Elizabeth: July 1580, 1-5

Pages 328-341

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 14, 1579-1580. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

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July 1580, 1-5

July 1. 346. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
I was advertised by a letter from Mr Stafford that her Majesty wished me to let their Majesties here understand how she thought it convenient he should first go and declare his message to Monsieur, being a matter specially concerning the answer to his particular requests. The king and Queen Mother did not mislike this, but seemed content therewith ; with such words as I have written at large to her Majesty. At that audience the king and Queen informed me of the Prince of Condé's being in England, and the king desired me to write to her Majesty thereof and entreat her that he might receive no such encouragement as might increase the troubling of his state. I assured him if it were so, she would shew herself to have that same regard as she had done with M. Bouchart, so that he might rest satisfied. Now since, upon the other command I received in your last letter I have informed their Majesties in what sort her Majesty has granted access to the Prince ; which they like, and seem to conceive hope that he will not receive any great relief, declaring that because he could not obtain the levies of the reiters he sought in Germany, therefore he resorted to England and requesting that her Majesty would speedily send him away. The king most earnestly protested he meant the maintenance of the Edicts, for proof whereof he had suffered all that had passed, and would do more if it would stand with his honour. Yet he would rather die with his sword in his hand than forsake such of his subjects as daily had their goods robbed, and patiently abided his further orders. Howbeit if the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé would leave their arms and return dutifully, he would accept them, having given his brother ample power to make peace. I took occasion twice or thrice to make offer of her Majesty's will to be the means for the renewing of a pacification. It was still answered with thanks and insisted that he had 'betaken' the means to pacify these troubles to Monsieur. The general judgement is the king would have no wars ; and surely those of his own opinion condemn him in speech for his slow dealing. On the other side there are persons that are 'singularly affected in' Religion who mislike this enterprise of the King of Navarre ; and as I am informed, there are sundry towns in Languedoc and Provence which will not contribute nor have intelligence with these princes for the war. I hear the Rochellois make profession of the like. I am informed that since this last sending of Monsieur to the king by M. de Surein, and upon the message which Fervacques brought from the King of Navarre to his Highness, the king is again inclined to 'hearken after' the appeasing of all those causes ; but with this condition, that all those towns be restored to the king which the Protestants have taken since the Prince left St. Jean d'Angely. It was yesterday propounded that, if the king pleased, it might seem more 'indifferent' to consent that the towns taken by the Protestants may be delivered into the Duke of Alençon's hands as in deposito, being the son and heir of France. Whereon hope is conceived that this will bring forth either some further confidence and therewith peace, or else a deeper and more apparent diffidence. Howbeit, it is judged that this will be accepted to be the means. As for the King of Navarre, he has, I hear, 'betaken' his causes to Monsieur. I alleged earnestly to the king the judgement which was made of this action undertaken by the princes of the Religion, which was that extremity and despair of their safety, many ways put in doubt, forced them to venture their lives' estates with these troubles. The king answered that he ever looked into their complaints, and found them grounded much upon jealousies, or stirred by their own provocations. I said their enemies had this high advantage over them, that they had access to his person, and they stood in such terms that they might not approach. Their religion condemned in his opinion, their injuries slowly and 'overthwartly' considered, because his commands were somewhat cunningly obeyed by some who perhaps were high in authority. Lastly, those princes of his blood did not enjoy their governments in the honourable sort that appertained to them. Whereunto the king answered that the cause of the stir was not now for religion, but proceeded from mere rebellion, for in matters of conscience nothing had been attempted, nor since this new disorder had he anywhere forbidden their exercise of preaching. As concerning their injuries, they 'had and do' offer such that his whole realm laments his 'tardance' in doing revenge and justice. As for their governments he thought no absolute prince would put his country and towns into the hands of such as had moved factions and rebellions in his dominions. He said this with great earnestness as one well informed and ready to answer in his own affairs. Therefore finding him thus bent, I desired Queen Mother to help me with her gracious intreaty towards his Majesty. She said she had laboured in their behalf, but found her son much 'injuried,' and that the King of Navarre had been too easily stirred by four or five hot Gascon heads about him. I ended with this intreaty, that since the Queen had made this open demonstration and 'extraordinary partial disposition' in 'disgrace' of those of the Religion, they might thereon be moved to show some new mercy and consideration towards these princes, and so with great satisfaction to themselves and to the world, restore them to their favour, and suppress the new beginning tumults. —Paris, 1 July, 1580. P.S.—I am informed that the message of the King of Navarre, sent by Fervacques to Monsieur, and confirmed by la Rocque, has been two days in consultation, but not yet concluded on ; for the king urges instantly the restoration of la Fère, Mende and Cahors. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France IV. 104.]
Though I do not answer separately all the letters which I daily receive from you, please do not impute it to any lack of good will or regard for you, but to my imperfection in the language, of which I confess I am so ill-provided that I have almost left off writing to you in it. Not that I do not esteem them as highly reasonable and embrace them as just, being so assured of your zealous affection towards the Queen. In some discourse which I lately had with her, I let her know your great care for her health in sending your people so often to enquire how she was in her late sickness, and your wish for her recovery. With such words I assured her of your sincere affection to her, as much as any of her own subjects, and more than some. Whereto she answered that she had long known and felt it, and with other gracious words [Eng. version with great and long speeches] showed herself marvellously content with your dealings in all your actions ; commanding me to let you know it from her, which is the reason why I am now writing. I pray you therefore to receive this declaration from me as showing her inward conception of your friendship to her estate, as not inferior to that of the noblest of her subjects, which I wish you may continue. As for the Prince of Condé's negotiation, I assure you that he is gone without other satisfaction than from the honourable treatment which he received ; being advised by her Majesty to seek peace by all means, through the clemency of the king his sovereign, doing which, she has promised to use all means in all power with the king. [Struck out : To this effect I think she intends shortly to send Mr Middlemore, a gentleman of her chamber, to his Majesty.] Nor can you show any better effect of your good affection to the Queen than by employing all the means that you have in France to bring about the change of the king's indignation to a royal and paternal commiseration for his poor subjects ; thus driving away the imminent war by recalling the lady Peace, who has long been exiled. By this act, truly worthy of such a prince, his realm which is now ever losing its ancient splendour and happiness, having formerly been reputed one of the most flourishing realms of Europe, and now torn by this last intestine war, by the return of peace will recover its former credit and honour. Thus begging you to pardon my clumsy (grosse) manner of writing, I assure you that I wish no worse to France than to England ; but I would not wish any good to France which may cause harm to our poor [alt. to my country of] England. Draft in a secretary's hand, corrected by Burghley. Endd. (with date) with four [Walsingham's mark]. Fr. 2½ pp. [France IV. 106.]
July 1. 348. English draft of the above, in Burghley's hand. Endd. with four [Walsingham's mark]. 2 pp. [Ibid. IV. 107.]
July 2. 349. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
Mr Travers being bound for England I would not omit to send a word by him, praying you and your wife to continue us—that is to my wife, myself, and Marie—in your good graces, and to tell you that Mr Travers has so acquitted himself in his office that he is in good odour not only with your people but with ours, and that we should wish his absence not to be long. I wish this not because I think you have any doubt of it, but because I think it my duty to commend him, and in order to pray you to exhort him to return as soon as he possibly can. We have no great news at present, except that we have no great means on either side to do each other much harm unless by surprise, wherein it seems to me that our enemies are not the stronger ; at all events they have not had much success so far. Nor considering how they have been handled on their way toward Brussels, and especially at Bouchain, do I think he will touch us for a long time. There are still at Bouchain 260 prisoners of quality, all noblemen or burghers. Disaster has fallen on Douay. They have sent a flag of truce with a roll of 800 citizens whom they miss [? demandent], of whom at least 400 were killed on the spot ; among them is the company of young men, all of good family—so much so that the ransom of the survivors will amount to more than 100,000 florins, apart from the lords and gentlemen ; and if the Governor soon receives the letters that are being sent him, they will not get out immediately.—Antwerp, 2 July, 1580. P.S.—I added in the margin of my letter to Sir F. Walsingham a week ago that M. de Rassenghien was taken prisoner. A soldier from Bouchain assured me of it, but he took the Governor of Douay only for the Governor-General of Lille, Douay, and Orchies. Please let Sir F. Walsingham know this. Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 34.]
July 2. 350. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
Having heard from Mr Stafford your Majesty's pleasure that I should certify the king of your sending him to Monsieur with directions to communicate your mind first to his Highness as a matter more peculiarly pertaining to him, I 'procured' to have access to their Majesties. Which being on the same day granted, I repaired to 'St. Moro,' a house of Queen Mother's building about five miles from Paris, where they first brought me to her. I informed her how, having heard tell of her sickness, you had commanded me to visit her and show her grief at the indisposition of her health. Therefore, to satisfy you, I came to wait on her to receive from her own mouth the assurance of her recovery. She first lamented the cold, cough, and 'murre' wherewith she had been, and is yet, somewhat diseased ; acknowledging with many gracious words the sundry friendly demonstrations you have shewn towards her, so far that nothing could be required, saving in one matter, that is the desired resolution of her son's suit, which they expected to fall out according to their wish. Therewith she said : 'You see, Ambassador, into what matters I ever fall,' and so enforced that purpose with many earnest words. I then declared how I was likewise commanded to let her know how it had seemed convenient to you to send Mr Stafford to Monsieur, with commission to impart certain affairs touching his own particular desires ; wherein you wished he might be first satisfied, and subsequently their Majesties made privy thereto ; hoping that they would like this manner of your proceeding with her son. She seemed in countenance to be content with it, and saying she was pleased that the matter yet continued, since it appeared your Majesty liked to entertain the services of Monsieur, whereby she hoped to receive some comfortable fruit. With this she enquired whether the Prince of Condé was in England. I told her that I could not signify so much to her. She certified me that M. Mauvissière had written of it. His servant was come to the Court that morning, and she and the king with some others of the Council were in conference about the letters he brought ; wherein I hear he had 'enlarged' the negotiations of Monseigneur passed there, and certified the manner, place, and company wherewith and whereat the Prince arrived. Thence I was accompanied to the king, to whom, since he had likewise been sick, and was at that instant not thoroughly well, I performed the like 'offices of visitation' which I had used to the Queen. I 'consequently' imparted further to him, as I had done to his mother. He said he hoped that after his brother had been contented with the news which Mr Stafford brought, he would impart it to him ; meanwhile he would rest with the desire he has had, and thinks himself bound to you for the continuance of your good demonstrations towards him and Monsieur. He required me to signify to you how he had been advertised that the Prince of Condé had arrived in England, with whom he hoped you would so deal that it might appear he should not receive further satisfaction than the strait amity between you might comport, nor that he should be animated to persist and enforce his manner of disobedient dealing. I said I thought he might be assured that if the Prince of Condé happened to come into your realms you would proceed in like manner as with M. Bouchart, so that though the first appearance might move suspicion the consequent confident clear dealing would fortify a further goodwill between your Majesties, since you not only misliked the taking of arms, but left them to the king's mercy, in which sort only you would give such comfort to their cause as to mitigate his indignation against them and so obtain them grace, to persuade for a peace, and shew the fervent desire you have that his dominions were restored to an assured repose. After I had made thus much of my dispatch to your Majesty, I received your further commands by a letter from Sir Francis Walsingham, upon occasion whereof I have declared to their Majesties, finding them in one chamber 'set' together, how for avoiding the opinions which sundry curious devisers would frame on the receiving of the Prince of Condé, you had commanded me to signify to them how you found the Prince's arrival very strange, being come into your realm without your foreknowledge. Therewith you had acquainted M. Mauvissière, sending for him to be present when the Prince first had access to your presence, that he might not only see what passed, but hear what was delivered in speech ; whereby the cause of his repair and the favours he sought should not be hidden from their Majesties. And since, it seems, many grievous complaints are alleged, showing bad attempts moved and indignities offered to the person of the King of Navarre and the Prince, as also that those of the Religion have been 'streighted of their exercise' and in some places cruelly murdered, your Highness wished him to 'put in ure' the intention of his royal mind, professing the maintenance of the public peace ; which might the more happily succeed if those were somewhat removed from his favour who under the cloak of his good service procured the expense of his treasure, the grieving of his ancient nobility, the impoverishing of his subjects, and with his own forces weakened his estate. But as I acknowledged his own wisdom to be such that all was better understood by him, I did not presume to deal in the particulars. Your intention was to show your desire for the appeasing of these troubles in France, wherein you could be content to employ yourself in such sort as might be agreeable to them ; not meaning to interpose in their affairs otherwise than they shall like and embrace. I received many thankful words from them both for this manner of dealing. The king said you infinitely bound him therein ; he desired that you might persuade the Prince to return to France, and that he might not receive means whereby he might be enabled to do otherwise. My answer was that as you had openly received the Prince, so you would not suffer anything to pass more privately which might discontent them or 'annoy their quiet.' Now, however, that you had thus, as it might be said, shown yourself 'slow affected' towards the Prince and others of the Religion, it seems 'princely done' if they should make a new demonstration of grace upon this frank friendship shown by you, whereby the mutual amity would be better known to your subjects and those of France ; and I besought the Queen Mother to help with her entreaty to the king. But they agreed in desiring that the Prince might be returned to Rochelle, and so to Saint-Jean d'Angely. I said he had power to move your Majesty any way herein ; but it seemed that could not well be offered to the Prince, considering that all persons in misery are in some way to be succoured, and not suffered to return to the fire wherein they burnt. If they would make a new show of their especial grace I thought you would deal for their satisfaction so far as might be. To this the king said that he had given his brother ample power to renew the pacifiction ; yielding you thanks for your favours, counsels and offers, which he would 'enforce himself' to deserve.— Paris, 2 July 1580. 4 pp. France IV. 108.
July 2. 351. COBHAM to [the SECRETARIES].
Since Mr Stafford's departure I have no further news from Monsieur's Court at Tours, other than that he remains there hearkening to the affairs of Flanders with the commissioners ; of whom M. 'Langetus' is returned this way to Flanders. I could not learn any particulars from him, other than that his Highness was ready, upon their resolutions and the Queen's liking, to take the enterprise in hand ; especially if he might see a perfect peace established in France. So his ministers give out that all his further proceedings depend on the Queen's pleasure. Sundry of his gentlemen sent hither lately have 'used courteous visitations' to me, they say by his order. There was a bruit spread of his being here ; which, however, I find only a suspicion, both by some diligence which I used here and by what I have enquired from thence. Three hundred shot are gone from hence toward Cambray, to lie in garrison there by his order. I suppose that the particulars of the defeat beside 'Bucheine,' where M. de Selles and others were taken prisoners, have long since been certified to you. Yesterday M. d'Arques and la Valette, two of the king's minions, departed towards la Fère, having received 20,000 crowns apiece in money, besides certain pieces of cloth of silver and gold which the king gave them the night of their parting at Sr Diacetto's house. These favourites have bestowed a horse and armour, with 100 crowns apiece, on every gentlemen that goes in their company. Some of the captains of the guards 'pretend' to repair to the siege, so that it is thought there will be much nobility, of courtiers and others. The gentlemen of Picardy disliked at first to be commanded by Marshal Matignon, but they are now through these courtiers, coming better encouraged. About 60 pieces of artillery for the battery have been sent from sundry places, and store of other munitions, but not above 2,000 foot are yet amassed over and above the king's guards and certain pioniers. The soldiers serve that way most unwillingly, the rather since in their opinion there is hope of some action in Flanders. Those within la Fere are very well victualled and have sold much wheat and other victuals to buy wine. A new supply of French gentlemen have come out of Flanders, bringing with them 200 shot under M. d'Argenlieu. Finding on the way 100 pioniers they took them and brought them to la Fère. It is judged to be a hard enterprise. M. de Reume, one of the chiefs of the League in Picardy, has received such a repulse at Court in his suit that he has returned to his house much discontented, and has taken his son, who served the king, as a page. M. Biron has gone to the siege of Bazas, which is not strong. The King of Navarre has left 800 shot there for the defence, seeking means to gather forces to 'levy' the siege, which he will hardly compass. Ths failure of the surprise of Blaye upon Garonne has greatly discouraged those of the Religion thereabout. 'Count Thuraine' remains about Brieu le Gaillard [Brives-la-Gaillarde.] The Governor of Lyons is preparing companies to march toward Dauphiné. In this sort France is afflicted and torn with these civil dissensions. The Earl of Westmoreland has lately been at 'Rohan' [Rouen], and returned hither the 25 ult. He is lodged at a banker's house, a Florentine called Mattya [ ] adjoining the house of Eliano Calvi, where is lodged Navaretto, a Spanish contador, who was sent by the Prince of Parma about affairs at Calais and 'Rohan'; he says, to provide money among those Spanish merchants by whom the Earl of Westmorland is entertained and succoured with money. Dr. Goldwell, sometime Bishop of 'St. Asse,' and Dr. Morton, were come hither to repair into England, but upon secret warning have returned to Rheims, having seen over some young priests, who are spread abroad. The Bishop of Ross goes to be the Cardinal of Bourbon's suffragan at Rouen, where there has for a long time been none. He says he would live retiredly there in his devotions, hoping to receive a good turn from the Cardinal hereafter. The Spanish king has not as yet entered Portugal. Cardinal d'Este is retired to Venice, commanded from Rome by the Pope, for having received into his house one that had committed a murder, and refusing to deliver him at the Pope's command. This King has written to the Pope very earnestly that he will withdraw his ambassador from Rome if he continues in this dealing towards the Cardinal.—Paris, 2 July 1580. 2 pp. [France IV. 109.]
With great grief I notify you of the miserable chance happened to Best ; which passed in this way. John Wells having come by 6 o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, June 29, I caused Best to repair to 'St. Moro' where the Court is, to have audience granted to me ; which he did, but they deferred me because the king had ridden out 'upon other occasions', so that Secretary Pinart wished him to return the next day. This Best determined to do, and spoke of his intention overnight. Next morning, about 4, a young fellow of mine went out of my house with a gentleman. When they had got so far only as the corner of Montpensier's house, they were suddenly assailed by four persons, and the gentleman was compassed round about, viewed, and spoken to. The young fellow came back and called to have the gate opened. The boy who had shut it, hearing him, cried in the court of my house that men had beset the house. With that some were awakened, and Best first went down 'on this sudden' in his shirt and nightgown, without any weapon, going to the gates ; which they opened to see what was done to those who had gone out. They could not see the young fellow nor the gentleman : whereon Best spying some standing at the corner, said he would go to enquire what had happened. He was 'willed' to stay, for he was without weapons, his gown being girded-to with his girdle and a little gilt dagger thereat, saying that he would not go far [sic]. When he saw those at the corner stir, he went back, but they made fast towards him, he still retiring. One of the boys of the kitchen, who was lodged near the gate, went out to Best with a sword drawn, which Best took from his hand. Upon this, and the boy's calling for help at the gate, the others in the house who were lodged far within, rose ; and in the mean time he defended himself with a sword. The boy who went to the gate brought out a halberd, but thus quickly being come near the house two of them discharged their dags, one shot of which passed into his body below the navel. This done, they fled, and Best returned into the house complaining that he was slain ; and so being carried to a bed, he died within an hour. His speech failed him as soon as he was within the house ; howbeit I caused him to be so dealt with that he recovered his speech and knowledge so far as to call on the help of God, desiring me and others to pray for him. And with that good remembrance and quietness of spirit he passed out of this mortal life ; leaving to me great grief for the loss of a friend and servant whom I found daily more and more willing and loving to me. With this chance there are risen sundry opinions and conjectures, which I leave to God to do His good will. I sent at once to the Court for audience that morning, and desired my messenger to tell Secretary Pinart thereof. The king straightway gave orders to M. Richelieu, le Grand Prevost, and to the Prevost des Marchands, to use all diligence to seek and apprehend the murderers. Meantime I sent for the Coroners to view the body, and the Commissary to follow those who had committed the act, employing my servants and other English gentlemen about it. It seemed that diligence was used therein. One of their scabbards was found and some trace of blood ; it appeared one of them was hurt. But hitherto nothing else has been perceived. M. Richelieu thinks that they were watching to murder one in the next house ; but I see no ground for this, considering they stood so that they might very well discover my first men coming out of the house, and let them pass after speaking to them and thoroughly viewing them, desiring the one who had drawn his sword to put it up. They had nothing to say to them, but incontinently assaulted Best, pursuing him to the house with open faces and great boldness, divers being then stirring, and one or two meeting them as they went away. It passed on such a sudden, and so unlooked for, that every one was exceedingly amazed with the chance and grief. It may be at this instant, having the enterprise of la Fère in hand against those of the Religion, and upon hearing tell of the Prince of Condé's repair into England, they may 'mistrust how' some one of the Religion resorted to the English ambassador secretly, whom they would be glad to have entrapped ; for three or four mornings before there were some who in like sort from the same place assaulted one who came out of my house, viewing him, but doing no other harm. Therefore now, whether Best said anything afar off to provoke them, or was the person sought, does not clearly appear. It has been seen, they say, that both late in the evening, after my gates were shut, and early in the morning, there have been some walking not far from the house, as is now reported, so that doubts are cast, and divers opinions conceived of their watching in that place. I know not what to judge or seek herein, but refer to the judgement of the honourable and wise sort ; wishing that the truth were known that no wrong might be done with further suspicions than truth imported.—Paris, 2 July, 1580. 2 pp. [Ibid IV. 110.]
I have received your kind letter, and see from it that you do not find mine unacceptable. They are to avoid any importuning of you by word of mouth, if I were to speak to you as often as I should like. But I know you are always very busy in the service of the Queen and the public weal of the realm, while my leisure is plentiful, as of a man who for most of his time has nothing to do but admire the virtues of her Majesty, as the most rare princess of her sex in the world. I did not think that my letters to you deserved to be shown to her ; it is too great favour to their author. May she accept my good will, and what little service I do to maintain a perfect amity between our Sovereigns. The real way is not to take the part of factious subjects against their lord ; and I promise you, sir, the Queen has done what will turn to her great honour and profit in dismissing the Prince of Condé with no other aid and favour than advice to make peace, and seek the King's grace and withdraw himself from subjection to those who would cover faction with the cloak of religion. I am sure that you have not spared your prudent advice, which I shall follow by all the means I can think of, writing to their Majesties, and to Monsieur, who I am told has a singular desire to pacify things. If there be any default, it will be from the Huguenots, unless necessity force them to obey reason. You know what is the authority of monarchs, who will have neither master nor companion ; and whenever it is wished to plant religion by force of arms, on whatever side it may be, at the cost of a neighbour's blood and life, God is not on that side. The body as you know can be tormented by blows and imprisonment, made to endure hardship, killed by hunger, heat or cold ; but the spirit, in which are the faith and the belief, is not of this quality. It can endure no greater pain than to be urged to believe by force, and the noblest belief is that which proceeds from affection. But pardon my pen, which has already taken some freedom of writing to you, honouring you, as I do, as my own father. And I will beg you in conclusion to kiss her Majesty's hand on my behalf, and beseech her at her convenience and without importuning her, to let me wait on her, on the recovery of her health ; which I did not venture to desire when she was ill, though in a pleasant fancy I was always waiting on her, in the quality of ambassador, and of a private and loyal servant, as I am and ever will be to her. Thus I will make my confidence to you, as one of her most faithful councillors. Counsel her then, I pray you, that the marriage between her and the king's brother is and will be peace for France and England, and all Christendom. He who gives her other counsel is neither a good Englishman nor a good Frenchman, nor impelled by the public weal. Wherewith I will conclude this letter, which calls for much more excuse than yours, which I have sent to the king for him to see the evidence of so great a councillor that the Prince of Condé has received no other favour here than good treatment, as a prince of France, and good advice from her Majesty to seek peace and the king's grace, to render him the obedience that is due ; as I pray God he may do.—London, in my 'free prison,' this Sunday, 3 July, 1580. I will add to this letter that the one thing which I so much dread is to anger her Majesty or arouse her suspicion by speaking of the Queen of Scots and her affairs, as it is not an agreeable subject to her. She is however so good and prudent, and of so noble nature, that she will always let herself be persuaded in matters of reason and truth, and not by artificial pleas for keeping the Queen of Scots always out of her favour, now more than ever the design of some persons, as she says. The said Queen has always been so willing to think this that it had made her believe in her liberation, and that at a time which seems to me unsuitable for it. I put her letters into your hands as an adviser, whom I have believed to be full of sincerity without passion, in the service of your mistress. You yourself presented the letters of the Queen of Scots to her. I have never importuned for an answer ; but I have freely written to her how wrong she would be to employ one sous of her dowry in assisting the rebels and bad subjects of England, a thing of which she would clear herself, and prove the contrary, as you will see if you please, by the letters she writes to her Majesty. Of this I send you a copy that you may see it, and present the original to her, since this letter depends on the other which you have already handed to her. I send you also what she writes to me about it, that you may make such use of it as you please, and say a word, if you see a fit moment, about the journey to the baths for her health ; for she says it is the only way to cure her, and that the Earl of Shrewsbury can very well answer for her actions and behaviour. I do not address myself to the Secretaries, for I find them by no means disposed to speak for the Queen of Scots, so I do not importune them. I will do the same by you if you do not like to take the trouble. But you can see better than I her Majesty's disposition towards the Queen of Scots, and judge what is reasonable, what not, what should be refused, what may be granted honourably and safely to both. I think too the Queen of Scots will adapt herself quietly to her present state if she could be assured that her enemies would have no power to hurt her, nor give her Majesty a bad opinion of her, and would be contented with anything. Add. Endd. 3 pp. Fr. [France IV. 111.]
I have communicated your last letter to her Majesty, and have given her that of the Queen of Scots. She has commanded me to let you know that though she has recovered her health she is thoroughly hoarse, which causes her so much trouble in speaking that she could not in words testify to her health. Therefore she would be vexed if you were to come before she is able out of her own mouth to assure you of her convalescence. And though she has not yet read the Queen of Scots' letter, you shall have the answer to it when you come, for she knows the contents very well from the summary I have given her. Next Wednesday, as I think, she will be very glad for you to come to Court. She says she sent my nephew Hoby to call on you from her. For your sending my last letter into France, I am partly sorry, partly glad ; sorry that my rude manner of writing should come to the notice of so great a king, glad that you could thereby take occasion to let him know that you knew that her Majesty would not favour the Prince of Condé on his coming hither. Her Majesty has thereby certainly deserved that the king should shew all the more favour to the Prince and the common cause because she has abstained from showing any. This I hope will proceed voluntarily from the king, and the effect will then be the more lasting.—From the Court, 4 July, 1580. Draft, with corrections in Burghley's hand. Endd. with three [Walsingham's mark] Fr. 1 p. [France IV. 112.]
July 5. 355. Formation of an Artillery Depot at Antwerp. 'Extract from the register of resolutions passed by the States-General of the Netherlands, 5 July, 1580.' To write to those of Antwerp that his Excellency and the States have decided to place there an arsenal or store of artillery ; for which shall be employed the five guns just come from Brussels, also three which Brussels is to provide, etc. Other depôts to be established at Ghent and Amsterdam. A list follows : besides those mentioned are Mechlin ; one demi-cannon ; Ghent, one cannon, two demi-cannon ; Amsterdam, a cannon and a demi-culverin ; Rotterdam, two demi-culverins ; 51 pieces in all. Places not in a position to furnish artillery are expected to find cash, at the rate of 1,700 florins for a cannon, 1,200 for a demi-cannon, 1,200 for a culverin, 700 for a demi-culverin. Copy. Endd. Flemish. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 35.]
July 5. 356. Another copy in Fr. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. XIII. 35a.]
I have sent to her Majesty an advertisement that I had from Monsieur of some of the rebels passing by this country accompanied by a treasurer of Spain and a secretary of the Pope's ; and also of the order that Monsieur has taken here for the stay of all strangers till he know what they be, that if they are taken, they may be sent to the castle of Angers till his Majesty be advertised. I have also written to the ambassador at Paris the effect of this advertisement, that he may enquire further of it, and by this bearer advertise you or his Majesty. For Monsieur has it from spies, whom he has continually at the Spanish ambassador's house at Paris, who saw these men there taking leave, with determination to embark at Nantes. I promise you I linger here and will do so as long as I can, under cover of hunting and seeing fair houses hereabouts, to see if I can see anything burst out that is hatching ; but I assure you, for the matter of the troubles, I see Monsieur so far from liking them that I rather find he will stir himself, if the king will not come to a reasonable peace, to bring him the sooner to it, than that he means in any way to continue the civil wars. He surely has a great intention still to the matter of the Low Countries, whereof he sees himself greatly hindered by these civil dissensions ; at which he is not a little angry. As for the Queen Mother's liking of the marriage, I neither find that the king nor she, what show soever she makes, likes it any other way than that they cannot choose ; he desiring it so greatly as he seems daily to do. This is as much as I can write to you of anything since my man's departure.—Tours, 5 July, 1510. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1½ pp. [France IV. 113.]