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July 21.
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376. RANDOLPH to WALSINGHAM.
Whence this bearer comes, what he has heard or seen, I refer to
his own report, I will only pray on his own behalf, for I know his
charges have been greater than aught he has received, that it may
rather be helped by your good means than that the burden thereof
(for the desire I had to charge the good Prince as little as might be)
should be upon me, which I am not able easily to bear. I crave
also your favourable remembrance for myself in that charge I have
been at ; uneasy for me to bear, and very light for her Highness
and greatness, whom I serve.—Maidstone, 21 July 1580.
Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France IV. 123.]
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July 15-22.
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377. The AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
(1) "Copy of a letter written by Don Rodrigo de
Mendoza, brother to the Duke of Infantazgo, the 15th
July 1580."
It is reported that Don Antonio has very few men of account
about him ; for it is in the advertisements that his party is very
small.
It is said he bestows what he has very liberally on those that
follow him, and has raised divers base persons to the degree of
knighthood. His purpose was, if the King had marched in person,
to have 'abidden' his coming in a strong castle he has at Santarem ;
but now that the Duke of Alva goes, he will await him in Lisbon,
where he has gathered some men, though very few, discontented
and not resolved to fight. He went lately to Setubal with three
galleys, to relieve them with men and money ; yet it is thought they
will not abide the cannon.
The Duke of Alva was yesterday within five leagues of Setubal,
and lays siege to it tomorrow. Men think it will soon yield, for
none have been as yet found in Portugal that would be the first to
offer themselves to the sword.
Don Antonio is very sad and heavy, which is not to be marvelled
at, since he finds himself too weak to accomplish his designs ; for
though he be followed by the commons and some gentlemen, he
wants both counsel and money, without which the war will go slowly
forward.
On the 13th inst. there came hither to Badajoz a Portugal with
letters from the Duke of Braganza to the king, and from the
duchess to the queen. The purpose of them is thought to be for
their coming hither, but the particulars are not known.
The 'delegate' came on the 10th, and was at first lodged in a
monastery ; but the king commanded the Marquis of Aurion to
receive him.
We receive advertisements, even now at 9 oclock at night, that
the Duke of Alva being encamped in the plain of Sustera, tidings
came to him that on Tuesday the 12th inst. Don Antonio went to
Setubal with some force by water ; and that on Monday night 300
of the townsmen went to Alcaçar, and won back the artillery that
Capt. Acosta had taken from them. With the loss of 11 Portugals
they took two of our men prisoners and hurt 3 or 4 ; whereupon
they of Alcaçar 'lifted up their lights' and cried Rey Don
Antonio, taking arms against the company of Capt. Villagomez
that was in garrison at the castle. Also that the Duke of Alva
had sent the tercio of Lombardy and the companies of Don
Martin de Acuña and Don Sancho Bravo to the rescue ; but
afterwards he understood that the Portugals had abandoned
the place, for it was open, and thereupon altered his purpose.
They were to remove from that place and go to Setubal on
Thursday the 14th.
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(2) "Copy of a letter from Badajoz of the 22 July 1580."
The army came before Setubal on the 16th, and after the view
taken of the places fit to lodge it in, and other necessary things, the
siege was laid to the town. The passage towards the sea was to be
guarded by the Prior Don Hernando, and Don Frances de Alava
was appointed to plant the ordnance, which was performed about
noon on the 17th. Then the Duke sent to acquaint them of the
town with the cause of his coming, and summon them to resolve
speedily what they purpose to do, before any piece were discharged
against the town ; for afterwards no place would be left for mercy,
but they would all be put to the sword. Whereupon, looking to the
imminent danger, they yielded immediately. There were besides
the townsmen about 500 French and English within. In the end
they left the town without ensigns or weapons, for such was the
capitulation. This was done on the 18th. There were found in the
town twenty pieces of ordnance beside corselets, pikes, and harquebuses,
victuals and munition.
On the 19th the Duke of Alva sent an Italian 'gente' called
Prospero to view a fort called Oton, standing upon a point in the
water, wherein were 400 soldiers, most of them resolved rather to
die than to abandon the 'piece.' At the planting of the ordnance
against it, which was not done without some difficulty in respect of
the situation of the place and because those within had three
galleons to help them, Prospero and certain pioneers were slain.
Nevertheless the ordnance was in the end planted, and the battery
began on the 20th.
Even now arrived the Marquis of Sta Cruz, Don Juan de Cardona,
and Don Alonso de Leyva, with the galleys of Spain, Naples,
and Sicily. Two of the aforesaid galleons have surrendered to
them. The Marquis received them, but those in the castle and in
the other galleons, perceiving their departure, shot at them.
These news 'liked' the King so well when he received them, that
he gave the bringer 100 crowns. The other galleon 'shrouded'
itself under the castle ; which was so battered that it is thought
ere this to be beaten to the ground, and our fleet lies by it.
Don Antonio is at Lisbon, wanting all necessaries for the war.
It is thought the townsmen of Lisbon will not fight when they see
our army, and men think Don Antonio will therefore withdraw to
Santarem.
The legate came today and was very well received.
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(3) "Advertisements from Badajoz of 21st July 1580."
The army being lodged on the 15th within 3 leagues of Setubal,
the Duke of Alva, foreseeing that the next day's journey would be
great, sent Sancho Davila and the Prior Don Hernando forward at
midnight with three tercios of Spaniards and one of Italians, four
companies of men at arms, and one of 'ginets,' who come in sight
of Setubal next day by sunrise. The Prior commanded the Italians
to go forward and view the town and to take certain houses to lodge
the duke in ; which they performed without any resistance, and
passed forward till they came to some waterpipes that served the town,
and there stayed. The Prior marched towards them with the rest
of the infantry and caused the pipes to be broken. He then sent a
trumpet to the townsmen to summon them to yield ; but they would
not then hearken to it. Immediately afterwards came out of the
town an English captain, who requested in the name of the townsmen
that they might have a day's respite to decide. The Prior
answered that he had no further commission than to receive the
place if it would yield, and if it would not to use force. With this
the Englishman departed ; and immediately after came the Duke
with the whole army, having passed by a castle called Palmela,
wherein were three companies of foot and 40 horse. But for divers
considerations he would not stay to force it till he had been before
Setubal ; where, seeing that the townsmen would not yield, he took
his horse, and went to view where it was fittest to plant the battery.
And having found a place fit for the purpose, he sent certain
companies to 'win' it ; where they began forthwith to draw their
trenches and prepare to plant their ordnance. Meantime the
English captain came out again, and told the Duke that the 'Corte'
of Setubal requested respite till night ; to which the Duke answered
that if they abided the planting of the ordnance, he would not leave
a man of them alive.
Copies. Endd. by L. Tomson. 4¾ pp. [Portugal I. 34.]
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July 22.
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378. The ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS to the ESTATES.
'Exhibited by the Prince of Epinoy in the name of his Serenity
to the Estates of Belgium assembled at Antwerp, 22 July 1580.
In the presence of me (signed) Houfflin.'
For my not coming to the meeting of the States-General, but
summoning hither you, their deputies, there are many reasons, and
looking to the present state of affairs, not unimportant ; which I
pass over, and beg you to have me excused. It is, I doubt not, well
known to the States how I came hither at the request of certain
principal men and was afterwards accepted by all, with your consent,
and how I have fulfilled all my promises in every article, and
setting aside all private interests, even with the risk of my life,
have adapted myself to the disordered affairs of the commonwealth.
Owing to the misfortunes of the time I grieve that I have not up to
now been supported with sufficient forces to make it possible for me
to restore these fair regions to their ancient concord ; though my
earnest goodwill was never lacking.
But seeing that the States have now met to put the last hand to
measures for the common safety of these afflicted provinces, it is
not my business to prescribe a course to them, nor to set myself
against what may be expedient for them. Still I would warn and
entreat them not rashly to throw themselves into a foreign subjection
and a change full of peril, to the neglect of their treaties with
the Roman Empire and other ties of the highest kind, but to consider
the favour and friendship shown them by my House of Austria, as
a member whereof I beg the Estates that whatever intentions they
may have towards me personally and my household, they will say
plainly whither I can bestow my property and council. And I beg
that they will in my name call them to mind, and will as soon as
possible provide for the extreme need into which those about me
have been thrown through not receiving payment of their promised
due.
Lastly you will offer them my best wishes.
Copy. Endd. by Burghley (incorrectly). Lat. 1 p. [Holl. and
Fl. XIII. 40.]
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July 24.
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379. THOMAS STOKES to WILSON.
My last was the 17th inst., since which time little speech has
passed here worth writing to you, for at present all things are very
still in these parts ; but it is thought it will not continue so long,
for the Malcontents this week passed muster near Mons of all their
soldiers, both horse and foot, and have given them a month's pay.
They have some enterprise in hand, for they have provided long
bridges and scaling-ladders, so that it will shortly be seen where
they will be.
This week Tournay was victualled with 140 waggons, and all
other munition which they wanted was sent them.
The Scots that lie at Menin made this week a 'roode' [qu. raid] 7
great leagues beyond Lille, and have taken 500 head of cattle, 60
rich peasants prisoners, have burnt three rich villages, and returned
in safety. It is feared this will cause the Malcontents to do the
like here.
Those of Lille have sent three months' pay to the soldiers at
Armentieres, which they have received ; with further promise that
if they will deliver the town into their hands they shall be paid the
rest shortly. They have made answer that they will not go out nor
deliver the town but by command of Count Egmont.
There is great hope here that the Baron de Selles will release
M. de la Noue out of prison, one for another.
The Malcontents have some doubts of Valenciennes, for which
cause they have sought to bring some soldiers into the town ; but
the commons perceiving it 'bent' themselves together, and took the
keys of the gates into their own hands, and have taken all the
magistrates prisoners. So there is great trouble in the town.
Since money begins to wax scant, the magistrates of this town
and the 'Free' begin to sell all cloister-houses and lands belonging
to the spirituality, and give all the religious people pensions during
their lives ; so that the Romish religion is no more used in this
town.
By letters from Artois, great forces of French are gathering
between la Fère and Cambray for the French king. Last Monday,
the 18th, those of la Fère came out and made a great skirmish, and
slew on the king's side about 200 soldiers.—Bruges, 24 July 1580.
Add. Endd. : Mr Stokes from Bridges. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl.
XIII. 41.]
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July 3-26.
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380. The MERCHANTS ADVENTURERS at EMBDEN.
(1) The Emperor to the Count of East Friesland.
We learn that whereas the Hanse Towns have long enjoyed
certain privileges in respect of the export of cloth from England
'and from thence were accustomed to transport the same into
Dutchland, so as by these means both English cloth was in all
places of the Dutch empire wont to be had and bought at good
pennyworth, and also the trade and occupying of all kinds of wares
and merchandise which served for England' ; nevertheless certain
malicious and envious citizens of London calling themselves
adventurers have gone about to alter the ancient trade of the
Hanse Towns, and have so contrived that the English councillors
have cut off the privileges of the towns and hindered the free
export of cloth, by putting on intolerably high tolls. Thus the
Merchants Adventurers have got a monoply of the trade, and have
by means of their combination gone so far that at present here in
Embden, where certain privileges and residences have by you been
granted to them, a pack of cloth which a few years ago could be
bought for 50 or 60 pounds is now raised above 100 ; whereby
there is a dearth of cloth, and the trade which 'the Empire's
subjects both mediately and immediately were wont' to have with
England is possessed wholly by the Adventurers.
As these innovations, being sought only by a few merchants
for their own convenience, are very prejudicial to the Empire and
tend to the manifest enhancing of English cloths, and therefore are
in no sort to be tolerated ; and as further the Constitutions of
the Empire have plainly ordered that no subject or stranger ought
to be suffered to use any such monopoly ; and as it is not permitted
to any magistrate to license it or to harbour such 'occupiers' :
We could not forbear to signify the same to you, that you would
have regard to the said innovations and grievances ; and also
earnestly to admonish you that you would not only from henceforth,
in Emden or any other place in your dominions, not suffer the
English merchants to use the said unlawful monopoly, deserving to
be punished as against the Holy Empire's [sic] laws ; but also that
you would grant no further harbour or protection to such traders,
but forthwith dispatch and remove them out of the Empire's
dominions and your earldom of East Friesland, suffering the trade
in cloth to remain as heretofore, according to the customs of the
'Steedes' of the Hanse.—Prague, 3 July 1580.
4½ pp.
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(2) The Answer of the Court of East Friesland.
It is known to divers persons in the Empire that the 'Steedes' of
the Hanse have heretofore had many privileges in the city of
London, and have enjoyed them for many years. For my own
part I do not 'envy' them those privileges, but would see nothing
more willingly than they might be suffered always to enjoy them.
I have never done anything to the contrary, nor given the
'Steedes' the least cause to complain of me. Notwithstanding,
upon what grounds I know not, about 30 years ago the said
privileges were 'taken in,' and the 'Steedes' declared to have lost
them, the same being taken to be forfeited by 'some their abuse' ;
a matter which I refer to the Queen of England and the 'Steedes,'
to debate the controversy between them, as the parties chiefly
interested.
But touching the point that privileges and residence have been
granted in Emden to the English merchants, as your Majesty and
the rest of the Empire well know, it must be maintained by all
men, that by the law of all nations, traffics, contracts and trades are
permitted, and it is free for all strangers that are not your
enemies to come and go in the Empire of the Dutch nation, to
seek their lawful gain and use their trades and 'marchandizing,'
and so for the inhabitants of the Empire in England and elsewhere.
Seeing then that the Merchants Adventurers are not declared
enemies to your Majesty or the Empire, and are suffered to exercise
their trade in all places, Frankfort, Strasburg, 'Augusta,' Nuremberg,
Collen, Lubeck, Hamburg, and briefly in all other cities
either mediately or immediately subject to the Empire and also
belonging to the Hanse ; and further as the Queen of England first
in the time of our mother and afterwards in 1576 entreated us to
grant harbour to the English nation, therefore in 1576, even as it
was by the law of nations free before, so was residence for certain
years granted them in my city of Emden, to exercise their lawful
trade, whereby cities and countries are wont to be increased. The
like was also of late years granted to the English nation at
Hamburg without any innovation or prejudice to their constitution
with the other 'steedes' of the Hanse, which however is now
'restrained.'
What then is open to all men I cannot think unlawful. I was
the more easily persuaded to yield thereto, because England is not
far from this earldom, which lies on the frontier of the Empire, and
therefore it behoves me and my country not a little that good amity
should be maintained between us and so near a neighbour, not to
any prejudice of the Empire, but for its benefit. If now the
English nation should after an injurious and uncomely manner be
put off, and it should be thought convenient that in any part of
the Empire that should be refused to the English which is open to
all other strangers, I beseech your Majesty to think 'what good
neighbourhood such a matter would procure,' and whether the
English nation would not take such a prohibition and banishment
for a great injury, and perhaps take occasion to deal in like manner
with the subjects of the Empire in England.
As for its being thought that their residence tends to a monoply,
and an unlawful trade, I refer that to your consideration, for the
following reasons. It is undeniable that all the subjects of the
Empire, of 'Augusta,' Nuremberg, Misnia, Swevia, Bavaria,
'Saxon,' and the rest are permitted at London to buy cloths and
such other wares as are there to be had ; and the transport of them is
free for all men in England upon such customs and duties as are
there required. So at this day it remains free for the 'Steedes' of
the Hanse to buy cloths at London and ship them out at their
pleasure, on paying the same customs as other strangers ; and in
like sort it is free for all nations as much as for the English to sell
English cloths at Emden, and for all men to buy it of Englishmen
or others at their pleasure. Now whether whatever is free to all,
and like this does not tend to the private commodity of one or
a few persons, nor 'goes upon' any one sort of wares, be a
monopoly or a 'monopolish' trade, I refer most humbly to your
consideration, 'and the title in the Law of monopoly which
declares whether it be or no.' It was never my meaning to grant
to the English or any others any trade but what the law permits
for all men ; and in fact there is no such 'monopolish' trade used
at Emden ; for which I can refer to any who understand these
doings.
But the grief and offence proceeds from the fact that the merchants
of the Hanse in London, who are termed Easterlings or Stilliard
men, from whom this strife comes, had heretofore liberty, by virtue
of their privileges, to buy English cloth and ship it out of England
upon a small toll, otherwise than other nations do. It is at present
free for them to do the same ; but upon higher tolls than in the
time of their privileges.
Further, they had liberties and privileges more than any other
nation, when they gave only a noble upon every cloth, and other
strangers, as 'Norremberges, Auspurrgerrs' and others who were not
under Hanse, had to give two nobles. All which privileges they of
the Hanse would fain enjoy at present ; which the Queen of
England will not permit, 'pretending' that they have forfeited
their privileges, which they will not 'yield unto.' The variance is
about this point, and not concerning any monopoly, seeing that it is
free for them of the Hanse to buy cloth in London like other
strangers or the citizens of London, paying such duties as other
strangers do. But their drift seems rather to be, under colour of
complaining of these monopolies, to bring it to pass that the Holy
Empire should assist the 'Steedes' of the Hanse to recover their
privileges in England and maintain them therein against the
English nation. Whether this be meet or no, I refer to the consideration
of your Majesty and the Electors.
Whether English cloths were sold 'better cheap' by the English
than by the citizens of the Hanse Towns, I let that remain to
itself ; and yet although they of the Hanse were heretofore more
privileged in England than others, and therefore might sell cheaper,
it is certain that divers servants and factors of Electors and lords
of the Empire have for some years bought their livery cloths
here of English merchants, whereby I suppose that they buy them
cheaper of the Englishmen than of them of the Hanse. The
Landgraves of Hesse have lately had 600 cloths for liveries
brought from England to Emden.
So I can assure your Majesty that whatever has been 'begonne'
and granted by me to the English, touching privileges or residence,
I have not done it to establish any monopoly contrary to the
decrees of the Empire, but only granted what is by the law of
nations free to all men, and for the best commodity of the members
and subjects of the Empire.
If your Majesty is not herewith satisfied, the necessity of the
cause requires that your pleasure should be first signified to the
Queen in England, and to the merchants of London, who have
sought these privileges at my hands. And I doubt not, when it
has been heard what they can allege for themselves, they can
deliver to you more ample information and answer the complaints of
the "Steedes' ; for I mean not to intermeddle in other men's causes,
which do not appertain to myself, but rather desire to show both
parties such friendship as a neighbour ought. And so whatever I
have herein declared in answer to your Majesty, I hope it may be
understood with acknowledgement of my bounden duty.—Embden,
26 July 1580.
11½ pp. Translations, with corrections and alterations in the hand
of Chr. Hoddesdon. Stitched. Endd. [Hanse Towns I. 61.]
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July.
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381. [The QUEEN] to the GOVERNORS OF PORTUGAL.
Letter of credence, dated Oatlands, the July 1880, for an envoy
to be sent with enquiries as to the state of things in Portugal, and
offers of any assistance that may be needed. Name of envoy left
in blank and no signature. Apparently never sent.
Add. Broadsheet. Spanish. 9ll. [Portugal I. 35.]
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July.
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382. [The QUEEN] to the DUKE OF BRAGANZA.
A similar document. [Ibid. I. 36.]
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Aug. [?]
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383. "Articles drawn up for the Prince of Orange and the
States General as a basis, if the provinces so please,
upon which to negotiate with the Duke of Anjou."
1. The ancient alliances of the House of Burgundy, and above
all that with the realm of England, shall remain unchanged by
the present treaty, and the 5th and 6th articles of the treaty of
Aug. 1578 shall remain in force respecting them.
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2. The King of France shall declare the King of Spain his enemy
and begin war upon him by sea and land, or give his brother the
means of doing so while this war lasts.
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3. The realm of France and these countries shall remain allies
for ever, against all by whom either shall be attacked ; it being
always understood that these countries shall never be united to the
Crown of France, but remain under their ancient laws.
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4. His Highness shall promise to maintain religion and the
religionsvrede as they are at present, especially in Brabant, Flanders,
Guelders, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, Drenthe and Twenthe, and
that no change or innovation shall be made by him.
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5. Holland and Zealand shall remain as they are, as regards
religion.
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6. His Highness shall allow no one to be called in question or
otherwise molested for religion's sake, even though he exercise
it outside of those provinces, but shall take all alike under his
protection.
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7. For his Council of State he shall have those whom the provinces
appoint, with not more than one or two French, by consent of the
provinces.
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8. When here he shall take the chief officers of his household
from the people of the country ; for the others he may take whom
he likes, so long as the greatest part of his gentlemen are of this
country.
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9. When the time shall fall out for appointing governors to the
provinces three shall be nominated by the people of the province,
of whom his Highness shall choose one.
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10. All foreign troops, French or others, shall be bound to
depart when the provinces shall require.
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11. These countries shall remain the property of his Highness
and the lawful heirs male of his body ; failing whom, it shall be in
the power of the Estates to elect another. Provided always that
the alliances between France, England, and these countries shall
remain in their entirety.
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12. In the event of his Highness having two sons the Estates
may take the younger, if the elder succeeds to the Crown of France.
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13. His Highness shall maintain the ancient privileges, franchises,
usages, etc. of the countries, including the Union of Utrecht.
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14. His Highness shall ratify all that has been heretofore ordained
by the Archduke and the States.
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15. The Royal domains shall be put into the possession of his
Highness in the state in which they at present are, to be at
his disposal, with power to put in such tenants as he pleases, being
natives of the country. He is not to levy or assess money from
any other source without the consent of the States.
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16. While the war lasts the States shall furnish him 2,400,000
florins yearly, and he is to carry on the war as shall be found best
for the good of the country ; and this sum shall be paid and the
garrisons and forces both horse and foot maintained by the
provinces.
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17. The allotment of the payment to be as the countries shall agree.
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18. In his absence he shall put in command of the French troops
some person acceptable to the States.
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19. He may not put any Frenchmen or foreigners to garrison any
fortress without the consent of the province in which it is.
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20. Places may however be appointed by the provinces where
soldiers may refresh themselves or the companies winter in case of
need.
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21. He may make no treaty with the King of Spain or the disunited
provinces save with the consent of the provinces that have
received him ; provided that all such provinces and places as shall
come over to the side of the generality shall be embraced in this
treaty with the others.
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22. As for places taken by force, his Highness shall with the
advice of the States take such order as may seem convenient.
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23. His Highness shall assemble the States-General once in
every year to take order, according to the circumstances, concerning
the good of the country, and the maintenance of its privileges ;
besides that the Estates, general or particular, in pursuance of their
ancient privileges shall have power to meet whenever they think
fit.
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24. His Highness shall reside here ; and if in case of urgent
necessity he is absent for a time, he shall depute (commettra) some
one in his place acceptable to and recognised by the States.
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25. In the event of his contravening this treaty in any point it
shall be in the State's power to take another prince, according to
the terms of the Joyous Entry of Brabant.
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26. Lastly, whereas the Archduke of Austria having been called to
these parts has faithfully acquitted himself according to his promises,
the provinces shall advise with his Highness or one on his part by
what means satisfaction may best be given to the said Archduke.
? Enclosure in No. 399.
Copy. Endd. Fr. 2½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 42.] (Given
in a somewhat different form by Renon de France, Vol. II. p. 541.)
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384. "Suggestions by the magistrates of Ghent, and the four
Members of Flanders to clear up certain points in the
treaty of alliance with the Duke of Anjou for the
greater security of these countries."
In article I touching the alliances mentioned in the agreement
of August 1578, in which the King of Navarre is named—it may
seem expedient to name him expressly, and add at the end of the
article some words comprising the King of Navarre in such
alliances as defender of the religion.
For greater clearness it would be well to couch Article II as
follows : That the King of France shall be bound to maintain an
effective peace with his subjects of the Religion, and shall declare
the King of Spain his enemy and commence war on him by sea and
land, or give his brother means to make it while this war lasts ;
and give full security that according to his solemn promises to the
King of Navarre and his predecessors he will aid him to recover
his kingdom from the King of Spain ; and likewise furnish him
with a notable sum of money, and every year while the war lasts,
1,000,000 francs and otherwise aid him by all convenient and
necessary means.
The 6th Article for the greater security of religion it would be
well to couch as follows : His Highness shall not permit any one
to be called in question or otherwise molested on account of religion,
when he practises it secretly in his own house, or outside these
provinces publicly ; and shall take good heed that no war arise on
account of religion, to the point of opposing it wherever it shall
occur within the limits of his authority, nay, even in the realm of
France. And the States shall be bound to aid him in suppressing
any enterprise opposed to the said religion, but in no way doing it
harm.
To Article IX it will be well to add : Provided always that the
Prince of Orange shall be retained as his Highness's lieutenant-general
throughout these Low Countries.
In Article XI the King of Navarre should be included by name,
and the clause should run : 'the alliances between France, England,
and the King of Navarre, and these countries shall' etc.
To Article XXII and [qy. XXI] should be added : Both as regards
religion and otherwise.
The 25th [24th] Article might be couched thus : If in case of
urgent necessity he needs to be absent, the Prince of Orange, as his
lieutenant-general, shall take his place.
Mem. that after this 25th Article it will be well to insert the
following :
That the parties named in this present alliance may not treat for
reconciliation with the King of Spain without the express consent
of the Estates.
And in order to maintain more closely the alliance between the
Low Countries and the realm of France, and for the greater safety
and freedom of commerce his Highness shall obtain from the King
his brother leave and liberty for merchants and all sorts and conditions
of men from these countries when under his obedience
freely and in all security to haunt and frequent the aforesaid realm
of France, buying all kinds of goods and freely taking them out of
the said country without being obliged to warehouse (estapler) them
in any place whatsoever of that realm or to pay any dues whether
of transit or exit ; and it shall not be lawful to impose any duty
prejudicial to this liberty. In the event of an inhabitant of this
country dying in France, no aubain shall be required, but the property
left by him shall belong to his heirs without deduction, though
they be naturalised in France. Reciprocally all French persons
shall be allowed to traffic in the Low Countries on the same terms.
Further, they request that his Highness will promptly declare his
resolution on those points without reference or delay ; which would
be very prejudicial to them. For their part they declare that they
will accept no conditions or limitations other than those abovestated.
Mem. that for the general good of the country and county of
Flanders it is necessary to continue the government of it by the
Prince of Orange in person, and that he be admitted to the government
before any decision is taken on the proposed treaty with the
Duke of Anjou, to the end that there be no need to make provision
under the 9th Article.
Copy. Fr. 2½ pp. [Ibid. XIII. 43.]
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