Elizabeth: May 1584, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

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'Elizabeth: May 1584, 26-31', Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914), pp. 514-532. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp514-532 [accessed 20 June 2024].

. "Elizabeth: May 1584, 26-31", in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914) 514-532. British History Online, accessed June 20, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp514-532.

. "Elizabeth: May 1584, 26-31", Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, (London, 1914). 514-532. British History Online. Web. 20 June 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp514-532.

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May 1584, 26–31

May 27./June 6. 618. William Robinson to his brother John Robinson.
This day the Lord of Farnehurst is gone towards Rouen and so to Scotland, to deal for our nation in these parts and to have licence from the King there that they may remain by his favour, for it is hoped that both the King of Spain and the Pope will let them have their pensions paid there.
Both Glasgow and Seaton have been three times with the French King, and put in good hope of their desire, which as yet I do not understand, but am certain Farnehurst is sent home on two days warning with great courage. “These above named is never from the Duke of Guise for his help and counsel. Our nation doth not sleep, but their heads are busy in this matter, . . . and these news of Scotland doth make us very joyous and glad.”
I will do “to power.” This is my third, and as yet no word from you. My friends have not helped me with one groat, “I wot not how to live, for I am very poor and here is all things unreasonable dear,” therefore I crave your assistance at your pleasure. I believe I could do you more pleasure in Scotland than here.
“Seaton will not home afore word come from Farnehurst.”—Faubourg St. Marceau (fowbars of Saint Marshewe), at the sign of Notre Dame de Liesse, Paris, “6 day of June as we account, but in England it is the 18 [sic] of May.
Postscript.—It were good to have some privy sign for these men's names in these parts.
“Here was great repair at Glasgow's house,” both of our nation and the Scots, and the two Irish (Ieryse) men, whose names I cannot learn, but they had great conference both with Glasgow and Seaton the night before Farnehurst departed, who was there himself, and said to me, he would that I would return with him to Scotland. He goes in one Harry Tomson's ship, of Leith, from Dieppe.
Add. 1 p. [France XI. 110.]
May 27./June 6 619. News From Paris.
Lord Farnehurst departed from Paris towards Scotland, being employed by the Scottish faction there to procure permission for such as have pensions from foreign Princes to return and enjoy them in Scotland, it being hoped that the said Princes would agree to pay them there.
Lord Seton also awaits answer from Farnehurst about some special matter committed to his charge.
Lord Paget, Charles Arundel, Morgan and Thomas Throgmorton resolve to go to Scotland, “where they think to find greater means of practice.”
½ p. [Newsletters IX. 18.]
May 27./June 6. 620. Certificate by Laurens Testu, Maitre d'Hotel to the King, captain of the Castle of the Bastille and captain of the watch for the town and city of Paris, to Sir E. Stafford, that when Messrs. Paulet and Cobham were ambassadors here, and lodged in the house of Madame de Selve, near the Place Maubert, he caused tapistry to be hung before the said house and gate during the Fete Dieu and the octave thereof, and that the ambassadors made no difficulty about it when they heard that it was for the order and pursuant to the intention of the King.—Paris, 6 June, 1584.
Signed and sealed by Testu.
Endd. “Testu's paper given to Sir Ed. Stafford by the captain of the Bastille at Paris, that the use hath been in the times of other ambassadors to suffer their streets [sic] to be covered with tapestry cloth in the time of processions upon the Ascension days [sic]. June, 1584.” Fr. ½ p.[France XI. 111.]
May 27. 621. Capt. William Marten to Walsingham.
In the absence of my lord and master, the Earl of Leicester, I “bolden myself” to trouble you with these few lines, not being able to come to you, as “great occasion of business and some danger withal” causes me to follow my lord with all speed.
One Thomas Geye, who was my “ancient, [i.e. ensign] bearer” in the Low Countries, and was at the revolt of Alost, about six weeks past came by passport from the enemy's camp to Dunkirk, accompanied by William Bradborne and one Peter Miller, who was my serjeant.
This Peter Miller I met at Flushing, “now at my coming over,” who told me that Geye was gone into England, with whom Miller and Bradburne came from Dunkirk, and also a young man that came from Mr. Toplef and other rebels then at Dunkirk with letters to their friends in England. This young man, Miller meant to have brought to your honour, but Geye would not suffer it.
Geye was committed to the Marshalsea the second day after he came to London, whereupon Miller “for fear” returned to Zeeland. He says the young man is in Holborn at the sign of the Crown, where his sister is hostess of the house. It was Geye who sold the minister at Alost into the hands of the enemy.
Bruges has as yet received no garrison from the King, but the Marquis of Richebourg (Rysborow) was received on May 27, after the new style, into the town by the Duke of Aerschot and the Prince of Chimay. The Scots troops there have taken the oath to serve the King. Mr. Rowland Yorke “is delivered from Ghent and remaineth prisoner at Brussels.”
Our men in camp in Guelderland are undermining the sconces before Zutphen (Southfyld). If this takes no good effect our cannon lies ready at Arnhem to batter it. About May 24 [n.s.] the enemy entered Zutphen with a strong convoy of munition and victuals. At my coming from Delft, it was said that Verdugo had marched with all his forces towards Zutphen. The enemy will hazard the loss of a thousand men or two but they will succour the sconces.
These towns, as Deventer, Kampen (Campion) and Swayley [qy.Zwolle] in Guelderland have refused victuals or any other things for our camp, so that they are greatly suspected. Some of the towns have received Count William [Louis], sent by the Prince and States as governor of Guelderland, others will not.—London, 27 May, after the old style.
Postscript.—I understand that one John Samson, lieutenant to the Earl of Westmorland at the revolt at Alost, is come over with one Richard Alderton, and has alleged before your honour that they “did pretend” to kill the Earl, which by no reason seems to be true, for in the six months when they waited for their pay they had time and place enough.
I have found out the truth by those that came away with them and were prisoners in Holland, I and Col. Morgan being joined in commission with three of the States to examine them. The whole of the forty-eight persons were condemned, and we took out six, known to be old mutineers, who, I believe, are executed. The rest have their passports and are banished the provinces. From them I found that John Samson was sent by the Earl to Tournay, to receive 1,400 guilders from Pigot, of which he lost the greatest part at dice (dyse), and while there he persuaded the servant of Captain Vincent (Vinsen) to rob his master of a chain and 400 pistolets. Samson had the chain and the money was divided amongst their ill-disposed company.
The servant fled towards France, but was taken. Samson, thinking he had escaped and himself not suspected, returned to the camp and pawned the chain to Alderton for 20l. to make up the Earl's money, which he had lost. This was done in the lodging of one Thorpe, ancient-bearer to the Earl, and Thorpe's wife coming in and seeing the chain, said “Have you got this chain that all this stir is for ?” With that her husband, reviling her, ran at her with his poignard and stabbed her in three places. The Earl and his company, hearing her cries, sent to know “what stir it was,” but they made light of it.
Next morning the news came that the Captain's man was taken and had “apeached” Samson, so the same night Samson, Alderton and Harvey (sic) fled away. The rest of the soldiers hearing that the officers were gone, fled also. I assure you “this was all the pretence in killing the Earl of Westmorland,” and also, that if Samson and Thorpe had not agreed with the Earl at his first coming to Alost, he had never been colonel amongst them.—London, 27 May, “after the old style.”
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 98.]
May 28. 622. Stafford to Walsingham.
On Lord Seton's audiences. Wished to have a Scottish captain for the Scots Guards instead of a French one. His visit to Stafford and discussion of affairs in Scotland. The taking of Gowry &c. Seton declared at Court that her Majesty had set on this “accident of Scotland.” Pinart's son to go with Mauvissière to Scotland. The King's proposed journey to Normandy. The King insists on ambassador's house being “hanged.” Protest against it, as breach of privilege. Answer, within the house is free, without it is the King's. Stafford has given up the house and retired to another, till he knows the Queen's pleasure.—Paris, 28 May, 1584.
Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XI. 112.]
Calendared at length in Report on the Cecil Papers, iii., 32, but dated May 29. Printed in Murdin, pp. 402–405.
May 28. 623. Rudolf II to the Electors.
“The contents of the Emperor's letters to the Electors, 28 May, 1584.”
“Where the Steedes [towns] of the Hanse have desired an execution of the decree made at Augusta for the banishing of the trade of the English nation”; forasmuch as those that solicit it do not agree in all points, and the banishment is only to the end that the Hanses might recover their privileges in England, which may be doubted, and also, the innocent will be touched as well as the guilty, the matter seems to require good consideration.
Especially as the other side allege that the Hanses themselves are the cause of the abridgement of their liberties, by not answering the imposts due to the crown or granting what the English Queen requires at Hamburg and other places, as has been signified to his Majesty by persons sent from the Queen.
Because it appertains not to him to meddle with the said Queen's government, and “this execution would, both unto her and other potentates, seem to be done by way of reprisals, whereby the Queen would think herself greatly injured and seek to be revenged of the Dutch nation, and so, for a private cause, not only the Hanse Steedes but other States of the Empire might incur some damage in their trade.”
The Earls of Eastfriesland say that the navigation of the west sea and river of Embden will be undone and become dangerous, and though the Steedes still insist that the trade of the Merchant Adventurers is a monopoly and forbidden by the laws of the Empire, yet the said Earls declare that the sale of English cloth is not so “monopolish” as was pretended, and that the Adventurers “have procured so much friendship with other foreign potentates that by driving their trade thither they should do the Empire much harm” and bring the ill will of such princes upon the said Earl, “especially seeing he hath desired that by the Chamber (?) of the Empire or other commissioners the matter might be examined.”
For these and other reasons, the Emperor has not thought it desirable to put the Augsburg decree in execution, but that the Queen should be dealt with more mildly, “at the cost of the Hanses,” before extremity be used, but with condition that if she “shall not condescend to any reasonable order and restore the Hanses to their privileges or otherwise show herself friendly towards them,” then he will appoint commissioners to enquire into the matter, and, according to their finding, do what is ordained by the constitutions of the Empire.
Which, at the request of the Hans Steedes. he signifies to the Electors.
English translation. Endd. With [English] date. 1½ pp. [Germany, Empire I. 60.]
May 29./June 8. 624. Beckner to Walsingham.
In mine of the 3rd inst. by Cornelles the post, I enclosed a letter from William Robinson to his brother John which I trust has come to your hands safely. I have to-day received the two enclosed from the said Robinson to his brother, who has written to me of his sickness and necessities, the consideration whereof I refer to your honour, being ready to do anything you command me.
The King and his Council have granted letters of mart against the Spaniards, for great sums of money, “which is doubted will breed a broil between the two princes.”
I beseech you to be my friend for the despatch of my suit, or I know not what shift to make, being half in despair and daily worse and worse. “From your honour's house at Rouen.” 8 June, French style.
Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France XI. 113.]
May 29. 625. [Geoffroy le Brumen] to Walsingham.
The illness of Madame de la Mauvissière and of some others has prevented me from paying my respects to you, not being able to leave her. She first had jaundice, catarrh on the chest etc., and then a high fever which threatens to throw her into consumption.
My letters from France give no hope for Monsieur. The nobility already look towards the King of Navarre; the Guisards rest amazed, knowing well that the nobility is stronger than their Jesuits and priests, on whom they depend. The voyage of the ships of Brouage is not entirely broken, although many mariners of the Religion have withdrawn from it.
The journey of Epernon to the King of Navarre gives food for thought to those on both sides. He has gone with a great company. Those of Rochelle are suspicious, the Duke de Joyeuse seems to be afraid of it. The Spaniards have passed Chambery. There are said to be 8,000. The designs of the ambassador incline to the party of the King of Navarre, in case of Monsieur's death.
I have been to see M. Puthram, in order to be paid by him. He made excuses as usual, saying in the end that he had a considerable assignment by her Majesty, signed by most of the Council; that it only rested with you to help and favour him, and that upon some small difficulty you have put off the affair, remitting it to Mr. Sidney's judgment, of which he is glad, and says he will willingly give 100 livres to Sidney or any other who will make an end of the opposition. I promised him nothing but pray you to direct me how to act when he speaks to me again. I have no doubt he would give the 100 livres willingly enough, for he has long been in doubt whether he would get anything.
A prisoner has escaped from Limburg, which gave rise to the rumour about M. de la Noue.
Unsigned and undated. Add. Endd. “29 May, 1584, Mr. Jeffray.” Fr.pp.[Ibid. XI. 114.]
May 29./June 8. 626. Copy of the last will and testament of Francois, son of France and brother of the King, made and signed on this date, he feeling himself very weak and near his end.
Endd. Fr.pp.[Ibid. XI. 115.]
Printed by De Thou and elsewhere.
627. English translation of the same.
Endd. 4 pp. [France XL. 116.]
May 29. 628. Gilpin to Walsingham.
I have received your answer to my letter by Sprytwell, and cannot sufficiently acknowledge how deeply I am bound by your manifold favours to me. If you order the money be to paid to my friend Christopher Umfrye, he will see it “answered me here.”
Yesterday the Scottish gentleman recommended to us by you told me that he learnt from a countryman of his newly come from the King of France that the Lord Seton, who was sent thither by his King, had got the answer to his message and longed to return but durst not, fearing “to be laid for by the way by her Majesty's order,” and so was minded to come to this island as a merchant and pass into his own country by long seas.
This causes suspicion, and the gentleman and I thought it very requisite to advertise you, that, if it be thought good, he may be met and intercepted.
We are laying such a watch at Camphere that he cannot come thither, however secretly or disguised, without our knowledge, and if we have not heard from you, mean to try to get his detention by the Governor or States here, either by reason of his disguise or as coming from the enemy's country, in order to win time till we know your opinion. This gentleman, being so well addicted to the cause as may tend to the good of both realms, deserves to be well commended, behaving so courteously that he has procured the good liking of all the company.
It is said that Bruges “groweth to quietness and getteth Trade.” The enemy prepares to send his forces to Ostend or Sluys, with show to intend a siege, but they are hoped to be so well provided and resolved “that it will cost blows ere the getting of either.”
Those of Ghent hold out for the exercise of religion, and the Prince of Parma has ordered sconces to be made about the town to cut off the passages and weary them, as was done at Ypres.
Those of Herentals lately cut off and overthrew a cornet of the enemy s horse and took the governor of Lierre (a kinsman of the Prince of Parma) with other prisoners.
“The wars will grow more cruel daily, for the quarters being broken (as they term it here) few or none for ransom are spared, but either slain or hanged if any be taken on either side.”
In Antwerp and these islands all is quiet, and from Friesland and Guelderland as little heard. Some talk of aid from France, “but not reposed on.”
I am credibly told that the Baron of Selles fully expected to be set free by the end of June, “so as M. de la Noue shall be for him in like sort released.”—Middelburg, 29 May, 1584.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. Seal. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 99.]
May 30. 629. Stafford to Burghley.
I send you copies of my letters to Mr. Secretary. Monsieur, as they give it out, “is in good amendment.” He plays at cards, but does not speak or rise out of bed. Every day, by private conferences, I am more sure he will never recover, but that I have told to none but you and my mother.—Paris, 30 May, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. ½ p. [France XI. 117.]
May 30. 630. Stafford to Walsingham.
Pinard was sent to me yesterday both to declare the King's will about the hanging of my house and to answer my request about Lord Paget and the rest, viz. that if any of them have enterprised anything against her Majesty in this country they shall be duly punished, but for what they did in England “and they fled,” all realms are free, and the liberties thereof must be sustained.
I answered this was not the promise the King had sent me by Pinard himself, that if it were discovered that any in the realm had enterprised against her Majesty or her State, he should have the punishment he deserved. He replied that this was only meant for enterprises in France, not in other places, and that her Majesty had of late years “refused for the Count Mongomery, the Prince of Conde and of late Segur, the same request to Mauvissière which now by me she asked.”
I said I knew nothing of those things, but I was sure the King had promised me this, and if he did not perform it we should never know in the future whether they might not “interpret and turn their sayings into so many sorts as they were like a chameleon, that changeth with every colour it looketh upon.” He replied that above all things they must maintain the honour and privileges of their realm, but otherwise would seek to content her Majesty in every point. I answered that I had found nothing yet but words and was out of hope of better hereafter, and therefore could not counsel her Majesty to trust to it.
He brought me word again from the King that Mauvissière's chief commission was to set quietness in Scotland, and for the extract I showed him, he would have a careful eye to it and keep it secret till occasion offered. Epernon's voyage is believed to be chiefly to try, by fair promises, to shake the King of Navarre in religion, and the more honest fear that harm may be done, for some ambitious ones here do not “stick” to say that if he permitted liberty to the Catholics of Bearn, those in France would be less bent against him, as hoping to have the same if he came to the crown.
The best of his own doubt it would only be a “showing horn” to draw him quite back, and wish greatly that her Majesty would send one to comfort him in his religion. Not to be too open, it might be done by somebody here. Either Mr. Bacon at Bordeaux or my cousin Constable here would discharge it well and with little cost, and I think it might do a great deal of good.
Queen Mother uses all the means she can to “lift out” Epernon while he is away, but he has left many good friends here, and the King “holdeth hard in love to him.”
I should be loth for it to be done, for the House of Guise and he will never agree and nothing is more necessary for us than to have a chief man with the King who may hold them back.
I send you a discourse which I think you will not mislike. It is meant that many copies shall be cast abroad. You must not ask me whence it comes, for my word is given not to reveal it, but it is from a friend of mine and yours both.
The papists here have answered the book of the “Execution of Justice in England” and have sent it to Rouen to be printed, thinking they might be “letted of it” here by me. If I can get a copy, I will send it. I pray you let me know how to act in such like things and I will obey, but I think that speaking against and “letting” of them does rather harm than good, making some think that it is truth and therefore we are afraid of its coming abroad, whilst if there be little show of care on our part, their writing would carry little credit.
Two great personages of France are lately dead, M. de Foix, ambassador at Rome, and M. Pibrac, Monsieur's chancellor in this town. M. St. Goard, formerly ambassador in Spain, goes in M. de Foix' place, with 1,000 crowns a month; the greatest allowance I ever heard of. In Pibrac's place nobody is yet appointed.—Paris, 30 May, 1584.
Postscript.—If Pinard's son goes away to-morrow, we shall go to Marchaumont's house for three or four days to take the air, for both my wife and I have need of it. Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XI. 118.]
May 30. 631. Stokes to Walsingham.
From Tournay they write that the Prince of Parma will come hither about the end of next week, and will tarry here till he has taken Ostend and Sluys. He will have a train of about 1,500 persons and a very brave court of gentlemen, most of them Netherlanders; for since the peace, a great many gentlemen show themselves at the court, and every man seeks to obey the commands that come from it.
The Prince has laid his camp in sundry places round about Ghent, and they are making bulwarks as fast as they can. The Gantois seem to have some hopes of succour, for they show themselves very stout, and issue out daily to skirmish with their enemies. “All the prisoners that they take that are 'Albernois,' Spaniards or Italians, they cut off their noses and ears and uses them very cruelly; but it is much feared they will be deceived of help, and want of victuals will be their overthrow.”
This week they have changed their magistrates for the third time this year. Such is their variable dealings, which will bring them the sooner to their end.
Those of Antwerp and Zeeland have cut their sea banks in another place besides Terneuse, and laid the land of Waes almost all under water, to the undoing of all those parts. It is done to help the Gantois, but “is thought will do them more harm than good.”
It is said that the Prince of Parma's camp here in Flanders will be 27,000 men, including the Spaniards now in Luxembourg, who are marching towards Ghent.
Victuals and forage are very scant in these parts, and the want of them will be a great hindrance to the Prince's camp; yet there comes daily to Dunkirk and Nieuport great store of victuals out of England, which helps them very much, “though they do not deserve it, for they cannot speak well of the country.”
Captain Bartholomew Balfour, a Scots man, has forsaken this side and gone to Sluys; about a hundred Scots soldiers have followed him, and it is thought more will do so, “for it seems they will not serve this side.”
There are still great secret speeches by men of credit, of trouble to be raised in England by the Spaniards. God grant it may be foreseen in time. I send enclosed the copy of an article given by the Prince of Parma to this town and the Free, which touches those of the Religion.—Bruges, 30 May, 1584, stilo Anglie.
Postscript.—More letters to-day come from Tournay tell us that the Prince goes to Lille on Tuesday next for three or four days and from thence to Ypres for the same time; then to Dixmude for two days, and from Dixmude hither.
Also a trumpeter is come from the camp before Ghent, and reports that two days ago the Gantois put out of the town above 800 poor people, men, women and children, but the Marquis of Richebourg sent them back again.
The Gantois would not let them come in, so the Marquis, “for pity sake,” was forced to let them depart. It seems they will put out a great number more and are determined to keep the town to the last man.
Add. Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 100.]
May 31./June 10. 632. M. du Vergier to the Queen.
I am sending this bearer express to the Queen of Scots to beg her to discharge me from my place of Chancellor, and pray you to give him a passport, it being a matter very important for her service, and for which she must provide without delay.—Paris, 10 June, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [France XI. 119.]
May 31./June 10. 633. M. du Vergier to Walsingham.
To the same effect as the preceding. Prays Walsingham to move the Queen to give him the passport.—Paris, 10 June, 1584.
Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. XI. 120.]
May 31./June 10. 634. The Princess of Chimay to the Queen.
God having made your Majesty protectress of his church not only in England, but also in France and these Low Countries who are about to throw themselves into your arms and demand to have you for their lady and princess, I believed that, being accomplished in every virtue and endowed with so many perfections and graces, you would not take it ill if I testified my great joy at the aforesaid resolution of these countries and of the treaty begun between you, and my extreme desire to see it reach the desired end, both for the contentment of your Majesty and the good of his service, which more than any other I have at heart, seeing that upon it depends the issue of the miseries of this people.
And most earnestly feeling these calamities, in which moreover I am personally interested as much as any other of my quality, I pray God to grant you the issue which so holy and honourable an enterprise merits, and beg that you will hold me worthy of a place amongst the humblest of your servants, which I shall esteem in the midst of my affliction, as the greatest good which can come to me in this world, as you will be assured by this bearer, the Sieur de Grise. to whom I pray you to grant a favourable hearing.—Delft, 10 June. Signed, Marie de Brimeu.
Holograph. Add, Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 101.]
May 31./June 10. 635. The Princess of Chimay to Walsingham.
Regretting that during his residence in those countries she had not the pleasure of knowing him, of whose valour and merit she has so often been assured by persons of quality; and praying him to assist the bearer the Sieur de Grise in what he has to lay before her Majesty.—Delft, 10 June, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Clearly dated 1584, but endd. “1585,” to which year the two letters would seem rather to belong. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 102.]
May 31./June 10. 636. George Martin's Confession.
When the Prince of Orange was warned by his friends of an Englishman who was plotting against Holland, Zeeland and the Prince himself, the matter was given into the hands of certain persons that they might learn of his arrival and arrest the man; which was done at Flushing, where he was arrested by the prefect, taken to the governor, and sent by him to Rotterdam, where, being examined and interrogated, he replied willingly and freely, and amongst other things, confessed and signed as follows:—
That he was English, and had served in the family of the Earl of Leicester and his brother the Earl of Warwick for five years, and in the following years had been in Ireland and in Flanders.
That he had lately [sic] come from England into Brabant, in order to see the Court, and with letters of recommendation from M. Haten, prefect of the guard to the Duke of Alva, with which he was furnished a little time before Alva left the country.
The Duke of Alva was the first who dealt with him for the killing of the Prince of Orange and also the Queen of England. The Comendador of Castile [Requesens], who succeeded in Alva's place, continued the consultations with him about this matter, and promised him 30,000 crowns if he betrayed the Prince alive and 20,000 if he killed him.
Meanwhile, he was sent by the Comendador into England, in order there to procure ships, sailors, soldiers and arms, to be in pay at Middelburg, and also with letters to some of the chief Englishmen, and received thirty-seven dollars for that purpose from the Comendador.
The business given to him at that time by the Comendador was to insinuate himself into the friendship of Edward Chester (Cester), and with him to journey into Holland and there await an opportunity of killing the Prince.
But all this was pretended by him, in order by this opportunity to discover more fully the designs of the English exiles against the Queen and State of England, of which he had been warned by Colonel Gillibert in England. His meaning may easily appear from this:—That all things attempted for the killing of the Queen and Prince were written by him into England from Brabant, and, while yet in England, he fully exposed them to D. Gillibert, and also delivered them in writing; and that he told the same to Edward Chester in London.
He says that the English exiles with the Comendador were these:—
Mr. Copley, Thomas Ginik, Edward Godsal, Mr. Lobeles, Captain Smith (Smet).
Mr. Copley also communicated with him about killing Count John of Nassau, by order of the Comendador, as he said, but that matter fell through.
In December last he was in Holland and Zeeland with Mr. Chester for a fortnight, viz.: at Dordrecht, Zieriksee, Vere and Flushing, and at that place saw the Prince.
He then came into Holland that he might see his kinsman Bingham, whom he found was sent into England, which he afterwards reported to him in England, together with all that he had done with Alva and the Comendador as to killing the Prince.
He then came again into Zeeland and Holland, and then again left, determining upon this departure without a safe-conduct either from the Prince or any of his officers.
This is the reply of George Martin, 10 June, '84(?), at Rotterdam, and signed by his hand. Signed, “Per me, Georgium Martyn.”
Endd. “George Martin's confession touching the practice for him to have killed the Prince of Orange,” and, apparently in in another hand, “10 June, 1564.” Latin. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 103.]
The date in the original certainly appears to read 1564, but the contents of the paper make this impossible, and the “6” may easily be a badly formed 8.
Placed with the above.
637. George Martin, amongst other things, has confessed that Edward “Woedsair” [qy. Woodshawe. See Calendar for 1577–8, p. 570] gave him letters to M. de la Motte and M. de Noircarmes, by whom, afterwards, letters were given him for Captain 'Winebaut,' dwelling in a castle of the Queen's at Dover, by which he was admonished that, having relinquished the service of the Queen, he should transfer himself to that of the King of Spain, which was much richer and more glorious; and further that he should take charge of the business of ships and mariners for that King in England. Which letters were not given by him to 'Winebald' but to Gillibert, that by him they might be delivered to the Queen.
The Spanish ambassador in England was not in the plot to kill either the Prince of the Queen, nor was any oath taken to him concerning the matter, albeit he was informed of the business of the ships and mariners.
Endd. in the same hand as the date on the preceding paper, “George Martin, 10 June, 1564.” Latin. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 104.]
[May.] 638. Pietro Bizarri to [Walsingham?].
Yesterday evening M. d'Asseliers, auditor and private secretary to the States of Brabant, departed from hence towards his highness, and it is said that he carries the conclusion of all the negotiations between his highness and the States, who offer him a certain sum of money as soon as he takes the field against the enemy. It is said that M. de Biron, Marshal of France, is come to Cambray. The rest will be known better in a few days.
Part of the garrison of Bergen-op-Zoom, a few days ago, in a sudden sortie made against the enemy, took several of them, and lately those who are in Herentals, by an ambuscade, have taken about twenty and all of importance, amongst whom is a count, a near relative of the Duke of Parma, a colonel, and the son of the Sieur Gaspar Schez, formerly treasurer of Antwerp, and they say it is a great booty, because of the quality of the prisoners.
On the 1st of this month, half a league from here, there was taken an Italian, stark naked, who had swum across the water to give chase to some herds and cattle from hence and to conduct them to the other side, where the enemy were, and the following day, which was yesterday morning, he was hanged at the Crain, as a common thief and robber.
The Duke of Aerschot is made governor of Flanders, and Bruges has returned to the obedience of Spain, by the perfidy of him of whom better things were hoped; sed nolite confidenza in principibus, in quibus non est salus; et maledictus homo qui sperate in homine.
The Duke [sic] of Parma, on the acquisition of Bruges, has informed those of Ghent, Ostend and Sluys that he gives them ten or fifteen days in which to surrender, and otherwise he shall know what to do with them. Their reply is now awaited.
The States of Holland and Zeeland are said to have decided unanimously that no more victuals of any sort shall be sent to the enemy, and some merchants having, contrary to the edict proclaimed, sent three vessels laden with provisions, those of Flushing are said to have taken them.
I understand that M. de la Noue (di Lanoy), by the intercession of the King of France, is finally to be set at liberty in exchange for Count Egmont.
I pray you to favour me with four lines to say whether you have received my letter or no.
Amongst those banished lately from hence, on the 30th [April, n.s.], of whom I wrote, there was a certain Antonio Spinola, a Genoese, who for many years had been censor or corrector, as they are called, and by this means had accumulated much riches. He is already departed, like the rest. [No date or address.]
Postscript.—The governor of Lierre lately demanded money for the entertainment of two couriers, from Cologne and Nuremberg, which being paid by the merchants interested, he returned their letters.
Italian. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 105.]
May. 639. Proposals in relation to the Low Countries.
As, although the Queen of England has always desired to abstain from war so much as was possible, it is yet to be feared that England in time to come, may be engaged in a great and lengthy war, which it would be well to obviate in time:
And as likewise the Prince of Orange has been deceived in Flanders, thinking that it would come under the Due d'Alençon, whereas they are submitting to the King of Spain, and may fail to hold Holland and Zeeland by force as he seems to intend, seeing that if the Malcontents and Spaniards take two or three of their towns, it is to be feared that the common people would turn him out of the country and make peace with the King of Spain, which were great pity for the noble prince:
So it is also to be feared that the King of Spain might unite with the French to extirpate the Religion throughout all Europe, first in one country and then in another, and might divide the countries between them, although they have not hitherto thought of such a thing. But it is necessary to keep good guard, for many believe that though the King of Spain tried to do it alone and failed in his own country, yet with the aid of the French they might well do much evil if God do not prevent it in time. But it seems that all might yet be prevented so long as the city of Antwerp is not yet reduced to poverty, and by making a powerful camp in Brabant, which now might easily be done, where later there could be no remedy. By means of this camp they might seize Louvain, and then put the camp there, and thus, in a short time, might gain all the country of Kempen and occupy the towns with our people. By this means, the Religion would be carried on; the town of Ghent would return to our side, and all subtle enterprises would manifest themselves in time. This camp would serve both for the assistance of the Due d'Alencon and for security to his Excellency and to the Estates of the Low Countries.
Endd. by Burghley: “May, 1584. Advice to make an army in Brabant,” Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 106.]
640. Advice touching the Low Countries.
With six tons of gold and what Antwerp can still do, we might raise 3,000 horse, and enough foot to resist, and to deliver Ghent and the Pays de Waes, and also to hinder the Malcontents if they came to made forts to close in those of Brussels, Vilvorde, Malines and Dendermonde.
If Herentals or Bergen-op-Zoom should be besieged, we could deliver them, but without money, it is certain that courage will be lost, for the merchant will leave Antwerp, knowing well that a small camp cannot aid us. Ghent, too, will surrender, and all Flanders will be lost.
But, having this camp, we should see with what forces and power the French would throw themselves upon Hainault and Artois; the frontier towns of Antwerp would remain on our side, and the Religion would be preserved.
When the commons and the lords of our country see the affection of her Majesty towards us, they will love her with all their hearts, and will be still better inclined to her if they saw that the French would fail them yet again.
If they think that Antwerp is strong enough to deliver herself, their eyes are blinded, and if her Majesty does not oppose her wisdom to their blindness, we are lost.
Would it not be better to conquer a country and have lasting peace, or to give a little assistance in order to still resist, for when the enemy is strong, he will never keep quiet.
It would not be bad for Holland and Zeeland to be joined to England, but it could hardly be done, for the commons, seeing a perpetual war, will not wish to join with those of England, but for the sake of navigation and also by means of the corrupted lords will make agreement with the King of Spain, particularly when they see that the French have agreed with him. Although Antwerp will hold out some time longer with misery, at last it must succomb.
As one supposes that the King of Spain neither does or will spare any money to corrupt the lords, it would be better to have open than secret enmity.
This is what one ought well to consider. There is a secret alliance. Perhaps the King of Spain will give the Low Countries to the Duke of Alencon or the King of France on condition that they shall assist'him, or at least that they shall not hinder him in his conquest of England and Scotland. To put an end to their evil designs, where they may deceive each other, we must look at the matter closely, for one must not trust to any unrighteous princes.
To confide in God and to be also vigilant is very good; a discreet person can foresee that well enough.
The remonstrant very humbly prays the Queen and Secretary Walsingham not to take in ill part that he brings only ill news, for it proceeds from a good heart and the times supply no good ones, and he only does it to avoid the worst.
Endd. “An advice given by a Frenchman touching the Low Countries.” Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 107.]
May. 641. A short Defence of the Queen of England, by a Frenchman in the Low Countries.
Although it would seem to be very useful for her Majesty and her kingdoms that our war in these Low Countries should go on for long, and that the King of Spain should threaten war not only against us but against France, so that the said Queen might have rest as regards these two kings, they being occupied elsewhere, yet it is certainly true that she would have given us more aid if we had observed the means which God has given into our hands and made good use of them.
If also we had had recourse to her Majesty, as we have had towards the French, and had pledged to her some towns (which are now held by the enemy) as a guarantee, as was then proposed, without doubt she would not have failed to assist us with money and men.
That she is not lightly ready to give us her aid, without guarantee and assurance, as some ill-wishers reproach her, as in regard to those of Rochelle; that is, that she would not assist them or us with money without having pledge of jewels or towns in her hands:—All that does not result from feebleness or lack of good-will towards those of the Religion, but only that she and her Council seek to take away from the two kings above named all occasion of undertaking a war against her country. [Here follows a blank space, as if something were omitted.] For she puts her trust in God, and therefore God guards her against all false and subtle enterprises and evil and secret leagues, her wise counsel forsees them afar off, and when seditions arise, she remedies them with attemprance, using great diligence to prevent wars, therefore blessed may she be for ever. Thus she has raised herself above those who have no care for these things, who seek wars and are never quiet, whereof the commonalty may well complain. For in time of peace one may live happily, but wars are ever great afflictions.
Endd. “A defence framed by a Frenchman for her Majesty's proceedings with the Low Countries.” Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 108.]
[May ?] 642. Calculations concerning amounts to be derived from a tax on imports and exports in the United Provinces, for payment of interest due to her Majesty.
To the same effect as those by Carenzone (see p. 509 et seq. above) but not in his handwriting. The last paragraph contains a proposal for granting the Flemish merchants domiciled in England a Residence in London, which they have asked for, on condition that this corporation shall be responsible for the due payment of the aforesaid interest.
Fr.pp. [Ibid. XXI. 109.]
[May ?] 643. The Earl of Leicester to Davison.
“Cousin Davyson, I perceive the want of your health hath kept you hence, therefore I am to pray you most heartily to write for me a letter to the Prince and another to the Princess, to acknowledge my great obligation to them both, in desiring me to be the gossip, which were the place of a greater personage, but none could they desire more affectionate in good will to them both. I pray you signify also that I think my nephew Philip Sidney will be there with him about the time set down for his christening if not before, to whom I have written to supply my place, but if he come not in time, I have appointed this gentleman, Mr. Dyer, who is my very friend, to do the same, whom I recommend to his good favour to give him credit in that he shall say from me. You must excuse his language in speech, though he understand Italian well and the Latin, which he somewhat speaketh, but I doubt not but he will make him sufficiently [understand] both his mind and mine. Send these letters I pray you this night to Baynard's Castle, or early in the morning by six o'clock.” [Undated.]
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 110.]
[A pencil endorsement shows that this letter has been placed among the Holland papers of this date as possibly relating to the baptism of the Prince of Orange's child, but this is very doubtful.]
[May.] 644. Memorandum of the answers of the German Princes to the King of Navarre's letters, with copy of the heads of Segur's Instructions.
The heads of M. Segur's Instructions.”
To persuade a synod for the compounding of matters of difference in religion, between the divines of Germany and other churches.
To persuade a good intelligence and league defensive between the princes of Germany, her Majesty, the Kings of Denmark and Navarre against the league of the Council of Trent, of late practised to be put in execution in a Council at Rome, between the Pope and the ambassadors of all the Catholic princes.
To persuade to yield assistance to the Archbishop of Cologne.
To appoint a diet or meeting in Germany at some fit place and time, where the ambassadors of her Majesty and the kings may confer with the said princes and resolve upon such order as shall be found meet.
Answers to this legation.
The King of Denmark.—Will employ himself to the uttermost of his power for the furtherance of these causes.
The Duke of Saxony.—To the first point, will willingly do what he can, but can determine nothing until he has conferred with the other princes, wherein he will travail with all expedition, beginning with Duke John George, Marquis of Brandenburg.
Touching support for the Archbishop, as the Emperor has appointed a diet to be held at Rotenburg on the 9th of next March, he will not fail to attend and do what he may for the said Archbishop.
The Marquis [George Frederick] of Brandenburg and Anspach.—After conference with the rest he will not be found wanting in performance of any good to be done for all the causes aforesaid.
The Landgrave of Hesse.—To the same effect as the preceding.
Otto, Duke of Luneburg.—Promises resolutely his uttermost endeavours and means.
William, Duke of Luneburg.—Promises the like.
The City of Lubeck.—Will resolutely perform what may he in them for the advancement of the purposes aforesaid, if the Electors will call them to Council, which they doubt not but they will.
The City of Hamburg.—Answer in like sort.
The City of Bremen.—Makes like answer.
The Duke of Brunswick.—Promises all assistance and furtherance he may.
Endd. 2 pp. in L. Tomson's hand. [Germany, States III. 14.]
[Drawn up after receipt of answer from Bremen, dated May 14, 1584.]
645. Another copy of the same.
Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. III. 15.]
[May.] 646. Copies of the replies of the German princes &c. (Dec. 1583–May, 1584) to the letters of the King of Navarre sent by his ambassador, M. Segur de Pardaillan.
I. From Julius, Duke of Brunswick. “Henricopolis,” [i.e. Wolfenbüttel] Dec. 20, 1583.
Latin. 4 pp. [Ibid. III. 16.]
[See another copy, calendared under date, p. 276, above.]
II. From the Landgrave William of Hesse. Cassell, Dec. 31 [1583] (pridie Kal. Jan., 1584).
Latin. 2½ pp. [Ibid. 17.]
III. From Joachim Ernest, Prince of Anhalt. Dessau, Jan. 16 (xvii. Kal. Feb.), 1584.
Latin. 1½ pp. [Ibid. 18.]
IV. From Augustus, Elector of Saxony. Augustusburg, Feb. 4 (pridie nonas), 1584.
Latin. 6 pp. [Ibid. 19.]
V. From the same. Augustusburg, Feb. 3 (iii. nonas), 1584.
Latin. 2½ pp. [Ibid. 19a.]
VI. From the town of Magdeburg. Magdeburg, Feb. 14 (xvi. Kal. Martii), 1584.
Latin. 1½ pp. [Ibid. 19b.]
VII. From Ulric Duke of Mecklenburg. Gustrow [in Mecklenburg-Schwerin], Feb. 19 (xi. Kal. Martii), 1584.
Latin. 3¼ pp. [Ibid. 20.]
VIII. Another copy of the same.
Latin. 2½ pp. [Germany, States III. 21.]
IX. From George Frederick, Marquis of Brandenburg and Anspach. Regiomontum [Konigsberg] in Prussia, 1 March, 1584.
Latin. 4 pp. [Ibid. 22.]
X. From the town of Lubeck. Lubeck, March 1 (Kal. Martii), 1584, stylo antiquo.
Latin. 1½ pp. [Ibid. 23.]
XI. From Adolf, Duke of Holstein &c. Gottorp, March 13
(iii. id. Martii), 1584.
Latin. 3 pp. [Ibid. 24.]
XII. Another copy of Nos. II, III, and XI.
Latin. 9 pp. [Ibid. 25.]
XIII. From Frederick, King of Denmark. Hadersleben, March 15 (id. Martii), 1584.
Latin. 6 pp. [Ibid. 26.]
XIV. From the town of Hamburg. March 22—April 1 (Kal. April, novissimi temporis), 1584.
Latin. 4 pp. [Ibid. 27.]
XV. From Otto, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg. “Court at Hanburg,” April 1, 1584.
Latin. 2½ pp. [Ibid. 28.]
XVI. From William Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg. Celle, April 20, 1584.
Latin. 4 pp. [Ibid. 29.]
XVII. From the town of Bremen. May 14, 1584.
Latin. 3½ pp. [Ibid. 30.]
[On the back of this paper is a general endorsement for the whole series.]
XVIII. From the Landgrave Ludwig of Hesse. Marburg, June 28, 1584.
Latin. 2 pp. [Ibid. 31.]
[Although of later date, this is put with the rest, to keep the whole series together.]