Elizabeth: July 1580, 21-31

Pages 359-371

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 14, 1579-1580. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.

Please subscribe to access the page scans

This volume has gold page scans.
Access these scans with a gold subscription.Key icon

July 1580, 21-31

Whence this bearer comes, what he has heard or seen, I refer to his own report, I will only pray on his own behalf, for I know his charges have been greater than aught he has received, that it may rather be helped by your good means than that the burden thereof (for the desire I had to charge the good Prince as little as might be) should be upon me, which I am not able easily to bear. I crave also your favourable remembrance for myself in that charge I have been at ; uneasy for me to bear, and very light for her Highness and greatness, whom I serve.—Maidstone, 21 July 1580. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France IV. 123.]
July 15-22. 377. The AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
(1) "Copy of a letter written by Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, brother to the Duke of Infantazgo, the 15th July 1580."
It is reported that Don Antonio has very few men of account about him ; for it is in the advertisements that his party is very small. It is said he bestows what he has very liberally on those that follow him, and has raised divers base persons to the degree of knighthood. His purpose was, if the King had marched in person, to have 'abidden' his coming in a strong castle he has at Santarem ; but now that the Duke of Alva goes, he will await him in Lisbon, where he has gathered some men, though very few, discontented and not resolved to fight. He went lately to Setubal with three galleys, to relieve them with men and money ; yet it is thought they will not abide the cannon. The Duke of Alva was yesterday within five leagues of Setubal, and lays siege to it tomorrow. Men think it will soon yield, for none have been as yet found in Portugal that would be the first to offer themselves to the sword. Don Antonio is very sad and heavy, which is not to be marvelled at, since he finds himself too weak to accomplish his designs ; for though he be followed by the commons and some gentlemen, he wants both counsel and money, without which the war will go slowly forward. On the 13th inst. there came hither to Badajoz a Portugal with letters from the Duke of Braganza to the king, and from the duchess to the queen. The purpose of them is thought to be for their coming hither, but the particulars are not known. The 'delegate' came on the 10th, and was at first lodged in a monastery ; but the king commanded the Marquis of Aurion to receive him. We receive advertisements, even now at 9 oclock at night, that the Duke of Alva being encamped in the plain of Sustera, tidings came to him that on Tuesday the 12th inst. Don Antonio went to Setubal with some force by water ; and that on Monday night 300 of the townsmen went to Alcaçar, and won back the artillery that Capt. Acosta had taken from them. With the loss of 11 Portugals they took two of our men prisoners and hurt 3 or 4 ; whereupon they of Alcaçar 'lifted up their lights' and cried Rey Don Antonio, taking arms against the company of Capt. Villagomez that was in garrison at the castle. Also that the Duke of Alva had sent the tercio of Lombardy and the companies of Don Martin de Acuña and Don Sancho Bravo to the rescue ; but afterwards he understood that the Portugals had abandoned the place, for it was open, and thereupon altered his purpose. They were to remove from that place and go to Setubal on Thursday the 14th.
(2) "Copy of a letter from Badajoz of the 22 July 1580."
The army came before Setubal on the 16th, and after the view taken of the places fit to lodge it in, and other necessary things, the siege was laid to the town. The passage towards the sea was to be guarded by the Prior Don Hernando, and Don Frances de Alava was appointed to plant the ordnance, which was performed about noon on the 17th. Then the Duke sent to acquaint them of the town with the cause of his coming, and summon them to resolve speedily what they purpose to do, before any piece were discharged against the town ; for afterwards no place would be left for mercy, but they would all be put to the sword. Whereupon, looking to the imminent danger, they yielded immediately. There were besides the townsmen about 500 French and English within. In the end they left the town without ensigns or weapons, for such was the capitulation. This was done on the 18th. There were found in the town twenty pieces of ordnance beside corselets, pikes, and harquebuses, victuals and munition. On the 19th the Duke of Alva sent an Italian 'gente' called Prospero to view a fort called Oton, standing upon a point in the water, wherein were 400 soldiers, most of them resolved rather to die than to abandon the 'piece.' At the planting of the ordnance against it, which was not done without some difficulty in respect of the situation of the place and because those within had three galleons to help them, Prospero and certain pioneers were slain. Nevertheless the ordnance was in the end planted, and the battery began on the 20th. Even now arrived the Marquis of Sta Cruz, Don Juan de Cardona, and Don Alonso de Leyva, with the galleys of Spain, Naples, and Sicily. Two of the aforesaid galleons have surrendered to them. The Marquis received them, but those in the castle and in the other galleons, perceiving their departure, shot at them. These news 'liked' the King so well when he received them, that he gave the bringer 100 crowns. The other galleon 'shrouded' itself under the castle ; which was so battered that it is thought ere this to be beaten to the ground, and our fleet lies by it. Don Antonio is at Lisbon, wanting all necessaries for the war. It is thought the townsmen of Lisbon will not fight when they see our army, and men think Don Antonio will therefore withdraw to Santarem. The legate came today and was very well received.
(3) "Advertisements from Badajoz of 21st July 1580."
The army being lodged on the 15th within 3 leagues of Setubal, the Duke of Alva, foreseeing that the next day's journey would be great, sent Sancho Davila and the Prior Don Hernando forward at midnight with three tercios of Spaniards and one of Italians, four companies of men at arms, and one of 'ginets,' who come in sight of Setubal next day by sunrise. The Prior commanded the Italians to go forward and view the town and to take certain houses to lodge the duke in ; which they performed without any resistance, and passed forward till they came to some waterpipes that served the town, and there stayed. The Prior marched towards them with the rest of the infantry and caused the pipes to be broken. He then sent a trumpet to the townsmen to summon them to yield ; but they would not then hearken to it. Immediately afterwards came out of the town an English captain, who requested in the name of the townsmen that they might have a day's respite to decide. The Prior answered that he had no further commission than to receive the place if it would yield, and if it would not to use force. With this the Englishman departed ; and immediately after came the Duke with the whole army, having passed by a castle called Palmela, wherein were three companies of foot and 40 horse. But for divers considerations he would not stay to force it till he had been before Setubal ; where, seeing that the townsmen would not yield, he took his horse, and went to view where it was fittest to plant the battery. And having found a place fit for the purpose, he sent certain companies to 'win' it ; where they began forthwith to draw their trenches and prepare to plant their ordnance. Meantime the English captain came out again, and told the Duke that the 'Corte' of Setubal requested respite till night ; to which the Duke answered that if they abided the planting of the ordnance, he would not leave a man of them alive. Copies. Endd. by L. Tomson. 4¾ pp. [Portugal I. 34.]
July 22. 378. The ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS to the ESTATES.
'Exhibited by the Prince of Epinoy in the name of his Serenity to the Estates of Belgium assembled at Antwerp, 22 July 1580. In the presence of me (signed) Houfflin.' For my not coming to the meeting of the States-General, but summoning hither you, their deputies, there are many reasons, and looking to the present state of affairs, not unimportant ; which I pass over, and beg you to have me excused. It is, I doubt not, well known to the States how I came hither at the request of certain principal men and was afterwards accepted by all, with your consent, and how I have fulfilled all my promises in every article, and setting aside all private interests, even with the risk of my life, have adapted myself to the disordered affairs of the commonwealth. Owing to the misfortunes of the time I grieve that I have not up to now been supported with sufficient forces to make it possible for me to restore these fair regions to their ancient concord ; though my earnest goodwill was never lacking. But seeing that the States have now met to put the last hand to measures for the common safety of these afflicted provinces, it is not my business to prescribe a course to them, nor to set myself against what may be expedient for them. Still I would warn and entreat them not rashly to throw themselves into a foreign subjection and a change full of peril, to the neglect of their treaties with the Roman Empire and other ties of the highest kind, but to consider the favour and friendship shown them by my House of Austria, as a member whereof I beg the Estates that whatever intentions they may have towards me personally and my household, they will say plainly whither I can bestow my property and council. And I beg that they will in my name call them to mind, and will as soon as possible provide for the extreme need into which those about me have been thrown through not receiving payment of their promised due. Lastly you will offer them my best wishes. Copy. Endd. by Burghley (incorrectly). Lat. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 40.]
July 24. 379. THOMAS STOKES to WILSON.
My last was the 17th inst., since which time little speech has passed here worth writing to you, for at present all things are very still in these parts ; but it is thought it will not continue so long, for the Malcontents this week passed muster near Mons of all their soldiers, both horse and foot, and have given them a month's pay. They have some enterprise in hand, for they have provided long bridges and scaling-ladders, so that it will shortly be seen where they will be. This week Tournay was victualled with 140 waggons, and all other munition which they wanted was sent them. The Scots that lie at Menin made this week a 'roode' [qu. raid] 7 great leagues beyond Lille, and have taken 500 head of cattle, 60 rich peasants prisoners, have burnt three rich villages, and returned in safety. It is feared this will cause the Malcontents to do the like here. Those of Lille have sent three months' pay to the soldiers at Armentieres, which they have received ; with further promise that if they will deliver the town into their hands they shall be paid the rest shortly. They have made answer that they will not go out nor deliver the town but by command of Count Egmont. There is great hope here that the Baron de Selles will release M. de la Noue out of prison, one for another. The Malcontents have some doubts of Valenciennes, for which cause they have sought to bring some soldiers into the town ; but the commons perceiving it 'bent' themselves together, and took the keys of the gates into their own hands, and have taken all the magistrates prisoners. So there is great trouble in the town. Since money begins to wax scant, the magistrates of this town and the 'Free' begin to sell all cloister-houses and lands belonging to the spirituality, and give all the religious people pensions during their lives ; so that the Romish religion is no more used in this town. By letters from Artois, great forces of French are gathering between la Fère and Cambray for the French king. Last Monday, the 18th, those of la Fère came out and made a great skirmish, and slew on the king's side about 200 soldiers.—Bruges, 24 July 1580. Add. Endd. : Mr Stokes from Bridges. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 41.]
(1) The Emperor to the Count of East Friesland.
We learn that whereas the Hanse Towns have long enjoyed certain privileges in respect of the export of cloth from England 'and from thence were accustomed to transport the same into Dutchland, so as by these means both English cloth was in all places of the Dutch empire wont to be had and bought at good pennyworth, and also the trade and occupying of all kinds of wares and merchandise which served for England' ; nevertheless certain malicious and envious citizens of London calling themselves adventurers have gone about to alter the ancient trade of the Hanse Towns, and have so contrived that the English councillors have cut off the privileges of the towns and hindered the free export of cloth, by putting on intolerably high tolls. Thus the Merchants Adventurers have got a monoply of the trade, and have by means of their combination gone so far that at present here in Embden, where certain privileges and residences have by you been granted to them, a pack of cloth which a few years ago could be bought for 50 or 60 pounds is now raised above 100 ; whereby there is a dearth of cloth, and the trade which 'the Empire's subjects both mediately and immediately were wont' to have with England is possessed wholly by the Adventurers. As these innovations, being sought only by a few merchants for their own convenience, are very prejudicial to the Empire and tend to the manifest enhancing of English cloths, and therefore are in no sort to be tolerated ; and as further the Constitutions of the Empire have plainly ordered that no subject or stranger ought to be suffered to use any such monopoly ; and as it is not permitted to any magistrate to license it or to harbour such 'occupiers' : We could not forbear to signify the same to you, that you would have regard to the said innovations and grievances ; and also earnestly to admonish you that you would not only from henceforth, in Emden or any other place in your dominions, not suffer the English merchants to use the said unlawful monopoly, deserving to be punished as against the Holy Empire's [sic] laws ; but also that you would grant no further harbour or protection to such traders, but forthwith dispatch and remove them out of the Empire's dominions and your earldom of East Friesland, suffering the trade in cloth to remain as heretofore, according to the customs of the 'Steedes' of the Hanse.—Prague, 3 July 1580. 4½ pp.
(2) The Answer of the Court of East Friesland.
It is known to divers persons in the Empire that the 'Steedes' of the Hanse have heretofore had many privileges in the city of London, and have enjoyed them for many years. For my own part I do not 'envy' them those privileges, but would see nothing more willingly than they might be suffered always to enjoy them. I have never done anything to the contrary, nor given the 'Steedes' the least cause to complain of me. Notwithstanding, upon what grounds I know not, about 30 years ago the said privileges were 'taken in,' and the 'Steedes' declared to have lost them, the same being taken to be forfeited by 'some their abuse' ; a matter which I refer to the Queen of England and the 'Steedes,' to debate the controversy between them, as the parties chiefly interested. But touching the point that privileges and residence have been granted in Emden to the English merchants, as your Majesty and the rest of the Empire well know, it must be maintained by all men, that by the law of all nations, traffics, contracts and trades are permitted, and it is free for all strangers that are not your enemies to come and go in the Empire of the Dutch nation, to seek their lawful gain and use their trades and 'marchandizing,' and so for the inhabitants of the Empire in England and elsewhere. Seeing then that the Merchants Adventurers are not declared enemies to your Majesty or the Empire, and are suffered to exercise their trade in all places, Frankfort, Strasburg, 'Augusta,' Nuremberg, Collen, Lubeck, Hamburg, and briefly in all other cities either mediately or immediately subject to the Empire and also belonging to the Hanse ; and further as the Queen of England first in the time of our mother and afterwards in 1576 entreated us to grant harbour to the English nation, therefore in 1576, even as it was by the law of nations free before, so was residence for certain years granted them in my city of Emden, to exercise their lawful trade, whereby cities and countries are wont to be increased. The like was also of late years granted to the English nation at Hamburg without any innovation or prejudice to their constitution with the other 'steedes' of the Hanse, which however is now 'restrained.' What then is open to all men I cannot think unlawful. I was the more easily persuaded to yield thereto, because England is not far from this earldom, which lies on the frontier of the Empire, and therefore it behoves me and my country not a little that good amity should be maintained between us and so near a neighbour, not to any prejudice of the Empire, but for its benefit. If now the English nation should after an injurious and uncomely manner be put off, and it should be thought convenient that in any part of the Empire that should be refused to the English which is open to all other strangers, I beseech your Majesty to think 'what good neighbourhood such a matter would procure,' and whether the English nation would not take such a prohibition and banishment for a great injury, and perhaps take occasion to deal in like manner with the subjects of the Empire in England. As for its being thought that their residence tends to a monoply, and an unlawful trade, I refer that to your consideration, for the following reasons. It is undeniable that all the subjects of the Empire, of 'Augusta,' Nuremberg, Misnia, Swevia, Bavaria, 'Saxon,' and the rest are permitted at London to buy cloths and such other wares as are there to be had ; and the transport of them is free for all men in England upon such customs and duties as are there required. So at this day it remains free for the 'Steedes' of the Hanse to buy cloths at London and ship them out at their pleasure, on paying the same customs as other strangers ; and in like sort it is free for all nations as much as for the English to sell English cloths at Emden, and for all men to buy it of Englishmen or others at their pleasure. Now whether whatever is free to all, and like this does not tend to the private commodity of one or a few persons, nor 'goes upon' any one sort of wares, be a monopoly or a 'monopolish' trade, I refer most humbly to your consideration, 'and the title in the Law of monopoly which declares whether it be or no.' It was never my meaning to grant to the English or any others any trade but what the law permits for all men ; and in fact there is no such 'monopolish' trade used at Emden ; for which I can refer to any who understand these doings. But the grief and offence proceeds from the fact that the merchants of the Hanse in London, who are termed Easterlings or Stilliard men, from whom this strife comes, had heretofore liberty, by virtue of their privileges, to buy English cloth and ship it out of England upon a small toll, otherwise than other nations do. It is at present free for them to do the same ; but upon higher tolls than in the time of their privileges. Further, they had liberties and privileges more than any other nation, when they gave only a noble upon every cloth, and other strangers, as 'Norremberges, Auspurrgerrs' and others who were not under Hanse, had to give two nobles. All which privileges they of the Hanse would fain enjoy at present ; which the Queen of England will not permit, 'pretending' that they have forfeited their privileges, which they will not 'yield unto.' The variance is about this point, and not concerning any monopoly, seeing that it is free for them of the Hanse to buy cloth in London like other strangers or the citizens of London, paying such duties as other strangers do. But their drift seems rather to be, under colour of complaining of these monopolies, to bring it to pass that the Holy Empire should assist the 'Steedes' of the Hanse to recover their privileges in England and maintain them therein against the English nation. Whether this be meet or no, I refer to the consideration of your Majesty and the Electors. Whether English cloths were sold 'better cheap' by the English than by the citizens of the Hanse Towns, I let that remain to itself ; and yet although they of the Hanse were heretofore more privileged in England than others, and therefore might sell cheaper, it is certain that divers servants and factors of Electors and lords of the Empire have for some years bought their livery cloths here of English merchants, whereby I suppose that they buy them cheaper of the Englishmen than of them of the Hanse. The Landgraves of Hesse have lately had 600 cloths for liveries brought from England to Emden. So I can assure your Majesty that whatever has been 'begonne' and granted by me to the English, touching privileges or residence, I have not done it to establish any monopoly contrary to the decrees of the Empire, but only granted what is by the law of nations free to all men, and for the best commodity of the members and subjects of the Empire. If your Majesty is not herewith satisfied, the necessity of the cause requires that your pleasure should be first signified to the Queen in England, and to the merchants of London, who have sought these privileges at my hands. And I doubt not, when it has been heard what they can allege for themselves, they can deliver to you more ample information and answer the complaints of the "Steedes' ; for I mean not to intermeddle in other men's causes, which do not appertain to myself, but rather desire to show both parties such friendship as a neighbour ought. And so whatever I have herein declared in answer to your Majesty, I hope it may be understood with acknowledgement of my bounden duty.—Embden, 26 July 1580. 11½ pp. Translations, with corrections and alterations in the hand of Chr. Hoddesdon. Stitched. Endd. [Hanse Towns I. 61.]
July. 381. [The QUEEN] to the GOVERNORS OF PORTUGAL.
Letter of credence, dated Oatlands, the July 1880, for an envoy to be sent with enquiries as to the state of things in Portugal, and offers of any assistance that may be needed. Name of envoy left in blank and no signature. Apparently never sent. Add. Broadsheet. Spanish. 9ll. [Portugal I. 35.]
July. 382. [The QUEEN] to the DUKE OF BRAGANZA.
A similar document. [Ibid. I. 36.]
Aug. [?] 383. "Articles drawn up for the Prince of Orange and the States General as a basis, if the provinces so please, upon which to negotiate with the Duke of Anjou."
1. The ancient alliances of the House of Burgundy, and above all that with the realm of England, shall remain unchanged by the present treaty, and the 5th and 6th articles of the treaty of Aug. 1578 shall remain in force respecting them.
2. The King of France shall declare the King of Spain his enemy and begin war upon him by sea and land, or give his brother the means of doing so while this war lasts.
3. The realm of France and these countries shall remain allies for ever, against all by whom either shall be attacked ; it being always understood that these countries shall never be united to the Crown of France, but remain under their ancient laws.
4. His Highness shall promise to maintain religion and the religionsvrede as they are at present, especially in Brabant, Flanders, Guelders, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, Drenthe and Twenthe, and that no change or innovation shall be made by him.
5. Holland and Zealand shall remain as they are, as regards religion.
6. His Highness shall allow no one to be called in question or otherwise molested for religion's sake, even though he exercise it outside of those provinces, but shall take all alike under his protection.
7. For his Council of State he shall have those whom the provinces appoint, with not more than one or two French, by consent of the provinces.
8. When here he shall take the chief officers of his household from the people of the country ; for the others he may take whom he likes, so long as the greatest part of his gentlemen are of this country.
9. When the time shall fall out for appointing governors to the provinces three shall be nominated by the people of the province, of whom his Highness shall choose one.
10. All foreign troops, French or others, shall be bound to depart when the provinces shall require.
11. These countries shall remain the property of his Highness and the lawful heirs male of his body ; failing whom, it shall be in the power of the Estates to elect another. Provided always that the alliances between France, England, and these countries shall remain in their entirety.
12. In the event of his Highness having two sons the Estates may take the younger, if the elder succeeds to the Crown of France.
13. His Highness shall maintain the ancient privileges, franchises, usages, etc. of the countries, including the Union of Utrecht.
14. His Highness shall ratify all that has been heretofore ordained by the Archduke and the States.
15. The Royal domains shall be put into the possession of his Highness in the state in which they at present are, to be at his disposal, with power to put in such tenants as he pleases, being natives of the country. He is not to levy or assess money from any other source without the consent of the States.
16. While the war lasts the States shall furnish him 2,400,000 florins yearly, and he is to carry on the war as shall be found best for the good of the country ; and this sum shall be paid and the garrisons and forces both horse and foot maintained by the provinces.
17. The allotment of the payment to be as the countries shall agree.
18. In his absence he shall put in command of the French troops some person acceptable to the States.
19. He may not put any Frenchmen or foreigners to garrison any fortress without the consent of the province in which it is.
20. Places may however be appointed by the provinces where soldiers may refresh themselves or the companies winter in case of need.
21. He may make no treaty with the King of Spain or the disunited provinces save with the consent of the provinces that have received him ; provided that all such provinces and places as shall come over to the side of the generality shall be embraced in this treaty with the others.
22. As for places taken by force, his Highness shall with the advice of the States take such order as may seem convenient.
23. His Highness shall assemble the States-General once in every year to take order, according to the circumstances, concerning the good of the country, and the maintenance of its privileges ; besides that the Estates, general or particular, in pursuance of their ancient privileges shall have power to meet whenever they think fit.
24. His Highness shall reside here ; and if in case of urgent necessity he is absent for a time, he shall depute (commettra) some one in his place acceptable to and recognised by the States.
25. In the event of his contravening this treaty in any point it shall be in the State's power to take another prince, according to the terms of the Joyous Entry of Brabant.
26. Lastly, whereas the Archduke of Austria having been called to these parts has faithfully acquitted himself according to his promises, the provinces shall advise with his Highness or one on his part by what means satisfaction may best be given to the said Archduke. ? Enclosure in No. 399.
Copy. Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 42.] (Given in a somewhat different form by Renon de France, Vol. II. p. 541.)
384. "Suggestions by the magistrates of Ghent, and the four Members of Flanders to clear up certain points in the treaty of alliance with the Duke of Anjou for the greater security of these countries." In article I touching the alliances mentioned in the agreement of August 1578, in which the King of Navarre is named—it may seem expedient to name him expressly, and add at the end of the article some words comprising the King of Navarre in such alliances as defender of the religion. For greater clearness it would be well to couch Article II as follows : That the King of France shall be bound to maintain an effective peace with his subjects of the Religion, and shall declare the King of Spain his enemy and commence war on him by sea and land, or give his brother means to make it while this war lasts ; and give full security that according to his solemn promises to the King of Navarre and his predecessors he will aid him to recover his kingdom from the King of Spain ; and likewise furnish him with a notable sum of money, and every year while the war lasts, 1,000,000 francs and otherwise aid him by all convenient and necessary means. The 6th Article for the greater security of religion it would be well to couch as follows : His Highness shall not permit any one to be called in question or otherwise molested on account of religion, when he practises it secretly in his own house, or outside these provinces publicly ; and shall take good heed that no war arise on account of religion, to the point of opposing it wherever it shall occur within the limits of his authority, nay, even in the realm of France. And the States shall be bound to aid him in suppressing any enterprise opposed to the said religion, but in no way doing it harm. To Article IX it will be well to add : Provided always that the Prince of Orange shall be retained as his Highness's lieutenant-general throughout these Low Countries. In Article XI the King of Navarre should be included by name, and the clause should run : 'the alliances between France, England, and the King of Navarre, and these countries shall' etc. To Article XXII and [qy. XXI] should be added : Both as regards religion and otherwise. The 25th [24th] Article might be couched thus : If in case of urgent necessity he needs to be absent, the Prince of Orange, as his lieutenant-general, shall take his place. Mem. that after this 25th Article it will be well to insert the following : That the parties named in this present alliance may not treat for reconciliation with the King of Spain without the express consent of the Estates. And in order to maintain more closely the alliance between the Low Countries and the realm of France, and for the greater safety and freedom of commerce his Highness shall obtain from the King his brother leave and liberty for merchants and all sorts and conditions of men from these countries when under his obedience freely and in all security to haunt and frequent the aforesaid realm of France, buying all kinds of goods and freely taking them out of the said country without being obliged to warehouse (estapler) them in any place whatsoever of that realm or to pay any dues whether of transit or exit ; and it shall not be lawful to impose any duty prejudicial to this liberty. In the event of an inhabitant of this country dying in France, no aubain shall be required, but the property left by him shall belong to his heirs without deduction, though they be naturalised in France. Reciprocally all French persons shall be allowed to traffic in the Low Countries on the same terms. Further, they request that his Highness will promptly declare his resolution on those points without reference or delay ; which would be very prejudicial to them. For their part they declare that they will accept no conditions or limitations other than those abovestated. Mem. that for the general good of the country and county of Flanders it is necessary to continue the government of it by the Prince of Orange in person, and that he be admitted to the government before any decision is taken on the proposed treaty with the Duke of Anjou, to the end that there be no need to make provision under the 9th Article. Copy. Fr. 2½ pp. [Ibid. XIII. 43.]