Elizabeth: April 1583, 21-25

Pages 281-296

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 17, January-June 1583 and Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1913.

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April 1583, 21–25

April 21. 260. Cobham to Walsingham.
I wrote yesterday to you by Signor Ottaviano Cornaro, a gentleman of Venice, of [sic] one of the best parentage. He is recommended to me by Cavaliero Vergerio, and seems in his profession to be inclined as I have informed this bearer. He seems desirous there might be offered some occasion to him by her Majesty's speeches that he could take to move his familiars in Venice to put it to the question to have an ambassador sent as accustomed to England, or if not that there may be an agent or intelligence underhand. It is given me to understand that he desires thus much, which will be better perceived by you during his abode. I could wish her Majesty's portraiture in gold were bestowed on him, if so good a mind should appear to be in him. As I have heard that Mr Fentre, the Bishop of Glasgow's nephew, was to be conveyed in an Italian's company, I shall inform Mr Burnham to cast his eyes on those which pass and wait on Cornaro.
I beseech you to pardon me this one time, only to beseech you to be my honourable means to her Majesty to grant me the exchange of Marlington to the like value in 'quillites' as my last refuge; hoping I should not have been driven to that beggarly extremity. And that also it may please her to grant me that grace to assign me some 'day' for my abode here, in order that I may deal in certain manner with those by whom I am helped in her service, as also that I may accommodate my mind, and fashion myself to return to poor estate. In these two things I may be most bounden to you. Wherewith I end troubling you with my unworthy complaints.—Paris, 21 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. IX. 93.]
April 21. 261. Cobham to Walsingham.
There is come unto me a certain young fellow naming himself Vavisor, 'pretending' to be favoured by you; whereon I have delivered what he would demand for the accomplishment of his 'viage' and affairs. I send herewith two letters directed by him to you, with the letters and memorials he had delivered me. Last night he was with me very late, 'showing' me he would depart hence with his 'false company' this morning. Therefore I will dispatch Mr. Burnham this next day, that you may have time to give order for the reception of this party and his companions. Among them is that Irish priest 'whom I have written twice of should be sent' from Rome lately. He is furnished with bad stuff and intelligences of the present practices intended in Ireland, as I am informed; in which exploit 'there should' divers priests and cardinals concur to 'travail' her Highness' estates, as I have understood by sundry means. Likewise I have by persons of credit been given to know there 'should' be some evil parties employed for the poisoning of her Majesty. Further, I have been wished to give advertisement that she should be wary of the French who might approach or come nigh her person. I have not failed to enquire, to be informed more certainly and surely in this matter, but I cannot learn any other details. I am loath after this manner to advertise as might put my sovereign to any pensive thoughts or 'frayeur.' Howbeit, I have chosen rather to write thus much, considering it concerns the preservation of so precious a life as hers. Yet I doubt her courage will more persuade here to set light and make small account of these advices than is otherwise requisite in this dangerous time. Therefore I shall pray God, as her watchman in this place, to be her mighty defender, and that His Spirit may forewarn her heart of those things that may be pretended against her person and estates.
The opinion is here that Monsieur is not inwardly so well inclined to the Queen as it were to be wished, but much otherwise affected in ill sort. The truth may best appear to her Majesty and you by your other means.
I understand from those of the Religion that the King of Navarre is entered into good intelligence with Montmorency in such sort that Navarre will give him all the support he can, but will not enter rashly into wars. As for the delivering of Bazas, the King of Navarre has there a strong guard which commands [sic], so that all is in good estate. They of the Religion seek by all means to have in readiness, in some town in Germany, sums of money, and to have the like in France, which they find hard to bring to perfect effect. They 'pretend' to pass no way, nor enter into any action, but with the good liking and advice of her Majesty, as they profess to me, whereof I suppose you may be assured. They think it convenient that the King of Navarre should send into England to the Queen, wherein he is already disposed, as I hear. By this means all these affairs will appear more clearly to you. So thus far I have 'complished' concerning those matters; beseeching you that they [from ?] the King of Navarre may be esteemed and considered on, with the cause of religion which is so precious as nothing more. Though reflecting that much malice is crept in on all sides, with perilous foreshows of imminent danger; the world being replenished with bad and disloyal instruments.
The Irish priest who passes in 'Aumound's' company is sent from Rome, as they inform me, to pass into Ireland to examine in what estate the Pope's religion is in Ireland, and to bring a perfect note how many churches there were where the mass, with suchlike abuses, was exercised, and what number of the bishoprics, abbeys, and other livings 'feet' there to bestow in benefices, and of what yearly revenue those clergy estates were. He is charged to bring ample memorials of those Irishmen who are 'devout' to the Pope, and inclined to his 'traditions,' and chiefly to know how many persons are able to be promoted to bishoprics. And lastly that he should inform himself of such lords as are willing and strong to make a party and defend the papists; and to give them to understand that the Pope and the cardinals with many other princes intend to bestow on those Irish nobility yearly pensions, the Pope having assigned yearly 25,000 crowns for that purpose. The Jesuit priests will likewise disburse every year great sums which they have obtained of the cardinals and other princes, thinking this to be their only way to gain the nobility and people to their devotion, which they experimented and brought to pass in other countries. I hear they intend to practise the like in Scotland.
The nuncio has obtained of the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Duke of Lorraine to disburse yearly certain sums for these 'progressions' in Ireland and Scotland, 'stomaching' much the constant dealing of those of the Religion in Scotland. I am advertised by very good means this day that the Scottish Queen's ambassador dissuaded a Scottish gentleman of the Religion not to return as yet into Scotland, assuring him that in a very short time he would see the affairs of religion in Scotland have a great alteration; wherefore he would do well to think on his conscience, and to be counselled by some learned friends. In this sort it is perceived by many means that they have a sweet hope, which they 'attend' to be wrought by evil means.
I have dealt with Smallet as I was directed in your letters, which has been accepted in great good part by d'Aubigny, who has therein made new promises of affection and services to the Queen, sending his last message to me by his confident ally 'Monbyrniau' who is gone out of the town 'upon the occasion' his elder brother is in danger of death. At his return Smallet is appointed to be dispatched to the Queen. By him all those things happened hitherto will be frankly delivered to her, to whose goodness he will stick next to the King of Scots, and leave him if he find his course will prejudice religion, to which purpose I think you will receive there his oath or handwriting. He 'pretends' to get 'Clincarne' [Glencarne] to become at your devotion from d'Aubigny, as occasion shall be offered, with much other business, 'showing' he has means to leave d'Aubigny few friends if he does not content the Queen. He has discovered to me that d'Aubigny swore to Glencarne to do nothing without his advice. All the answers Sir George Cary had of the King of Scots proceeded from Glencarne, with all the other devices, as he will impart to you.
Gowdy has sent the French king an assurance of his fidelity under his hand, by la Mothe. D'Aubigny employs 'Cavallion,' his secretary, to me.
This my friend has discovered to me how the Duke of Guise and Glasgow with 'their country' Jesuits have devised to send d'Aubigny's ship into Spain with letters, having counterfeited d'Aubigny's hand and seal; on which voyage are employed Charles Geddes and Walter Kerr. They have therein 22 mariners; the soldiers will be levied in Britanny. Smallet thinks this to be the device of 'Mounbornhau.' The Master of Leviston is returning into Scotland to deal with the Lords on behalf of d'Aubigny. The Master of Gray also returns, who is a papist; so that few Scots remain with d'Aubigny. These too [qy. two] are to 'ship themselves' at Dieppe. The Duke of Lenox 'pretends' to bestow the bishopric of Glasgow on Shawe, akin to the Scottish Queen's ambassador and his follower, and to deprive Robert Montgomery.
They inform me that James Stewart's wife bestows jewels and other gifts 'unto' Colonel Stewart.
The laird of Wemyss, Colvin, is looked for to come into these parts to treat with the King of Navarre about marriage with his sister.
Lord Hamilton intends to repair to the baths of 'Plummyers' 'hearing tell out of Scotland' that the lords about the king desire his return; they resting on her Majesty's ambassadors, who 'stay' to move the King of Scotland in Lord Hamilton's cause till Col. Stewart has spoken with the Queen; wherewith Lord Hamilton is 'in pain.' I have been informed by certain means that la Mothe-Fènclon has sent to Lord Hamilton in the French king's name to persuade him to join in friendship with d'Aubigny, with many offers. I leave it to your consideration, if it were not necessary that Lord Hamilton were some way better satisfied. I beseech you that her Majesty may be reminded to do some good for him.
Henry Nesbit, a merchant of Edinburgh, is come with letters to the French king from the Scottish king, sent to entreat that the Scotch merchants might be exempted from the new impositions. He brought letters to Lord Hamilton and to d'Aubigny, to whom he is most 'affectioned.'
I received the enclosed note from d'Aubigny.—(Signed) H. C.
P.S.—I understand that d'Aubigny supposes the King of Scots is certified from the Queen of this my trade with him, whereon I know he will also write. I doubt within myself that his ship will make the voyage rather into Scotland than any other place, and that this is 'delivered' me for fear they might be met or stayed.
Endd. with date. 7 pp. [France IX. 94.]
April 21. 262. Two deciphers of the above.
Endd. ¾ & 1¼ pp. [Ibid. IX. 94a & b.]
April 21. 263. Audley Danett to Walsingham.
Since writing my last of the 16th, it is advertised that the companies before Eyndhoven have since the surrender of the place, divided themselves; one part having passed the Meuse for the service of Cologne against the bishop, and the other to remain in these parts. It does not appear that they make any great head against the forces on this side, and it is therefore said here that the footmen, being poor and out of heart at present by reason of their long keeping the trenches before Eyndhoven, have retired into the land of Liége or near about those parts, to refresh themselves for a time.
The forces on this side remain still at Roosendael and the other villages about Bergen-op-Zoom, and have caused a regiment of Walloons to entrench themselves before the castle of Wanne, a place of good importance and of great strength, which they propose to batter with the cannon in a day or two. The garrison of Breda and Boisledue with the other towns thereabouts will sometimes issue forth, but in no number to speak of, without doing any matter worth the writing. Marshal Biron and Mr Norris in outward appearance stand on very good terms; and yet this week [rather] at the instigation of some of the French than upon any good ground, he has written to the States complaining that the English range disorderly up and down, spoiling the country, and that Mr Norris 'grieves' to be commanded by him. Of this Mr Norris will be so well able to justify himself, being now made acquainted with the complaint by the States, that I think the marshal will be sorry to have so lightly given credit to the reports of some of his inferior officers. I doubt not but Mr Norris, by his discretion and valour, will so carry himself that Marshal Biron will have great cause to commend him; but yet the friendly advertisements he receives daily from Holland and people of good account in these parts, to look to himself, with the threatening speeches given out by the Dunkirk French, both there, here, and in England also, as is credibly advertised hither by strangers affected to Mr Norris, gives great presumption that manet alta mente repostum, and that it will break out one day, when the French have a little better restored their credit.
There is small talk of Monsieur in this town, and less preparations to send any deputies to treat with him at Dunkirk. The people continue their late sharp humour against the French; the 'magistrate' proceeds more mildly, but nothing affected to receive the French further than as necessity constrains them. This point is so continually urged by the Prince and his disciples, as the common people term them, that the countries and several provinces seem nothing so well affected to the Prince as heretofore; chiefly those of Holland and the parts adjoining. The greatest fear is lest the common people, who for a time have been permitted to meddle further in the government than might seem convenient, will ere long assume to themselves the absolute authority, being at this present so unhappily leagued in this town among themselves, and grown to so great insolence, that in many things the 'magistrate' does no more than pleases them—with divers hard speeches and other actions [such as] prognosticate some sudden innovation. Of this it does not become me to be a prophet, but rather to pray to Almighty God to direct all things to the best, to the saving something of the faith and gospel amongst us.—Antwerp, 21 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 20.]
April 21. 264. Stokes to Walsingham.
My last was the 14th inst., since which time all things have been very still in these parts; for now their heads are occupied with the loss of Eyndhoven, which much grieves the commons hereabouts, because they see that no town that the enemy besieges is succoured. These dealings make the Prince of Orange lose the hearts of the commons every day more and more; for there is no good government on this side. This moves the commons to use very bold speeches; so that it is much feared if it be not foreseen in time it will turn to some further displeasure on the States' side ere long.
The Malcontents in these parts lie still and do nothing, for all their forces are in Brabant. Now they begin again to occupy their pens in writing from Tournay, Lille, and other places, to this town and to Ghent, moving them again to fall to some agreement of a peace; so that they are very desirous to fall into some speech of the matter, and the commons on this side are most willing and desirous of it. But others will in no wise harken to it.
Two days ago the magistrates of this town sent a month's pay to the Scottish soldiers at Meenen, and all the Scottish captains went with it. But it is feared they will not be contented with it, for the country owes them 22 months' pay for their service there.
The French ships of war off Dunkirk met this week with a Biscay ship that was laden in Spain for Calais, with 310 sacks of Spanish wools belonging to Spaniards that lie at Saint-Omer. This ship they took, and made prize of 'him' and of the goods, and brought the ship into Calais. The wool is reckoned to be richly worth 7,000 'pounds French'; so that the Spaniards with much ado and great suit to M. de Gourdon, the agreement is made [sic], that the merchant Spaniards shall have half their wools, and the other half with the ship the French soldiers of Dunkirk shall have among them; and the 'Biscay' is a very trim ship, and will be made a man-of-war.
The Prince of Orange has written to the Four Members of Flanders that he finds it better to have the States-General to meet at Middelburg in Zealand than here at Bruges; but it seems they are unwilling to have the meeting in Zealand. Notwithstanding, it is thought it will be there, though they had rather have had it in this town; for it is feared that if the Prince come once into Zealand, he will not so hastily come from them.
The speech here is that Monsieur is very sick at Dunkirk, and that two French physicians are sent in great haste from France to him. But they say his sickness is no danger of death.—Bruges, 21 April, 1583.
Add. Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 21.]
April 21. 265. Gilpin to Walsingham.
I was last week occasioned to be silent, by reason the company sent me 'abroad' about their affairs; and now small occasion offers, if it were not for the direction of the enclosed copies received from my Cologne friend, both about the news there passed, and the action he has in handling. I am unable to judge or write of this, but remit me to his writing; with this assurance, that if my ability were more 'answerable' to my goodwill and the zeal I have to do good service, I would long ere this have been at the cost of hastening his coming over. Howbeit, my duty rests at your command, and I wait to hear your pleasure.
My servant, I thank God, is returned in safety, and I now mean to 'make a step' to Antwerp to learn how matters pass, and send more certain advertisements about her Majesty's cause.
I must and will during life acknowledge the duty by which your favours have diversly bound me; amongst others your late recommendation of me to my mistress 'for' fit and able to be sent with her Majesty's letters to the Emperor; 'of' which, if it had pleased her to consider as well of your recommendation as my travails diversly have deserved, 'and am able' and will (God to friend) prove and justify, after my toil without profit, another should not have been preferred, who of my travails may reap the thanks and benefit; which I, in Christian duty, can abide and wish to him, though otherwise I may and must think myself hardly dealt with, as one day may chance I shall find time and opportunity to testify. Meanwhile, I submit myself and all I have to you, who may command him that is only and will be always your most humble ready at command.
With news I need not trouble you, knowing that divers advertise of every particular, and those here are so uncertain that it would be more troublesome than needful to advertise.—Middelburg, 21 April, 1583.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 22.]
April 21. 266. Complaints of the Barbary Merchants.
(1.) The factors of the Barbary merchants to [qy. their Company].
Jesus in the play [sic: qy. playa]; aboard the Mary Martin, 21 of April.—“Dutifully we commend us to your worships.” May it please you by this to understand the troubles that we your factors and servants have of late passed here by sinister and undirect dealing of John Symcotts and his adherents since his arrival in this country: First, the detaining of divers men's letters which came in his ships, and which most or all were opened and delivered a long time after their arrival. Secondly, by their procurement our goods were there 'imbarged' ashore, and they had gotten the king's letter by their ill information, wherein he commanded us, first, to lade our goods in one of his ships and so to 'dispeech' her away before we laded this ship, the Mary Martin, which you had sent on purpose to fetch home your goods; which has been no small trouble and charges to us, as well in procuring the liberty of our goods as also in keeping the ship upon 'demors.' Also he has procured a 'stanke' or license of this king, that none should bring into this country either iron, tin, lead, or brimstone, but he and his only. Since which time, all men's iron of our nation is stayed or 'imbarged' for the king, to the great damage of the owners, we not knowing what price the king will give for it, or when it will be paid for. Also it is too long to rehearse the evil speeches by John Harman, who 'letted not' in the presence of divers of us to say before the vice-king that if we laded nothing but merchandises we might also lade his ships, although there were more; besides he has threatened us to procure a license from the king to call us all to account of our dealing, and he and his accomplices to search us at all times and in all places wheresoever we go: with many other injuries offered to us, so much that if you seek not remedy for them and suchlike as may happen to come hereafter, both we shall run in great danger of our liberties, as also the utter loss of all your goods. Thus, craving pardon for our briefness, we end, beseeching you to consider the dangerousness of this trade.
Further, for more proof of their dealing evilly against our doings and trade, we send Mr Symcott's own letter, by him and his accomplices, as may appear; whereby you are to judge whether we were to obey his commands; he not showing us his commission, which he brought, as he says, from the Lords of Warwick and Leicester, 'or' from any of the Council, which we have not seen. And now we pray your pardon, committing the whole reformations to your industries for presenting so evil manners and doing against a Commonwealth as they have ministered against your trade.
(Signed) Richard Tavell. Edward Womewell.
Richard Purcell. John Andrewes.
Thomas Hitchcock. Roger Roggell.
William Jennings. Richard Evans.
William Resoulde. Roger Thomas.
Thomas Harrison. John Kinaston.
(2.) John Symcott's letter.
Jesus in 'Morocus,' the 8 of April, 1583.—Forasmuch as I am given to understand of your lewd practices and speeches used against me by some of you whose names 'is' not needful to be written for they are well enough known, and against the Lords of the Council that sent me; if you, laying your plot to make a stay of their letters which I send them and those their servants who are interested in the same, as by them may appear, which the Master and Purser have refused to deliver, I thought it good to let you understand thereof in their Honours' behalf, who I think will give them small thanks therefore. And 'because' you shall not excuse yourselves thereby, I send you another letter, to be sent to their Honours, requiring you, in her Majesty's name and theirs, as you will answer to the contrary, that you send this letter in the Mary Martin, and give special charge for the safe delivery of it at your peril; for their Honours may think you or any other but disobedient subjects, who shall refuse the same. Also I am given to understand that you give out there that I open all your letters, and will translate them into 'Morisco' to shew to the king. I cannot 'let' any man to lie of me, when they will not 'let' to do it against their Honours and her Majesty that sent me. I know this is the least of a number of lies that will be written by some; I wish them to write of a good ground, for lies will not be so well accepted of in England as here. It may so fall out, that he that writes or tells a lie to their Honours may repent the doing of it, and an example [sic] for all other that do the like. It is but folly to make my discourse to you that had rather hear of my ill doing than well, for I hope within these few days to signify so much to their faces. In the meantime I commit you to God, wishing better to you than you do to me, and wishing you not to 'stomack' their Honours for my sake. Yours as I am used, John Symcotts.
“The direction: To the merchants laders of the Mary Martin give these in the Play.”
(2.) The Company(?) to [qy. Walsingham].
By the undirect and hard dealing of such as have carried forbidden commodities, as well out of this land as others, 'by' her Majesty's subjects, into the heathen land of Barbary, has not only caused [sic] great clamours to be spread in other countries that out of England there should be suffered to go munition and other furniture for the aid of the infidel, which causes our most true and 'pewar' religion to be brought in question, as not to proceed from God, since out of the land where it is professed there is suffered to go galleys, framed-timber, and expert carpenters, with other provision to make galleys, as also shot, oars, and all other furniture for them, whereby not only is like to fall out great captivity to others that profess to be Christians, but even else to her Majesty's subjects that 'trade Spain'; and how much her subjects are despised in Spain for those matters. I leave to your Honour's consideration.
The land of Barbary was a 'ryall' trade for 'vent' of the commodities of this land and for their return, until the first shippers of unlawful commodities spoiled it; who obtained such favour of the king that they obtained his grant to the Jews, renters of the sugar-houses, to give them other men's sugars, long before paid for. By this hard dealing the Jews 'bankerowted,' and thereby her Majesty's subjects lost very near 40,000l.; the circumstances whereof would be too tedious to trouble you with.. The greatest matter to countenance their doings was to bring into this realm saltpetre; and to what effect that is come, is not unknown to you.
The transporting of unlawful commodities was ill begun and worse continued; and if it be not the sooner prevented, those that never offended are like to feel the smart of it. And this have I heard, that both here and in the country of Barbary the mouths of the well meaning merchants have been stopped, that they durst not complain and seek for remedy, fearing that the malice of some might incense the King of Barbary against them, by reporting that they are hinderers' that he could not be' furnished of such things as might strengthen him against the Christians; whereby their goods might be lost and their servants made captives; for with such a heathen king there is no better to be expected than his will must stand for law, without mercy. The merchants, speaking as fair as they durst, to 'complain themselves' of the wrongs offered, have been answered with threatening speeches, that if they were well served, the King of Barbary should know what their doings were; by which means the merchants here durst not complain.
And now of late the malice of some of those persons increaseth so greatly that the factors and servants resident in Barbary are forced to write both generally and particularly to their masters, that if remedy be not presently sought, they doubt not only of the loss of so profitable a trade into that country with the lawful commodities of this land, but also 'feareth' captivity and loss of all they have there; for they who have carried over forbidden commodities, with such others as there 'associate them' about some new and secret contract, as it is thought, have practised to get the king's grant that none but they may bring into that country certain commodities usually carried from hence 'in' those parts by the ordinary traders and persons recommended by her Majesty and her Privy Council. One of them has threatened that the king shall know of the great mass of gold that is annually carried out of his country; and in the presence of a nobleman very near attending upon the king's person, uttered speeches that in a ship that was sunk here in the river Thames, all the sugar was consumed, but the gold that was in the chests and hogsheads was found, and that an order should be got from the king to call them all to account what goods they had received for ten years past, and how they have made their returns; by which examination they will manifest to the king what gold has been taken out of his country.
They procured a command from the king that the factors there should forbear to lade the Mary Martin until their ships in which they had carried their commodities in were laden; the merchants making their suit in the contrary, alleging that they had not goods sufficient to lade them, it was by them replied, that if they would forbear to send home gold, they would find goods sufficient. There have been also attempts that none but they should bring in English cloth, or their assigns.
The merchants, fearing to complain or make open show of themselves before the Council, knowing your Honour to be well affected to all good matters and a furthering of merchantlike trades that may redound to the benefit of the commonwealth of this her Majesty's realm, have entreated me to acquaint you with their present dangerous state, wherein they of themselves can devise no better means for their safety than to pray favourable letters from you and the rest of the Lords, to be directed to Jane Syscotts [sic] and John Harman; the same to go in the 'most mildest' manner, as a matter complained of by me and some other Spanish merchants than anything 'to proceed' from them. And for your better satisfying, if you please to confer with two or three of them, they will most dutifully attend upon you.
Copies. Endd. by R. Beale: The request of the merchants trading Barbary. 2½ pp. [Morocco I. (Barbary States XII.) 5.]
April 22.–May 2. 267. Advertisements from the French Embassy.
(1.) On May 2, 1583, one Yerle(?) came to our house, who reported that he had heard the ambassador say that he knew very well they were playing the fool (l'on faisait des fadesses) with the French, but that those who think to do this are much deceived; and that he knew very well that the Kings of Spain and France were in the way to remedy it all. And he said all this in Italian. Note that he is an agent of the ambassador, and has no confidence in him.
(Signed) Your affectionate, Henry Fagot.
(2.) To-day there is one of the Spanish ambassador's gentlemen, a Fleming, who has reported to the French ambassador that he knew very well that his Highness desires nothing save to approach the King of Spain, and that he was sent by the said Spanish ambassador to make this announcement; which I heard him say himself. (Signed as above.)
April 24./May 4. (3.) To-day, the 4th of the same, one called Finlay, a Scotchman, dined in the ambassador's house. He brought two gold rings, set, but I do not know the stones. They were sent to the Queen of Scots by the Duke of Lenox, and the ambassador has charge to convey them to her. (Signed as before.)
(4.) This day the ambassador received letters from Mme de Mauvissière, in which she mentions that she hopes to return to this kingdom shortly, and she strongly begs that the ambassador will be as secret as possible in these matters, and that she has heard the Duke of Guise say that he hopes to be in Scotland sooner than she or the ambassador thinks; but meanwhile he is to entertain the Queen of England in as friendly wise as he can; and that the King of Scots is always a Catholic at heart; and that the ambassador is always to give 'consolation' to the Queen of Scots, and to render it as secretly as he can. (Signed as before.)
(5.) To-day I heard the ambassador say that he was almost afraid to be in this realm, inasmuch as he saw some things which are making ready in Scotland, and that marvellous things would be seen before very long, inasmuch as there are several lords who are at great enmity; and that the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Lenox have the password (mot de guet) of all this. This story passed between him and an English lord, whose name I cannot get. (Signed as before.)
Probably copies. Endd. in L. Tomson's hand: 1582 [sic]. Advertisements by Henry Fagott. Fr. 2 pp. [France IX. 96.]
April 23. 268. Pronouncement of the Ambassadors of the Leagues at the Diet held at Baden on Misericordia (fn. 1) Sunday in the present year.
And we the delegates (ambassadeurs) of the 12 Cantons, having by the space of five days heard what the said three parties had to say in the matter of their differences, having made nothing of (n'ayant tenu à) any diligence or travail within our power to seek all means of settling these affairs amicably; having heard the letters and Recess thereon passed, and having up to now been unable to do anything of any profit: Now if we separate thus, having executed nothing, our Lords and superiors would have to take notice of it, and our honour and reputation would have to be considered. In order that we may enter upon this affair, we affectionately beseech the three parties, first, our well-beloved allies of Berne to deliver to-morrow in writing the demand against the Duke of Savoy they have to make of his ambassadors, and these will thereafter put in writing any counterdemand which his Highness might have against our allies of Berne, in order that we may hear both sides next Monday morning. Similarly that the ambassadors of Savoy draw up in writing any demands which they may have against Geneva; and afterwards the ambassadors of Geneva will put their demand and reply in writing, in order that the reciprocal demands and rebuttals may be heard without making any final pronouncement on either one or the other cause of difference, until all has been heard. Until then the parties can protest or add to what has been said, with the express reserve that this procedure is not to prejudice the rights of any party. In the name of our Lords we pray them kindly to follow this course and be content with this our declaration. When we have heard them, we will not fail to adopt whatever may be of service to this amicable way.
Thereupon, the duke's ambassadors having declared that they could not accept this method of procedure, and being desirous, as has been said, to begin with their demand against us and against the Bernese, the Diet concluded as follows:
We, the delegates of the 12 Cantons, having heard the parties' demands, answers, and rejoinders at great length, in writing, should on behalf of our Lords have much hoped that the three parties, the ambassadors of the Duke of Savoy, those of our allies of Berne, and those of the City of Geneva, would at our exhortation have condescended to an amicable investigation (cognoissance). We should have spared no diligence or trouble therein to find out all means for a settlement of the differences and an amicable pacification. But forasmuch as we have not been able to obtain this from the three parties, whereat we are much displeased (desplaisans), and in order that we may not separate without having executed anything, it has seemed good to us to write yet again, amicably and in earnest, to the Duke of Savoy, to our allies of Berne, and to the City of Geneva, and pray them that between this and the next Day of Accounts, if this cannot come to pass (which, however, we do not believe) the parties will take legal steps against (useront de droict contre) one another. Wherein we lay down neither law nor method, how or where they shall take legal proceedings together; for they can very well agree as to this upon either side. And hereon we pray them that in the mean time they take no hostile or violent action (œuvre de faict) one against the other, nor permit their people to do so; rather until the time aforesaid to refrain themselves, as good neighbours. And in case we are able hereafter to negotiate in any way between the parties, whether amicably or legally, we will spare no diligence and trouble. This will be faithfully reported by each ambassador to his Lords. Similarly, if his Highness sends his answer to our allies of Zurich, they will make it known, or announce the fact, to us the other Cantons, that each may deliberate thereon. We have also applied to our allies of Berne, and prayed that they will make up their minds to an amicable answer. And we the Delegates, having informed the three parties to this effect, they thanked us, as we shall report to our Lords.—Done the 23rd April, at Baden.
Endd.: The suspension of the matter between the Duke of Savoy, the Lords of 'Béarn' and the Town of Geneva. Fr.pp. [Switzerland I. 2.]
April 23./May 3. 269. Bacqueville to Walsingham.
Since our departure from England, I have written two or three 'pairs' of letters to you, begging you, as I do afresh by the present, to do his Highness the favour—since it is a matter of consequence, and important to him—that the decision of the Council for the release of the ship and capture made by [sic] Captain Huguet(?) may remain in force, and not be withdrawn, which we heard had been done since our departure, and which we found very strange, considering the close amity existing between her Majesty and his Highness; as also that the said Huget [sic] had a good and sufficient commission to that effect; and further, considering that Huget being compelled by bad weather to come to anchor near 'Phalume' (Falmouth), where, being in the roads, he was forcibly compelled to enter the harbour by some belonging to the place who wanted to make their booty out of it, and afterwards did so at their pleasure. And for answer to what you might say, that they were too long about going away after the decision of release was given, this happened through the ill will of the Vice-admiral at the place, who hearing that we had obtained an order of release, against his hopes, absented himself on purpose not to receive your order, and they waited a fortnight at Falmouth before they could speak to him. Finally, having seen the order of the Council, he did allow the vessel to be removed; but he kept the sails without which she could not budge. Furthermore, after M. Horatio Franciotti had arrived there and paid all Captain Huget's debts, and the Spaniards costs, the said Vice-admiral's brother wanted 10l. sterling before letting Horatio take away the fish; and further took eight thousand of fish which he sent for sale to la Rochelle; besides many other things that they have done worthy of a severe reprimand. I am also informed that there were seized recently in Franciotti's hands 36 thousands of fish, which he had loaded and removed with the consent of the Lords of the Council, who had given a decision which cannot now be withdrawn, since it has taken effect. Besides nothing could be done without your permission, which having been granted, it seems to me that no one can ask for its recall, the removal having been made with your permission. This has been the reason why my friends and I have had trouble to get the money both for the freight of the fish, and to pay the expenses incurred by the Spaniards at that place, and they are obvious reasons why no legal proceedings should be taken against Horatio.
As regards the rest of the goods, and the ship, found with all standing [qy. en nature] and seized by the Spaniard, I remit myself to that which it may seem to you reasonable to do about it. As for Captain Hugnet, I beseech you strongly, having regard to whom he belongs, that you will have him set at liberty, and send for him, that you may better understand how it has all happened.
Touching the master-pilot of Dover, who says that he belongs to you, and in whose behalf you gave a charge to M. du Bex, I can tell you that when the capture was made, certain sailors of the ship being examined by the Justices of this town, all confessed that they were taking their beer to Gravelines, and on this confession it was adjudged good prize, and the beer accordingly distributed among the soldiers. I send you a copy of the decision in the case, that you may see the procedure. The capture was made in the mouth of the river of Gravelines, certain English gentlemen being present, who saw it done. There were about 10 or 12 small vessels in company, all laden with victuals, coming from England, which all came into Gravelines, pretending that they wanted to come to Dunkirk except two, which were taken.
Anyhow, for love of you, and for the desire I have to do you all the pleasure in my power in whatsoever you may require, I will contrive to get him compensated on the first opportunity that may occur, when I will try to do all in my power to content him. I assure you that had I known before the decision was given that the 'master of the beer' was one of your servants, he should not have lost a penny with my consent. In point of fact (veu mesme que) I did get back the master-pilot's vessel for him, with eight barrels of beer which he said were his property, and he was also paid his freight and expenses (? voyage). I will say no more at present, but that I shall always be ready to do you pleasure and only await the occasion.—Dunkirk, 3 May, 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 23.]
270. Some Notes on the above.
“Captain Huges [sic] having order from their lordships to depart from Falmouth, with the ship he had taken at Tercera by Monsieur's and Don Antonio's commission, was hardly used by the Vice-admiral and his brother.”
Arrest of Franciotti.—Seeks to recover the money to pay for the freight of the fish, and the charges of the Spaniards. As to merchandise and ship seized by the Spaniards, refers himself to their lordships.—That Captain Hugues may be set at liberty.—“That if he had known the English pilot belonged to your lordships, he would have shown him much more friendship.”
Endd.: Extract of Bacqueville's letter. ½ p. [Ibid. XIX. 23a.]
271. The names of ships [sic] apprehended by Monsieur's men at Dunkirk, etc.
Henry White of London, laden with salt; John Danger of Sandwich, laden with salt; Haselwood of Dover, coming from Spain; Hacker of Whitstable. George [blank in orig.], dwelling at Dover, robbed by them of all that he had, and the thief being now here in town, in Swift's custody. Besides two other masters whose ships and goods are carried wholly to Dunkirk.
Endd.: The names of ships spoiled by M. Bacqueville. ⅓ p. [Holl. and Fl. XIX. 23b.]


  • 1. Misericordia (second Sunday after Easter) fell on April 14. O.S. (which the Protestant Cantons still used) in 1583. No other neighbouring year seems to fit.