June 1580. Add. (The hand is the same as No. 302, and is one in which many of Poulet's and Cobham's dispatches are written.) Endd. by L. Tomson : from Mr Floyd. 1 p. [France IV. 82.]
June 7. 315. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
Mr Secretary Walsingham sent me not long since the effect of what has been answered by the Scottish King touching Lord Hamilton, and I have informed him thereof. He has written his letter of humble thanks to your Majesty, which is sent herewith, and has further required me to let you understand from him how he rests wholly at your devotion, and has hitherto refused all other proffers of lands, estates and pensions wherewith he has been tempted by the greatest princes. But as you are a professor and favourer of religion he chooses rather with the satisfaction of his conscience to offer himself to you than to any other, having remained constant hitherto, notwithstanding that beside his exile he is much pinched with extreme want ; awaiting your further commands and comfort. On Sunday last, the 5th, he was entertained by the King and the Queen Mother with great good countenances [sic] and long conference, and, as I hear, received great promises. Since I think my wife's dutiful thanks are no way sufficient I would not 'leave for to accompany' hers with my humble thanks for the jewel you vouchsafed to send her, as a token whereby we both hope not only 'of' your singular good grace, but of your meaning to do us that present good we have long looked for.— Paris, 7th June 1580. Add. Endd. by Walsingham ; also : the Lord of Arbroth at her Majesty's devotion ; and in a later hand as to the jewel. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 83.]
June 7. 316. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
After I delivered Lord Hamilton the message you sent me and shown him the copy of the Scottish king's letter, I found him discontented with two things : one, that his hope was frustrated, having received no maintenance from her Majesty, being 'put in comfort' by his brother Lord Claude's letter, which was shown me, wherein he wrote that the Queen had ordered her ambassador to supply his wants. He himself, however, did not so clearly discover his meaning, as he did by Conningham, whom he since sent to me. Notwithstanding, he himself said he had been and was daily tempted to the great grief of his mind and anguish of his conscience, and should continually be so dealt with as long as he remained in the Bishop of Glasgow's house, where he stayed, hoping to receive relief from the Queen. In honour she was bound to be the means of his restitution, considering he had yielded to his enemies at her request and assurance when he might have assured himself. He doubts not that the Queen has good means to do that for him whereby he shall be obliged more to her than to all others in the world. He seems not to be fully persuaded that he himself and his brother Claude should be both together in England until he has some further proof of her Majesty's goodness towards him. He will, however, upon reasonable order obey her if he will give him assurance by letter or some such like way. And it seems by his further speech that he has a secret conceit that Lord Morton is so far partially and principally 'friended' in England, that he is not yet fully bent to repair into her Highness's realm without some better signification from her ; but swears and with most earnest words protests that he 'is to' depend on the Queen and will bind himself and deliver good pledge to answer for his fidelity. And whereas I found him scrupulous to give himself into her Majesty's hands, I used persuasions to induce him to yield to the order which his King had set down in his letter. Howbeit, I find he remains fearful of the favour and credit which Lord Morton enjoys at her Majesty's hands ; though he acknowledges that the Queen has an assured servant 'of' Lord Morton and one that deserves her favours. Moreover, of his own accord, he shows how he may be contented to be thoroughly reconciled to him, though in this he would have his honour saved, as not to seek it ; having been, as he says, 'injuried' by Lord Morton. He is induced thereto because he conceives that both their fortunes concur in this point, that if d'Aubigny's greatness take sufficient foundation it must needs become the overthrow of the Hamiltons and the Douglases ; which opinion appears resolutely settled in him. He has also alleged to me how the Earl Morton received his earldom at the hands of the Duke of 'Chastilleroy' his father ; and that at another time when there was a confederacy to have slain Morton, he was warned and saved only by the advertisement of 'this Lord Hamilton' ; so that he thinks Lord Morton is in many ways bound to be his friend. Lord Hamilton 'shews to be' of a haughty mind, not forgetting his parentage ; wary in his proceeding in this matter, relying his negotiations on the advice of his brother Lord Claude and Sir James 'Bafoure' ; with whom I have spoken on his request made to me through Alexander Stuart. This Alexander came to me in the company of one 'Bailye —' of the king's guard, who 'pret[ended]' to desire me to move the Portugal ambassador to know if the Governors would accept the service of one or two thousand Scots who would repair into Portugal under their conduct. The said Bailye — came first and afterwards brought Alexander Stuart, who requested that Sir James Bafoure might speak with me privily ; which I granted, and received him one evening in my garden. He passed a long intermingled discourse of the state of Scotland happened through the infancy of their King, with 'protestation to be determinately a protestant,' and that if it pleased the Queen he would return into England. But as it was late, for the present I thanked him for his visit ; giving him to understand how the Queen desires the repose of that realm and has with great care and expense appeased sundry disorders, in which she continued, and was minded to deal honourably with all men of quality of that realm. So I desired that our begun acquaintance might be continued by another conference ; and yesterday Conninghame, Lord Hamilton's servant, coming to me, let me know that Sir James Bafoure depends on Lord Hamilton, and would betake himself whatever way he did, requesting that he might return to speak with me. I appointed it for this afternoon, when he signified to me that Lord Hamilton had made him privy to what had passed, assuring me that beside the words which Lord Hamilton had used, he knew that after all things were weighed, and all other offers considered, he was resolved to stay himself on the Queen to obey her commands and be led by her counsels ; being willing, upon signification and means received from her, to repair to England, so that his brother may be suffered to pass for the time into Flanders. Further Sir James said Lord Hamilton thinks that in case his departure hence should be discovered, he might be detained. Sir James offers his service to her Majesty, and seems not to have any further affiance on the Scottish Queen. He would be glad to see the young King continue in the profession of religion, and in peaceble government ; but doubts, by the practices which he discovers in these parts, lest the young King, 'whom' he hears goes on progress, should in the west parts 'happen into' come of their 'strengths' who mind to bring him into these parts. He laments further to see the young Earl of Huntley, now studying at Orleans, induced to become a Papist, being one of the greatest personages of Scotland for 'living and allies,' and to see the youth of Scotland corrupted by the persuasions of the Jesuits ; so that by this means, and the seminaries which are building, there will be great enticements used to 'nousle' youth in superstition. I requested him to continue his zeal and to maintain the good will which he professed towards her Majesty. He said that since he found the exercise of his religion not so free in Paris as heretofore, he purposed to repair to Dieppe or thereabouts for 20 days, to communicate and hear some preaching. I have been advertised that d'Aubigny continues the enterprise he has in hand to convey the young King into these parts, as also that some of the galleys at Nantes are assigned for that purpose. Likewise that assuredly Lord Morton will hardly escape the violence prepared to be used against his person. Also that the Scottish Queen seeks nothing so vehemently as that her son might be transported into these parts and nourished in the Catholic Roman opinion. I was lately assured that the young Scottish king had been so deeply persuaded to come to this Court by the impressions delivered him of the excellence, bravery, and greatness of it, as also that he would thereby become acquainted with his chiefest cousins, by whose means he might not only have more liberty, but be made lord of greater estates, and that this had been so pleasantly and sweetly instilled into his ears, that it has not only wrought great love in his heart towards d'Aubigny, but he has privately signified his willingness to Lord Ross and others, 'both' French, Scottish, and English. The expectation of it has drawn many English into these parts. I have been told that the Scottish Queen did lately 'seek means' to have leave to repair to the 'Baynes,' namely those about 'Bristowe' ; which they say is not granted by the Queen as they hoped. But as nothing is certified from England I doubted of the truth of it. Now it seems her Majesty may have the 'commodity' to command Lord Hamilton, and through him the young Lord Huntley his nephew, and Sir James Bafoure professes to be willing to take the same course. I shall await her pleasure and your directions, if it seem worth embracing. I think Alexander Stuart and his son, who has lately become one of the King's guard, take their journey to-day toward Scotland, being much affected to d'Aubigny. 'The Mr Graye' passes in their company. Lord Hamilton has written to the Queen. I send a copy. The Duke of Guise being lately informed how d'Aubigny had become one of the Protestant Church, only smiled at the matter. He is at present a little indisposed in his health.—Paris, 7 June 1580. Add. Endd. by Walsingham ; added in another hand : Touching Hambleton. 3 pp. [France IV. 84.]
June 8. 317. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
This place requires some faithful person to help me in the affairs in which I deal ; that after I have dealt with their Majesties here for any cause of yours, I may have some one by whom I may 'solicit to' the Secretaries and Council of this Court for the better effecting of what I may at any time propound. There are also well-willers of your Highness in these parts who have not the 'commodity to come to me at all times'—especially with troubles and dangerous days approaching—but will be content to send their minds by some person known to be 'confident,' secret, and assured to you. For that purpose I have conceived a good opinion of [Mr] Wade, and my desire is that you will not only be pleased with my intention herein, but that he may be accepted for your servant and bound to you by oath. I suppose, moreover, that when it was your will to send me to this place your meaning was, and now is, that I might serve your turn with my ears to hearken and understand, and with my eyes to see and perceive all things that may concern you, 'either' for your service, honour, profit, or pleasure. Therefore, since among a great number of the sons of your subjects who are come hither, there is Mr George Hopton, son to the Lieutenant of the Tower, I thought good to inform you of it, for I understand he is 'indued with sundry parts of ability' to do you agreeable service, having travelled in Italy and Constantinople, and being able to render good account of both those Courts. 'Betaking' both these gentlemen to be recommended to your Majesty's favour by those of authority about your person, to whom they are very well known. Madame de la Noue beseeches you to take compassion on M. de la Noue her husband, and to promise the safety of his life and restoring of his liberty by all such means as may seem good to you ; for whose happy and long life she prays the Almighty and humbly kisses your hands and feet, being the most sorrowful woman that can be seen, and worthily to be pitied and comforted.—Paris, 8 June 1580. Add. Endd. by Walsingham and another ; and in a later hand. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. IV. 85.]
June 9. 318. COBHAM to BURGHLEY.
Though some opinion has been conceived hitherto of the continuance of peace it now seems that they of the religion doubt thereof, and begin to provide somewhat more warily for their safety. So that seeing the chief princes have been so dealt with that they are for their better defence driven to join with their friends, the gentlemen and others shrink from Paris and such places, retiring the rather because the King not only seeks those who take arms, but enquires after and apprehends those who assist the afflicted Protestants with money or otherwise. I enclose a copy of the Prince of Condé's letter 'directed' to the King at his parting : and Mr Wade has, to show you, a copy translated into English of the King of Navarre's protestation [qy. No. 311.] I likewise send the Edict now set out by the Court of Parliament for levying on the enclosed towns enough money to pay the wages of 50,000 footmen. Preparations are made to besiege la Fère. The King issues many commissions for levying armed men in sundry provinces, especially Languedoc, Provence, Burgundy, Champagne, and Picardy. Monsieur is still at Tours, but I hear goes from thence to visit the Duke of Montpensier, and so passes on to Angiers. As yet he continues to treat of peace with the King of Navarre. But the King has so limited his commission that small fruit is looked for. The three commissioners for the Low Countries continue with him. The King of Spain went to Badajos on the 20th ult., where he has given order for the dividing of his army by sea into three parts, the largest to make its entry by the mouth of the Tajo beside Lisbon, while the others keep the coast of Africa and that toward Galicia. On the other side the Portuguese have put themselves in order for their defence, and it is reported to-day that the King has entered the frontier of Portugal ; but I have seen no letter of it. I have dealt with Lord Hamilton according to her Majesty's instructions. He has written and assured her of his service, but is loth as yet that he and his brother should be both together in England ; upon mistrust that Lord Morton has too great friends there. I daily await the coming of the Italian from Milan, whom in your last letter you wished me to send for. I suppose that Mr Wade's service and devotion to you are so well known that I need not recommend him ; but I should be beholden to you if by your means he might become the Queen's sworn servant, for he 'attends only upon' such favours as you may bestow on him, having always belonged to you only. If you like, he may stand me in very good stead for the Queen's service in these times. I have enlarged to him my mind to deliver to you on the state of this country.—Paris, 9 June 1580. P.S.—By the enclosed [see No. 288] you may perceive how well Lord Percy can write French ; which I suppose will like you, and give his father great content. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France IV. 86.]
May 23. Enclosed in the above (or in the following) :—
319. Copy of the PRINCE OF CONDÉ'S LETTER to the KING.
I trust that by my demeanour since I came into these quarters (as also before) I have given your Majesty so good testimony of the zeal and affection which I have always borne towards the maintenance of the peace of this realm, that you may easily perceive it was not through my fault if everything has not been ordered by the greatness of your authority, nor passed according to your upright and godly intention, whereof it has pleased you to give me often knowledge by exhorting me to observe your edicts. Whereupon I laid such sure foundation that I never doubted but it were most easy for you to conform to them all those who being led by their passions would by any sinister practice draw your subject to a new inflaming of their minds and irreconcileable hatred, as I have before advertised you. Now likewise since the King of Navarre has been constrained to take arms, the League of the province have daily renewed their practices to entrap me, in such sort that seeing in your Majesty a present demonstration of peace, and a determined purpose of war in the hearts of those of the League, the desire of the one and the fear of the other have always warned me to have an ear to the wind and an eye to the field, to discover their secret devices ; knowing so well their intention on all sides to entrap me, and that without your knowledge, and in contempt of your authority they pursued their devices, your Majesty not being able to take such order therein as you desired ; as you have now by this bearer signified to me, and that you knew nothing of the assembly of those of the League. In the end, to my great grief, I am resolved for the necessity of the affairs of the party which I 'hold on,' and to avoid danger to my person, to withdraw into 'Almany' ; which I do in order to employ all the means I may against those of the League, and all who abusing your authority would help themselves therewith to work my overthrow. Most humbly beseeching you to be persuaded that in Almany as well as elsewhere I will never be directed from the duty I owe you, and will be always ready to receive some perfect peace at your hands.— La Fère, 23rd May 1580. Translated. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 86a.]
June 9. 320. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Since the departure of the Prince on Whitsunday evening towards Germany, the opinion of the troubles increases, and preparations appear every way. On leaving la Fère the Prince wrote to the King, of which I send you a copy. He has left M. la Personne, M. de Mouy, and M. de Ruze for captains and governors in la Fère with a sufficient garrison, lest it should be attempted after his departure. The opinion is it will shortly be besieged, for preparations to that purpose are being made. The King caused an edict to be made in Parliament on the 6th inst. decreeing that all who shall bring into his realms forces of strangers, or assist them in any way with money or otherwise, shall be 'enquired on' and proceeded against as rebels, with confiscation of their goods in more rigorous manner than has been heretofore accustomed. In this edict he has protested much of his desire to continue the peace. Lately at one of their councils, which was held privately, the Count of Retz, as I am informed, 'delivered' how the Protestants were to be 'understood and considered on' by these four points. First, that now they had no religion nor use of it left among themselves. Secondly, they had no principal heads or chiefs. Thirdly, they had small means or power. Fourthly, they were confined to two provinces, Languedoc and Guienne. Whereas the King had a strong party and most of the strongest towns at his devotion. Whereon he concluded it was easy to overthrow them. So divers judge that affairs are being temporised here rather that they may enter into war jointly with their confederates than with any better mind. The King since the Prince's departure, has sent M. de 'Braglion' into Germany to 'Chamberg' ; whence it is advertised that a packet of the King's to Schomberg has been intercepted, and copies of it delivered abroad in Germany ; in which there appeared the King's order to him to levy reiters, and his meaning to address himself to the wars. M. de Beaufontaine was sent by Monsieur into Germany, at the King's request, to require the staying of the reiters who are to serve the Protestants. He is returned, and reports that 3,000 were in readiness. M. de Laval has passed into Germany very privily, and M. de Rohan is gone to Rochelle. It is signified to me that the young Count of Montgomery has taken M. de Gourdes, Treasurer of Guyenne, with some money. He is set at 10,000 crowns ransom. Those of the religion in Languedoc take such small towns as they may compass, so that the passage grows very dangerous. A gentleman of Monsieur was lately slain by thieves as he passed with a packet to the King of Navarre. In it was enclosed the power to treat for peace which the King had sent lately to the Duke of Anjou by M. Rambouillet. This packet was not taken but left untouched, and Rambouillet remains with Monsieur, apparently about according the affairs concerning the appearing of the public troubles and also for the 'agreeing' of the Dukes of Montpensier and Nevers. It is much bruited that Montpensier repairs to Paris, but there is small appearance of it unless Monsieur should guide him to the Court. Of this there is no present speech ; but rather that he returns towards 'Aingers,' to visit Montpensier on the way. The King has given Biron commission to besiege Bazas ; yet there was lately but small force in readiness for that purpose, unless he draws some of their 'commonalty' out of Bordeaux, and taken with him part of their artillery and munitions. Châtillon as yet overmatches Montmorency ; and lately Beziers, one of his richest towns, is revolted and the townsmen stand on their guard. A person who has some credit with Monsieur 'discoursed' to me lately that in every state it is greatly to be thought on how far the establishing of the succession 'imports' every realm. The dangers not long since of Poland and now the imminent troubles of Portugal were enough to open the eyes of any good patriot. They might serve for example to France and other places ; as if any 'change of life' should befall the King and Monsieur, there were some who would pretend their claim from St. Louis, and others from Charlemagne, which party had already well fashioned their affairs in France. He proceeded so far as to touch our case in England. Leaving that point he assured me that the Dukes of Maine and Aumale had intelligence with those of the League of Picardy and were willing enough to oppose the Prince. He lamented a little that while Fervacques was sent from Monsieur to negotiate some accord with the King of Navarre, in the mean time they of the Religion seized a town ; concluding that if the King of Navarre did not follow Monsieur's opinion he might thoroughly endanger his estate and those of the Religion, and was like to stand presently in very evil terms. Moreover, he 'uttered' how the Duke of Guise had taken in hand an enterprise which Monsieur had impeached ; but though I requested him, he would not discover which way it was meant, but answered in such 'staggering sort' to my demands that by conjecture 'I had cause in my conceit' to mistrust it was meant in places that side of the sea, it might be in Scotland. The King is seeking 'by means' to disunite the commonalty in Province and Dauphiné from those of the Religion who are confederated. The affairs of the Marquisate of Saluces stand on such evil terms that if the King should seek to alter the present government or displace the captain, he would perceive what small authority he has there. In this state it seems the affairs of France stand at the present day. By the last letters from Spain they certify that King Philip, continuing his 'pretensed' enterprise towards Portugal, removed on May 18 from Guadalupe to Merida, thence next to Lybona [? Lobao], a small village, and came on the 20th to Badajos, whence he proposes to enter Portugal ; having answered the Portuguese ambassadors that he will not stay the pleading of his right, since it is so clear. He has appointed the Duke of Alva to be lieutenant-general of his army, the Prior, Don Fernando de Toledo, his general of the horse, the Marquis 'di Santa Croce' general of the galleys, the Marquis of Ayamonte 'proveditor' and commissary-general, the Marquis of Mondejar general of the company of Naples, the Count of Pliego captain of the horsemen, Don 'Piedro di Medicis' general of the Italian footmen, the Duke of Brunswick general of the Almaynes. Don Liego de Cordova, master of the horse, will carry the standard before the king, 'whose Majesty' minds to enter Portugal by four ways ; that is, the Duke of Medina with 5,000 foot and 1,400 horse by the county of Ayamonte, the Duke del Infantasgo with 6,000 foot and 2,000 horse by 'the city Rodrigo,' the Count of Monderey, Marquis of Sara, Count Ribadania and the Bishop of Tuy by Galicia with 8,000 foot, and himself with his Captain-general, the Duke of Alva, with 15,000 foot and 6,000 horse by Badajos. The galleys and ships will be this month divided into three parts ; the greatest number will pass towards the river Tajo, which goes up to Lisbon, the 'other' part will sail toward the north of Portugal along the coast toward Galicia, the third is to keep by the coast of Africa. The king has left his queen at 'Libona.' By letters of last month from Strasburg I hear that Casimir has been to visit his brother and the Duke of 'Wittembergh,' who were with their wives 'in' the baths at 'Bada' ; and thence came to Strasburg, where staying two days he returned to 'Kaisar Luther.' On the way M. Sarrasin, the Prince of Condé's secretary, met him, and so went to Kaisar Luther, where they found M. de Huguerie and de Guitry, agents for the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé. There is likewise Count Rocheguyon ; and it certainly appears that Casimir is preparing for the levy of reiters. There is a gentleman of the Duke of Guise who seeks conference with Casimir, not to the 'contentation' of his friends. There have been lately with the Elector Palatine at his house the three Archbishops Electors, the Bishop of Strasburg, the Bishop of Basle and the Duke of 'Wittemberg.'—Paris, 9 June 1580. Add. Endd. by Walsingham : From Sir H. Cobham. The occurrents. 3 pp. [France IV. 87.]
June 9. 321. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
The Lady de la Noue has been with me, whose sorrowful care is greatly to be pitied and considered. I beseech you that this letter may serve for a memorial to 'bestow your speeches' to her Majesty whereby she may be stirred to save the life and recover the liberty of that worthy Christian and rare gentleman, to whom the Christian Church is bound for his travails, and all nobility and knights, for his 'clear value,' are obliged by their profession to have in consideration. Therefore methinks it should not be so easily suffered that the enemies to his zealous religion may triumph and use their outrage on so singular a person. In times past men's minds have been virtuously moved to do great things for such causes as the preservation of so valiant and rare a gentleman. I beseech you to excuse me if I express my earnestness herein something more than enough, since he deserves it, and whatever I could write, say, or do. Captain del Bene was sent hence about the 4th inst. by the king to the Prince of Orange to seek means for the deliverance of M. de la Noue. Before he went, he was sworn gentleman of the king's chamber. I send his letter, which bears date when he had been appointed and then stayed again. Mme de la Noue uses many means. She is sending M. Bellefleur, who is to pass first into England. Cardinal Riario, the legate from Rome, has made his journey along the 'Levant coast,' and through the Duke of Savoy's territories ; and passes by Narboune, and so by Perpignan into Spain. I have dispatched Mr Wade with this, to be received by you according to the affectionate humble duty he bears you, beseeching you to lay on him as my dear friend some of the favours which you might bestow on me if I were there ; and that you will present him to her Majesty with so good recommendations that he may be accepted as her sworn servant, since he has already 'showed to serve her' carefully in other parts this side the sea, and continues disposed to obey her further commands. I should be glad to know in what way I might deserve your further good will ; therefore I beseech I may receive your mind by this gentleman, which I will accomplish accordingly.—Paris, 9 June 1580. P.S.—I beseech that Mr Wade may be returned with the first dispatch. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 88.]