Elizabeth: February 1583-4, 11-20

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

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, 'Elizabeth: February 1583-4, 11-20', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914) pp. 346-358. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp346-358 [accessed 30 May 2024].

. "Elizabeth: February 1583-4, 11-20", in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914) 346-358. British History Online, accessed May 30, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp346-358.

. "Elizabeth: February 1583-4, 11-20", Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914). 346-358. British History Online. Web. 30 May 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp346-358.

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February 1583–4, 11–20

Feb. 11. 412. Edward Dier to Walsingham.
I only received yours yesterday, and make all speed to embark for Delft, where the Prince is. The matter “that I go withal” is the most desired thing in this world, but I fear the Prince has so entangled himself with France that my answer will be slow or not resolute.
I am sorry so unsufficient a man has her Majesty's service in hand, yet to do my duty cannot grieve me.
These estates are still consulting whether to receive Monsieur or no, yet all their placcarts are given out in his name. They lately sent good store of munition and victuals to Ypres, but the enemy surprised all, and overthrew three ensigns that went with it.—Antwerp, 11 February, 1583.
Add. Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 24.]
Feb. 11. 413. Syndics and Council of Geneva to the Queen.
Expressing their thankfulness that the enterprises against her have been brought to hght, and their hope that God may more and more continue his favour to her, the sole defence of his cause.
Their enemies show no more good will than in the past, but God has granted them some respite, having stirred up the great lords their neighbours, lovers of peace, who heretofore mediated with them to put down their arms and refer their differences to a friendly understanding, and have now assembled several times, moved by a desire to see them in quiet and their own borders free from trouble, to which her Majesty has always exhorted them.
But the negotiations have been retarded by the “traverses” of their own party, who in the last Diet in January would not reply to the demands of those of Geneva, or show any ground for what was “pretended” against them. Therefore the said lords have referred the matter to arbiters to be chosen on each side, ordaining, however, that liberty of commerce shall be re-established, with free resort to each other's country, and that all new imposts and exactions of the Duke of Savoy against them shall be entirely done away with.
Whatever may happen, they are resolved to endure, being confident that God will not permit their enemies to triumph over them, and trusting that her Majesty will not diminish her goodwill.—Geneva, 11 February, 1584.
Add. Endd. “Rec. 11 March.” Fr.pp. [Switzerland I. 11.]
Feb. 12/22. 414. Jacopo Monty to Walsingham.
Stating that he wrote to his honour two months ago but has had no answer either from him or from his cousin, whereat he is much surprised. Her Majesty's ambassador has several times told him that if he wished for anything he had only to ask for it, but believing that Jacomo, his cousin, would have applied for the ten pounds sterling for him, he did not wish to demand anything from the ambassador.
Now, however, he prays his honour to give the said ambassador orders to pay him the money and also to give to Jacopo (sic) Mannuci, his cousin, three pounds for the four pairs of yarn stockings he has sent him.—Paris, 22 February, new style.
Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p.[France XI. 23 bis.]
Feb. 13. 415. Stafford to Walsingham.
My last of the 2nd I despatched so hastily, because of Monsieur's sudden arrival, that I had not leisure to write of my Lord Paget's, Charles Paget's and Charles Arundel's being with me, and do not remember whether I bid the bearer of it, Michael Modey, say anything to you of it.
They came all three to speak with me, and my Lord told me that as at their first coming he and Charles Arundel had informed me of the cause of their coming away and had asked me to assure her Majesty (they themselves writing to you and the Lord Treasurer to the same effect) that they were moved only by conscience and no evil meaning, but “were so little set by” that they had received no answer:-Therefore they came again to say that seeing so little account was made of them, they could no longer stay, but must seek where to live, yet afore going any further, as they had promised me to have no dealing with anybody, they came to discharge their promise, assuring me that “they would live as near as they could without doing anything against their country other than honest men ought to do,” but what desperation and necessity would constrain them to, they could not tell.
I answered that as I was sorry for their first coming away, so I was now of this their determination, for the first (if their conscience pricked them not) was needless and the last was unhonest, “because they seemed to pick a quarrel upon matter whereof they themselves had given the occasion.” That I had written as I promised but had no answer, which made me think “they were touched with further matter than they confessed,” and that now their course was so unfit for subjects that I was ashamed to write of it. Yet, though they deserved it not, I could not but persuade them to look into their consciences, “and my Lord, if he were wise, to take the liberty of the statute for nobility and to return within the time prefixed, and for the other two rather to hazard themselves under the mercy of their natural Princess, who no doubt would (as she always had been) be merciful, than put themselves to the hazard of begging at a strange Prince's hand, that ordinarily what outward show soever they made, did in their minds little esteem any that came away in such sort in disgrace of their natural Princes.” And that I would do the best I could to help them with her Majesty.
My Lord answered that I spake this as ambassador; that as his old friend, Edward Stafford, he was sure I would not wish him to do it, considering the great enemies he had, favoured of her Majesty, who would seek his destruction, as they had shown since his departure “in causing him to be so narrowly sought that they left not so much as the very planks of his house” unsearched; wherefore he would seek those who would account more of him.
Charles Paget and Arundel answered the like, and Paget added that my Lord should never be counselled by him to expect any favour from England, “for it was a common trick I used with others and used afore me . . . to make men hope of some good at home, thereby to bring them out of credit with any of this side . . . and then to leave them in the lurch in the end and to let them starve.”
To my Lord I answered that he knew well enough that was not the cause of his coming away; that he was the first nobleman that ever ran out of England for fear of any subject, and that never yet any had credit with her Majesty to make her take anybody's life or living from him. That as for the little account made of him, his manner of dealing was the cause, “that I could assure him that never any two went out of England that their coming away was less set by of her Majesty and everybody else, and to put him in a good comfort, I could assure him that here he was as little set by as any nobleman that ever came into any place.”
For Charles Arundel, I told him I was sorry my kinsman would take no better course, and for Charles Paget, that I was nothing at all sorry for him, and feared my Lord and his best friends would have cause to curse him, being undone by his bad counsel, and that none had less cause to fear cunning dealing in England than he, who with his dissembling speeches had kept his living untouched, and in the mean time by his practices had deceived and undone his best friends. For my part, seeing they were in this humour, I could not desire better than to have their room instead of their company.
“So they departed, with my blessing to my lord that he would seek long a this side afore he found that which he had lost on the other side the sea, which he confessed and so departed.”
The place of their refuge I believe is Spain, but I hear to-day that they are stayed for six weeks, for what reason I do not yet know. “Privately, they are rather jested at by the best sort than otherwise. My Lord Paget is grown religious in extremity and saith that though he loseth his living in this world, he shall gain it in the world to come.”
To a young Englishman here who wished rather to confer with the French than the English in matters of Scripture he said “that he lost his time; that the French were so fickle-headed that to hear a mass of theirs would make a man to hate it, they did all things so lightly, but if he saw Englishmen's mass, it was done with such devotion that men could not choose but love and worship it, and that the Englishmen had found out the quintessence of the Scripture.”
From Spain there is news that the King has lately made a great alliance with the King of Fez.
“Monsieur is returned, having had all his reasonable demands at the King's hands, and great show of kindness, to the 'astoning' of a great many. He was conducted out of this town with above 700 horses, among the which were all the Princes and favourites of this Court.
“The King, for fear of discontenting the Court of Parlement here specially, and divers others in France, giveth over the narrow seeking to retrench their wages and divers other things that he had determined to do.”
The Queen of Navarre is now I think with her husband, who stood upon nothing but the taking away the garrisons about him, which Clervant had full commission from the King to Marechal Matignon to do.
The King of Navarre was pressed by the King to do it, and they of the Religion cried out “that his particular cause would engage them to a public war,” therefore he yielded, “to save them from a general discontentment of him.”
More ships are added to those “that should have been for Don Antonio's matters. They give out here it is upon the bruits of the King of Spain's arming, that they will not be found unprovided.” They stand in great doubt of his evil meaning towards them.—Paris, 13 February, 1583.
Postscript.—I hear even now that Lord Seton will arrive to-night.
Add Endd. 4 pp. [France XI. 24.]
Feb. 13. 416. Stafford to Walsingham.
I writ to your honour on the 2nd “of an enterprise upon Avignon by Montmorency, which was a thing was held as assured as the glove of their hand, only impeached by the King of Navarre and that party, that would not permit it, nor any of the Religion to enterprise anything that way, upon a discovery of a very evil intent of enterprises against France by the practice of the King of Spain.”
Plessis is come from the King of Navarre, but his matter is kept so secret that he has not yet been with me, the French King having made him promise to say nothing to anybody these fifteen or sixteen days, “because in the mean time he will provide to remedy these things.” I went myself to see him, but because of his promise to the French King he .would say never a word; “but I had it from the well-mouth by a man that I have some good things by.”
He brought with him to the French King the man who first discovered to the King of Navarre that there are practices by the King of Spain, and his chief instrument is the Duke of Savoy, and that in this next month many towns in France should have been surprised; that the Duke of Guise's second brother was linked in it and others that he could not name; that 60,000 crowns of the King of Spain's money had been already received by means of the Duke of Savoy and greater store was coming.
The French King seemed greatly to thank the King of Navarre; said he took him and loved him as his son, and would never forget his dutiful good will.The King of Navarre's and Prince of Condé's folks here cannot tell what to judge of the French King's meaning, for he shows great thanks yet does nothing to prevent these enterprises, and never in open show made more of the Duke of Guise than now. Some think he dissembles with them, others that he is in earnest and “dissembleth with them that he hath least cause to dissemble withal.”
Though I am well assured that Montmorency is the man with whom the King of Spain has practised this by the Duke of Savoy's means, yet Plessis “never would engage him to the French King, though he and the Queen Mother did what they could to draw the wire out of him.”
Of these enterprises against France by the King of Spain's means, the French King was enough advertised by divers other ways, and it is certain there is as great practice against France now as ever was, and the Duke of Guise and his be doers in it, but the French King confesses he never saw so plainly into it as by this man the King of Navarre has sent him.
If God give the French King grace to look at what shall follow, ”he is as much beholding to the King of Navarre as for the conservation of France, whereupon the Duke of Guise and his had great intelligence, besides many other towns in France and besides his life, upon the which they had a meaning.
“God, I think, will make their own mignons instruments of his glory, for Osson[le]vile, that is the right hand to the Duke of Lorraine, being at a council where these matters were treated on by the Duke of Guise and his, finding that his master was not acquainted with it . . . discovered it presently to the French King and Queen Mother.”
It is thought that the French King “will open a speech” ere long of the desire he has to have straight league with her Majesty, and that he is marvellously disposed to it, and begins to hate the King of Spain, and so doth the Queen Mother.
He that came out of Scotland is discharged, but not yet come forward. I do not think he can do great harm against England, and it is believed “he is rather come to be near Spain and the King of Spain's agent here, and the better to do the King of Scots' and Queen of Scots' business with the King of Spain than for any great harm he hopeth to do by the French King's means against England now, what hope soever he was put in afore his coming away by the Queen of Scots' and Duke of Guise's faction.
1 have sent you some names to add to your cipher which were forgotten.—Paris, 13 February, 1583.
Postscript.—After I had written this, Plessis met me and told me all that is above written, desiring pardon for not doing so before, because the French King made him promise so earnestly. He assured me that the French King had determined to speak of a league with the Queen, and he believes he means it effectually. They believe the French King has thoroughly felt this and will provide for it, and desire it may be kept secret, “because he chargeth them that they have no secret but they communicate it to us, and that as soon as we have it, the ambassador Mauvissière advertiseth it presently. He hath undone Ségur, for he hath advertised the French King of all the speeches he used in England, whereat the French King is so extremely in a rage that he is irreconcilable with him.Mauvissière sent hither the copy of his negotiation, whereat the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé's folks marvelleth how he should come by it. They desire things coming from them may be closely kept or else they are undone, especially Plessis in this matter, for his life is engaged in it.”
Add. Endd. 3 pp. (France XI. 25.]
417. Decipher of the cipher numbers in the above letter (which are, however, only those regularly employed in Stafford's cipher).
2 pp. [Ibid. XI. 25a.]
Feb. 13. 418. Stafford to Walsingham.
Lord Northumberland's three young sons are in Paris in such want that, being requested by their tutor, I could not refuse to help them, “knowing that the innocent children cannot do with their father's fault.”
Their merchant, hearing of their father's trouble, would not furnish them with a penny, but “upon my word to see him satisfied” has given them what they desired, as you will see by the enclosed to their mother from their tutor. I hope I have not offended therein.—Paris, 13 February, 1583.
Postscript.—Pray be as good to this bearer as you may, being servant to my good friend. Mr. Palavicini. I will next despatch your servant, Charles Cooke.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [France XI. 26.]
Feb. 13. 419. Colonel Morgan to Walslngham.
I have received your letters, and am willing to avoid the answering of Mr. Norrys' challenge, but he presses me so much that I can no longer forbear.” One of us must tumble” if he urge me any further. He sends me word every day that he would give a hundred pounds that we were met. “If we meet, I think it will cost one of us more than money.” If anything happens, I beseech you to hold me excused, for I have forborne as long as with credit I might.
I am continually in service here, and to-morrow we besiege a fort on this side the Yssel, over against Zutphen. We have a thousand horse well mounted and armed and good men, and 4,000 foot. “Colonel Edel Heyndricke” is coming to join us with 1,500 horse (high Dutches) and it is thought we shall drive the enemy out of these parts of Guelderland and Friesland. God grant it.
I pray you show the bearer, Captain Hannan, “your lawful favour"; he is an honest man and a good soldier.
Further, I beg you not to take in evil part that I have arrested the 3,000 guilders that Mr. Carlile should have out of Holland. If he will come to any reasonable end with me, I will release the arrest.—Arnhem, 13 February, 1583, stilo antico.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 25.]
Feb .13/23. 420. The Prince of Orange to the Queen.
I wish that the state of affairs here were such that “M. de Norreits” might have continued the good service which he has hitherto rendered to these countries, for in so many places and ways he has proved his fidelity and his valour, that we cannot but regret his absence, and feel the loss that it will be to us. But since he thinks well to go, for a time, to England, I am glad to have the long-desired opportunity to humbly pray your Majesty to inform yourself of the humours of the people and disposition of the State, from one who has known this country, and who has judgment and understanding to show you what is my resolution at the present time, and to inform you of what he has seen and known of the state of the country. I pray you to give him a favourable audience.—Delft, 23 February, 1584. Signed.
Add. Endd. Seal Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 26.]
Feb. 13/23. 421. The Prince of Orange to Walsingham.
I have asked Mr. Norrys to represent to the Queen several matters concerning the state of these countries, and the course I intend to take, God helping me, to the end of my life.
I beg you to aid me as much as you can with her Majesty, that she may be inclined to hear and approve this discourse.
I also pray you to do the like with the Council, and as my resolutions are dedicated to the conservation of the true religion and are not prejudicial either to the whole of Christendom or to the realm of England, I hope their Lordships will assist them as much as possible.—Delft, 23 February, 1584.Signed.
Add. Endd. Fr.1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 27.]
Feb. 13/23. 422. M. Villiers to Walsingham.
Has nothing to add to what the Prince will impart through Mr. Norreys, but takes the opportunity of recalling himself to his honour's recollection.—Delft, 23 February, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. XXI. 28.]
Feb. 14/24. 423.Fremyn to Walsingham.
As Mr. Dier (Dayre) is returning, I send by him an account of what passes here. 1,500 men, horse and foot, have come to Notre Dame de Hau, near Brussels, in order, as is supposed, to take all the strong houses and forts round about the city, and to make what use they can of the Pays de Waes in order to straiten Brussels, Malines, Vilvorde and Dermonde, if they are not promptly provided for by means of an army, either by their own means or by accepting his Highness or another, and this without delay, for the enemy is ready to take the field as soon as the weather permits, and has his eye on Brabant as well as Flanders. He believes he shall shortly have Ypres, which he keeps blocaded, and defeated six days ago the convoy sent to succour it with provisions, cutting the escort in pieces, they having undertaken the enterprise without sufficient force to execute it, not taking the advice of his Excellency or waiting for 1,000 men who were being sent to reinforce them.
But everyone wishes to command in his town and province without taking his Excellency's advice, and then when some calamity happens, his Excellency is blamed for it, which is the cause of all the disorders hitherto in this government, and the more that every town and province wishes to manage the money destined for the war at their will, giving the principal offices to themselves and their relations, both of State and war, without thinking whether they are fit for them or not; appointing and dismissing the captains as the fancy takes them; paying some, giving others nothing, corrupting all discipline, and his Excellency not being believed until they have ruined everything and it is too late for remedy.
Formerly their slow resolution deceived his Highness. They might have made a public tax on all the towns and provinces of some hundred thousand crowns; they might have had from Germany three or four thousand horses, and by this means long ago succoured Ypres and broken all the designs of the enemy. This small sum, easy to get, would have saved them ten millions in towns and extent of territory, to their great honour. The favouritisms and jealousies here, accompanied by very little Christian charity and by universal avarice, each man caring only for his own, have been the cause of putting everything into confusion. Professing to deceive everybody, in the end they will rind themselves deceived if God do not assist them owing to the prayers of a few good men.
The ministers preach in vain; vices have so multiplied as is odious to see, for parlardise, drunkenness and usorious avarice are everywhere without religion or justice. There are many good and honourable men who deplore the misery of their State and country, and God knows how the enemy takes advantage of these things, seeing all in confusion, by the induction of their ministers, with whom most of the towns are crammed. To see the evil, and not be able to remedy it! If the resources of this State designed for the war were well and faithfully administered, it would not be necessary to seek for help outside. There would have been enough to entertain 6,000 horse and 20,000 foot for ten years and more, but it would be needful for all the money to come into one purse, and the absolute control to be in the hands of one chief. Then one would shortly see a great change in the affairs of the Spaniard, and a union between the provinces and towns, where, without speedy remedy it is to be feared there will intervene factions, both in Brabant and Flanders, who have little affection for the Hollanders, seeing themselves despised by them, and that they are assisting the enemy with provisions and goods, so that there is jealousy between them.
I hear that there are more persons professing the reformed religion in Antwerp than in all Holland and Zeeland. The assembly of the States is at [blank, Delft] a place far distant from these countries and very inconvenient. Middelburg would have been a convenient place, being in the centre of the countries.
It is reported that 200,000 florins have been sent into Germany to enable some reiters to march whom his Excellency has had levied. Those of Antwerp are to pay 50,000 as their share. They must make haste if they wish to do any good.
The Bohemians have adopted the new calendar. They have granted the Emperor great advantages and emoluments and those of Bavaria have also granted great sums to their Duke, so that he will be able to aid his brother, the Bishop of Liége, in the war of Cologne. I believe that in the end this war and that of the Low Countries will be but one. Duke Casimir is at Heidelberg, exercising his office of tutor and administrator. The preachers who were formerly there are not too well contented. From Italy they write that 4,000 Spaniards are arrived from Spain.
Negotiations are going on concerning the differences between the Duke of Savoy and the Bernois, but no good result is hoped from them. Those of Geneva have received a garrison into their town. Some practices have been discovered in the Grisons since Cardinal Borromeo was there, and there have been prisoners and fugitives in consequence. The Bishop of Basle demands new rights, and it seems that he wishes to seek a quarrel. There is fear of a commotion in Augsburg because of the new calendar. In fine, if God do not take pity, there is likelihood of great disturbances, especially by the Roman Catholics against those of the Religion.
The Archbishop Truchsess has 1,500 horse gathered together. The Estates of his countries have aided him with money. His Highness has written to the Estates of Holland, demanding towns as security. They are busy about their reply. This negotiation will drag on until Easter, the deputies in France not having full powers. To-morrow is to be taken the resolution of this town for his Highness, which it is believed will be for the necessity thereof, although perhaps they may add some conditions. Count Hohenlo (Holo) and the Sieur de Villiers, Maréchal de camp, are at Utrecht, where they are assembling their forces to attack the enemy in those parts, who had some design upon the towns of Arnhem (Harnem) and Dilbouŕg, which has been discovered and checked, in so much that M. d,Agre was going into Holland.—Antwerp, 24 February, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 29.]
Feb.15 424. Harborne to Walsingham.
Duplicate, entirely in cipher, of Harborne's letter of January 27, with the addition of the following:—
The above is the copy of a former, “dated the 2nd instant, serving for original of this 15 February. Since which time, nothing hath happened other than that Giovane Stephano, sometime comptroller of Gio. de Marilano's house, is sent' asaie' [qy. away] with prolongation for one year of the late truce, otherwise expiring this next month, which is obtained with great charge in nine months time that he stayed only about the same granted of the Grand Signor to the end he may the more conveniently pursue the ancient enemy the Persian with greater security and advantage, for that of Christian Princes he fears none other.—Pera, 15 February, 1583
Add. Endd. Cipher undeciphered. 2½ pp. [Turkey I. 17.]
Feb. 16/26. 425. Mauvissière to Walsingham.
I have received another letter from M. de Pyeses, concerning the mentioning of his ship, La Diane, to her Majesty, her Council and yourself, M. Stafford having assured him that he has written to ask you to use all possible diligence in the matter.
I write rather than trouble you with a visit amidst your more urgent affairs, praying you to take in hand this just cause, seeing that the captain who is here on behalf of M. de Pyesses desires to return to tell him what he has found here as to the obtaining of his ship again.—London, 26 February, 1584.Signed, M. de Castelnau.
Add. Endd. “The Fr. Ambassador.” Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 27.]
Feb. 17. 426. Stafford to the Queen.
I send your Majesty a letter from Monsieur. Your letter to Marchaumont I have delivered. He goes in two or three days to Monsieur and will carry him your letter.
Monsieur is expected here very shortly, having promised the King he will never be a month without seeing him. Marchaumont is seeking a convenient house for him. The Queen Mother is sick and keepeth her bed, “which they would fain buy for Monsieur.”
I send a copy of the cipher your Majesty lost. I cannot devise any more easy unless it please you “for every three marks that is in it for every letter to take but the first.” I have added more names and marks for them which I may have need to write of.
“And so I pray to God in despite of them that wish the contrary to send your Majesty prosperous health and long life.”—Paris, 17 February, 1583.
Add. Endd. [Ibid. XI. 28.]
Feb. 17. 427. Stafford to Walsingham.
Everybody spread abroad the news here on Friday, Saturday and Sunday that the Queen was dead, some saying that Lord Seton had heard it on the coast of England. No letters coming out of England, we “devised” that the passages were stopped for that cause. I was so sore troubled that I went to Lord Seton, under colour of welcoming him, as other ambassadors had done, and as yon know the custom is. But he repaid my enquiries with such an answer that I was rejoiced at it, telling me that lying off Yarmouth they there told him that the Queen Mother was dead. And, coming from him, I received yours and her Majesty's letters by Jacson, “which revived me altogether, being quite out of doubt by them of the falsehood of their knavish reports.”
I cannot yet have audience, because the King is at the Jeronomists and comes not home till Tuesday at the soonest. “Thither his mother herself dareth not come to him,” but I hope to have audience on Thursday.
I keep as good watch on Lord Seton as I can. He and the Bishop of Glasgow were all Saturday afternoon with the Duke of Guise. Yesterday morning he was dogged to the Jesuits, but I was deceived in thinking he had gone thither to mass, and sending one to see what was become of him “he found him close in Haye's, the Jesuit of Scotland's chamber, where he was in very secret conference a good hour. That Jesuit is as false a knave as any is of them.Morgan is never [away] from the Bishop of Glasgow, where Seton is lodged.Lord Paget, Charles Arundel, Charles Paget no more now care what company they keep.” Lord Paget means to go into Spain, but not yet. I hope to hit on a very certain way to find Morgan and Charles Paget's greatest secrets.
Seton daily expects his son out of Spain, and I think their greatest hope is from Spain, for in France the Duke of Guise has little credit, as far as the wisest here can judge. He [Seton] has not yet been with the Spanish agent, but I think they will not show any friendship with each other before Seton has seen the King, “for he hath no great liking, at the least in show, of them . . . that deal either with the King of Spain or his agent.”
As soon as I have had audience I will despatch away Charles Cooke.—Paris, 17 February, 1583.
Postscript.—I send you a letter now received from Mr. Waad, and also a letter sent me from Dieppe. I have heard of Joyeuse going into Normandy, but not so far as Calais. If he do, I hope I shall hear of it and advertise you as near as I can what his intent is.
Covering sheet wanting. 2 pp. [France XI. 29.]
428.Waad to Stafford.
The party that came to Paris with John Tupper followed at my heels, and at the post next to St. Die (Ste. Dye) he overtook and passed me, spreading the news of my coming and the dismissal of his master. He has taken the way to Bayonne.
I found here Sir John Seton, newly come from Spain, who awaits the coming of his father to Paris from Scotland.—Bordeaux, 2 February, 1583.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 29a.]
Feb. 17/27. 429. “Extract out of Thomas Beckner's letter, bearing date at Rouen, 27 February, 1583.”
Complaining that, in the suit he had mentioned to his honour, the farmer, seeing that he brought no despatch, has used him “as he list” and, contrary to right and justice, has got into his own hands all the money they were constrained to “garnish” till the King's pleasure was known, making men pay for their goods before they can have them up. He has received at least 800 crowns since they obtained letters that they should pay nothing “and he to render up” what he had received. There is no reason to be had in this town.
Note.—"This concerneth the French King's farmers at Rouen of the new impositions levied on the English cloths and kerseys contrary to the conventions and accords of treaties made between the Queen's Majesty and this King and other Kings of England and France, their predecessors.”
Copy. Endd. 2 p. [Ibid. XI. 30.]
Cf. Beckner's letter of June 11, below.
Feb. 17. 430. Duke Casimir to the Queen.
Recommending the business concerning which the bearer is despatched by his cousin to her Majesty.—Heidelberg, 17 February, 1584.
Add. Endd. Signed. Seal. Fr. ½ p. [Germany, States, III. 2.]
Feb. 18/28. 431. Mauvissière to Burghiley.
I have been importuned by Messieurs de Garouges and La Milleraye in behalf of a poor woman named the Widow Jehan Mauger, of Havre de Grace, burdened with six little children, who has lost not only her husband, but the ship or hoy, which was all her property, and which four months ago was captured, laden with wines, by English pirates and. taken into Hartlepool (Hartampoulle), where it was abandoned, and is now in the hands of her Majesty's officers at Newcastle. She has made her proofs before the Admiralty Judge of this kingdom, which he has found sufficient, and orders its restoration.
As she has no means to pay the costs which the officers of her Majesty might demand of her, and as the recommendation of Messieurs Carouges and La Milleraye is simply because of her known poverty, I pray you to do me so much favour as that she may receive some discharge and relief of what the officers might demand of her, for which I and the other gentlemen shall be your debtors.—London, 28 February, 1584.
Add. Endd. Seal. Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 31.]