BHO

Elizabeth: July 1584, 26-31

Pages 637-648

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

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July 1584, 26–31

July 26. 777. Stafford to Burghley.
Having occasion to send into England, I have given the packet to this bearer, whom I pray you to favour with a warning “to take heed that hereafter he play no more the fool as he hath done. He hath served me longer than any I have and therefore would be gladder he should do well than any,” and I know nothing amiss of him but this. I pray God he never fall into the like folly again, for if he do, if he were my brother he should not stay with me.
I communicated your letter to Seigneur Palavicino, who by the enclosed [wanting] explains his meaning as to those points her Majesty desired, and I think with reason, for he that is so ready to employ himself to serve her Majesty must be subject to such casualties as commonly happen to men that deal with princes.
I think the King will pay his brother's debts, “because it is just and honourable for him to do so, and that I will ever have an honourable opinion of princes' actions, but yet there is no such promise made, for the looking to all things touching Monsieur . . . is deferred till Blois. Then I think there will come a promise of payment in words, but what deeds will follow, I must give you hope when I see cause; for of the King's own debts, I see little haste of payment.” The only way men can recover their old debts from him is to furnish him with more, and then for greediness of the new, the King giveth assignations for the new and old both.
“Besides, this debt of Monsieur's (by his good conscience, for forgotten I can assure you it was not) was left out of his will;” for the whole sum there specified did not amount to so much as this alone, and thus some have thought"that though Monsieur's hand was for the receipt of it . . . it was never her Majesty's meaning to have it again, but to give it him; and therefore if things had not been handled here with the best ways that we could devise, it might have been a question whether it was a debt nominee or re vera; but that question I think is cleared,” and now it only remains for me to have direction from you when and how to move in the matter. In my opinion, it would be well to leave it until the condolement is done and the Garter presented, that the King may not think her Majesty over hasty, and then we shall see what order he will take. If her Majesty should not be satisfied, then Mr. Palavicino might “follow the King's promise as a solicitor appointed here by me, and . . . make the offer to the King in such sort as afore I have written to your lordship, which I think, in the end, will be the only way to come by it” In the meantime, I have stayed Mr. Palavicino here, who meant shortly to have gone for England.
I have given this bearer order to speak with you about a matter of my own, and to do nothing without your liking.—Paris, 26 July, 1584.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 3 pp. [France XII. 23.]
July 26. 778. Stafford to Walsingham.
Whilst waiting for the Queen Mother's arrival, which is delayed a day or two by the gout, I have been to visit Pinard (who came hither two days ago) under colour of speaking of his son's going into England and Scotland, to whom I delivered what was contained in your letters “about that.”
He answered that upon her Majesty's first desire to have Mauvissière accompanied by some minister of her own into Scotland, the King had determined the same, only to do her all the service he could for the quietness of her State, which nothing disturbed more than troubles in Scotland.”And that therefore they had determined to despatch young Pinard to join with Mauvissière for three causes:—The one to accompany him to the Queen of Scots, of whose deliverance (as far as I could perceive by him) there was some meaning with you to appoint new commissioners to treat, and there to declare unto her how resolutely the King was desirous to have perfect amity between England and Scotland, and therefore in the King's name to desire her that they might, for that intent, carry from her into Scotland all the means she could make for the furthering of it; always in these things being accompanied with whom it would please her Majesty to appoint.
” That being in Scotland, to the Scottish King they had the like to declare, and withal to treat with him of two things. The one, of the re-uniting him and his subjects . . . the other to see what causes of strife or of evil will had or might fall between her Majesty and the said King, and to seek by this King's credit with the King of Scots some firm means to take away the remembrance of all such things, and all causes of renewing them hereafter. And by that means, to leave the King of Scots for ever as a loving and obedient son to her Majesty, and her Majesty as a loving and careful mother and protector over him, and . . . both of them beholding to the French King for his pains and travail in so good a work, of the which he desired to reap no other commodity than first the love of them both united with him and by that means to make their two realms, united with the realm of France, three pillars one to prop another and to uphold themselves against the King of Spain's greatness, which they had all cause to look to.”
I told him that it showed a great affection in the King towards her Majesty, for which I was sure she would feel much bound to him, but now, all things being quiet in Scotland, and the voyage needless, I thought her Majesty desired to reserve the King's good will and his minister's labour till some occasion offered when she might have cause to use it; also, “the stay of it, when need was, growing upon the Queen of Scots' unwillingness, she was loth any such thing should now be attempted, to the Queen of Scots' misliking.”
He answered me half in a choler that the voyage was determined upon but to do the Queen pleasure; and if she did not take this kindly and like well of it, he thought the King “would little care of the sending any,” but that if, by refusing, she showed mistrust of his actions, that was not good between the two realms, at this time especially, and “if they in the like case would mistrust they had more cause, upon my lord of Hunsdon's going to Berwick, whom they knew well enough of what treaties he had in hand, of the which the Scottish King's and Queen's ministers here made their daily complaints.”
I answered that her Majesty was far from mistrust, but that he himself, if he looked into it, could not desire that his son should go such a needless voyage, and into a country so subject to changes as Scotland, where this voyage itself might breed some change and so cause mistrust where there was none before. For Lord Hunsdon's going to Berwick, I marvelled much that either the King or Queen of Scots' ministers should complain of it, or that he and the King's ministers here should mistrust it, seeing that it was an ordinary thing everywhere, when forces were approaching, or there was any cause of suspicion upon a frontier, for the governor of that frontier to be sent to his charge, and that now, upon the bruit of the King of Scots coming down in person into those marches, it was reason her Majesty's lieutenant should be there “to look to all disorders that happen ordinarily in all such places, and especially between those two frontiers more than any other.”
I durst assure you that the King and Queen of Scots' ministers here have complained of no such thing, for only yesterday they had great conference about those matters, and (as I know) there was no mention of any suspicion of my Lord Hunsdon's going to Berwick, but what news they have had since I know not, for a Scottish merchant has come with a packet, with express commandment to deliver it only to the Bishop of Glasgow. I rather think Mauvissière may have” conceived some jealousy of it without specifying anything, which he if had done to them Pinard would have burst out somewhat to me, which he did not, but only said when I pressed him to it, that he knew what well enough.”
They think very much “that there is a spice of jealousy conceived of their sending,” but whether it were better to let them send, to avoid their thinking we mistrust them, or not to permit it for fear of a worse accident, is disputable. To provide against the last is most necessary, yet if they list to do harm, they can easily send another way, “and then have some colour by our mistrust given them to do evil.” Which of the two is best, I leave to wiser than myself to judge.
I then sounded him about the Low Countries. He told me “that the King began to see more into the necessity of the State than he had ever heretofore, and that therefore, having heard de la Pré, he had sent him back again, and that des Pruneaux was presently within two days to go after him, to see whether things were in the state de la Pre had made report, and that, in that, they had followed our example, we having, as he told me (which I understood not of afore) sent Mr. Sommers for the same effect,” and that, upon his return, if the King finds there is any remedy to be used, he will do all things convenient.
I asked him whether it would not be well for their ambassador to move the Queen in the matter, and said I thought, if thereby she saw that the King were determined to consider of it, which heretofore he would never do, she would concur in so good an action. He answered that the ambassador wrote that Mr. Sydney had commandment to move that matter, and that her Majesty understanding the state of those countries better than they did, the King had determined to hear her opinion and motions, and will be ready to concur in this and any other good action she shall propound.”
I would fain have pressed him upon this stay of Mr. Sydney, saying that as the King knew of the principal cause of his coming, and yet set so little by it that, without hearing or appointing any to hear him, he delayed it so long as till his return from Lyons, her Majesty might well conceive him to be as cold as ever, and thereupon might herself grow cold also, “which might be remedied if by the ambassador's motions, her Majesty might find the King to be willing”; but they would not be persuaded, saying as before that her Majesty understood the cause better than they, and they would hear from her what ways were best to take. In truth I think they would have been glad to make some motions themselves if they had not heard from Mauvissière that Mr. Sydney had charge to do it, and so they will make the Queen speak first.
But I will not “leave,” at the Queen's Mother's coming, to do what I can to provoke them to make some motion first, employing all the senses I have, as also about the stopping of victuals to go to the enemy. I pray you, a little before your son Sydney's coming, to send me back this bearer to bring me word of it.—Paris, 26 July, 1584.
Signed. Add. Endd. 5 pp. [France XII. 24.]
July 26/Aug. 5. 779. Edmund Yorke to Walsingham.
According to your commands, I have conferred with Mr. Gilpin, whose advice was to send my letters to Antwerp, to M. de St. Aldegonde, to whom you directed them, and upon his answer to go into Holland, where the States General are, as without their orders nothing can be done. When I have been into Holland, having (as I hope, by your means) authority for my brother's delivery, I will go to Antwerp and Brussels.
The enemy has left Lillo, with the loss of 2,500 men, “where Montdragon and diver other of reputation are dead and divers taken, which hath won M. de Teligny (Tilline) great honour, and so likewise to the Scottish colonel, who was hurt in the leg in the last sally.” Part of the army is sent to Zutphen, led by the Marquis of Richebourg (Rusbrouke) and the rest remain about Callo, which is being so fortified that no shipping can pass without great danger. Yet they go daily, “sometimes with loss of men, and sometimes with loss of more, and other times none at all.”
Terneuse (Dirneuse), a fort of the States upon the river, holds good. In the last sally they made they took Pigot (who yielded Alost), and the lord of Westmorland narrowly escaped.
Certain “Hungars” have come from Nieuport, from the enemy, and have been sent into Holland to convoy the treasurer of Zeeland and a gentleman of Bruges, come from France, “and by him is thought no good for this country is looked for by France, for that the King doth more desire peace than wars, and on his journey towards Lyons takes all pleasure in the company of 'religiouses,' and there erects a religious house.” Montdragon died of a harquebuss shot in the thigh. M. de Haultain, the governor, “spake great honour of my lord [Leicester] and your honour.”
The States general have not yet placed or displaced any governors, “so as all stand as before,” and the people more willingly yield to impositions than ever before.
The public fast for the Prince was kept last Wednesday with great devotion and reverence. Some in Ghent are executed, and they say Hembyse shall follow. My brother is sick, but I hope shall recover. I have found great friendship from Mr. Gilpin and all that Company.—Middelburg, 5 August, 1584.
Postscript.—“Where I writ Pigot, it is Vincent, who this day comes to Flushing, where it is thought he shall die. Diego (Dundico) di Botelhi is here, very lean and ill, and his purse answerable to his person, the more pity. He remains yet prisoner and his process shall shortly grow to an end, for his master's debts; yet he told me he hoped within twelve days to go into France, and that before his departure he assured me of some good and great news. He was advertised that Mr. Carlell should be taken upon the coast of Brazil, but I hope it not true.”
All hopes here are upon you and my lord, my master; the affection and trust of this people greatly dedicated to her Majesty. “This island is greatly enriched by the fear of Antwerp, and the profit that Antwerp receives by this flight is marvellous great, for all that fly pay eight per cent, of all goods.”
“Hembyse I fear died yesterday or upon Wednesday. . . . The mutiny of Lillo is ceased, and thought to be with consent of the magistrates to draw the people the sooner to yield to their pay. The governor of this island, I fear, fears to keep it long, yet seems he greatly affected to your honour. . . .”
I beseech you to write to the States general for my brother, and to speak to the commissioners to write effectually and with speed, for the case so requires.
Add. Endd.pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 59.]
July 26., Aug. 5. 780. Angel Angelini to —.
On the 29th of last month I wrote telling you what had happened here. Now I have to tell you that those English captains who came from Holland are going in great haste, being ready to depart with 2,000 foot and with them there goes the brother (armano) of Sir Philip Sydney as colonel of other 2,000 foot and 250 horse and as support, Captain Roger Williams (Rugier Vilielmo) a man much beloved by the Prince of Orange; thus you may see that affairs go hotly, for that all these illustrious captains and colonels have eaten a la posenta of Martin de la Falia.
Ortell (Hortello), who was there for the Prince of Orange, has been despatched by those Lords in haste to the Estates. You may take for certain truth that last Saturday those Lords decided that it would be a very desirable thing to have a league with those of Holland and Zeeland, in order to hold the passage of the Magia (Maas), and also that with the ships which they can put to sea, the said States being joined with them, they will be able not only to defend themselves, but also to attack, and very strongly, in the Indies. You may very well know from whom I heard it and that he may well know it since it was concluded in his house, where the Queen was more than twenty days ago.— Bruges, 5 August, 1584.
Endd. “4 (sic) August, 1584. A letter deciphered.” Spanish. 1 p. [Ibid. XXII. 60.]
July 27. 781. Gilpin to Walsingham.
I received yours of the 14th by Mr. Edmond Yorke, with the cipher, which I will use as occasion requires. I have imparted to sundry of the States here the occasion of her Majesty's “stay” in sending anyone to the States General, and that, considering the present conjuncture, it was greatly marvelled at that they should still use their “wonted course of delays.”
They answered that they had not neglected to give their opinions to the generality, “to whom the fault was to be laid,” but now the commissioners were departed, and, as they trusted, arrived in England. “It is in every person's mouth how greatly the aid of her Majesty is desired, but nothing can be heard of any reasonable conditions whereby a foreign prince might be induced to assist them in their quarrel.”
Zutphen is still besieged by the States, and their forces strengthened from all the garrisons to withstand the enemy, who has left the siege of Lillo and sent part of his camp to join the Bishop of Cologne and raise the foresaid siege. To impeach this, the States' men have burnt and spoiled the country thereabouts and victualled their camp for a good time and it is thought that ere long we shall hear of a fight.
The Counts of Hollock and Moeurs are there in person, and lately there was given to the whole camp some small contribution of money; the want thereof may cause trouble, but it is hoped the wisdom of the said Earls will foresee and avoid it.
Another part of the enemy's camp has returned by Mechlin towards Flanders. They continue at their new fort by Callo, and shoot at the ships passing by, but little harm done. The French in Lillo have mutinied for their pay, being twenty months behind hand, but are since satisfied with four. Part of the Scots that lay there are sent to Tergoes land, and part “other way.”
The States still assemble at Delft, but nothing heard of their proceedings, or of an intent to choose a governor. The States of these islands have taken such good order for Terneuse (now fully fortified) that it is thought the enemy cannot harm it. There is still a general stay of all shipping for Spain, “notwithstanding great sums of money by the merchants offered.” Prizes are daily brought in by the Flushing men of war, whereof some come from our coasts, especially from Sandwich.—Middelburg, 27 July, 1584.
Add. Endd. 2 pp.[Holl. and Fl. XXII. 61.]
July 27./Aug. 6. 782. News from Genoa.
It is said, but not as a certain thing, that new discords have arisen amongst the Knights of Malta, and that the Grand Master has stirred it up, holding those forts at his devotion, perhaps by some intelligence with the Turks; but many believe it to be a stratagem of the Spaniards, who would turn out the French, especially seeing that Prince Doria was making ready to go there by order of King Philip.
By letters from Venice, we hear that the Sultan had died suddenly and that his son had succeeded him, a young man seventeen years old, of good disposition, and very promising in regard to warlike affairs. Others maintain that the Sultan is not really dead, but that it was an accident which made him swoon for sometime, and that he has since recovered.
Letters from Spain of July 22 say that King Philip was becoming every day more melancholy, and by advice of the doctors had finally resolved to leave the care of all affairs, even the most important, to eight of his Council, of which he had made the Cardinal of Austria the head. Also that Marc Antonio Colonna was to go as governor to Portugal.
The Spanish footmen who came here with Prince Doria have gone to Naples, but many have died of a malady which attacked almost half of them. Some foot which remained at Cartagena, a port of Spain, went to Sicily with the ships.
The moneys which came hither on the galleys on King Philip's account are divided, part for Milan and part for Naples, not to make a deposit to serve in time of extraordinary needs, as was said, but to pay the many great debts which that King owes in these two places.
They write from Spain that the Marques Santa Cruz had orders to make ready a good number of ships to serve, upon occasion, in the ocean (nel mare occeano).
Endd. “6 Aug. 1584. An extract of a letter from Genoa.” Italian, 1 p. [Genoa I. 1.]
July 28. 783. Stafford to Walsingham.
The Queen Mother arrived the day before yesterday, and yesterday I had access to her, and “began with the declaration of Mr. Sidney's stay upon her commandment,” showing her what coldness it might breed in her Majesty to know that after the King was advertised by Mauvissière of the further object of Sidney's coming, he not only deferred it until his return from Lyons, but would not let him in the meantime address himself to anybody else, “as to her Majesty, being left here with authority in his absence to treat of all things.” And that therefore I thought no way so good as that their ambassador should make some proposition to the Queen in the King's name, especially as I perceived by Pinard that he was resolutely bent to help them, if their case be remediable; as to which I added all the reasons I could, too long to write.
She made me a very long discourse, telling me"that in the first packet that John Welles brought (which indeed is not true) Mauvissière had writ nothing of the cause of his coming, and that thereupon they had made their first answer, and that the next day, receiving advertisement of that, they were sorry they had stayed him, but they would not, after once have stayed [sic], call him back again.
“I answered that might have been done well enough, for she knew I had made no despatch for his stay till their second answer and commandment to me.
“She said there was no time lost, and that upon the King's return (which would be in the midst of September) if it pleased her Majesty to let the same person come with the same propositions, she should find in the King such correspondency as she could desire.”
I answered that I could not tell whether her Majesty would send him, or whether “the small cause of his stay” would make her doubt the King's willingness, and that therefore I thought the best way was to have some proposition made by their ambassador, and then I did not doubt but that her Majesty would be contented to send Mr. Sidney again with her further mind.
She answered, as Pinard did (as I wrote in my last by Modie) that her Majesty understood those points better than they; that they would hear her propositions and she should find that the King would concur with her in any good action.
I answered “ever” that I could not tell what effect the King's coldness might work in her Majesty, and whether upon this, she might not remember that the King would never hearken to any former propositions, and especially had flatly rejected that lately made by me.
She replied that the cause was not now as then, and that “the King her son was a soft prince, not easy to be stirred, but being stirred as now he is, we should find he would go through 'stitch' (fn. 1) with anything he took in hand, and bid me assure myself and her Majesty of it.” And that heretofore her Majesty had propounded nothing save in general terms, but if now she would come to particularities, she should find good correspondency in them.
Finding that she would not be persuaded to anything, I told her that I would make despatch of what I had received from her, though I was very sorry so much time should be lost; but that there was one other thing which only she could do, which was to give order for stopping victuals from going out of France to the enemy, who “was already in great extremity that way, and greater would be in, if he were quite cut off from hence.”
She said she had done so already, and would reiterate it again, which she has done thoroughly, for this morning fifty-seven despatches are sent, for that intent, to every small governor on the frontier.
When I left the Queen, there came to me the two deputies, “Moylerie” and Asselier, whom at length, on de la Pré's despatch, the Queen sent for from Rouen. They go away to-day, and to-morrow or next day des Pruneaux follows them.
The only answer they have is that upon des Pruneaux' return and report, and their return with reasonable conditions, they shall find the King will help them. They mean to return with all speed, and “will offer themselves to the devil rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniard.”
I assured them of her Majesty's good-will, and “have imprinted it in them all the ways I could, and they seem to hope of it and assure themselves of it with great contentation. One thing I find, . . . that if they here help the Low Countries it shall not be for God's sake but for gain's sake,” which you ought to know if you mean to send any propositions.
I have sounded Pinard and others whether, upon Monsieur's death, the King would be glad for the Garter to be stayed till after the new year, but they think he looks for it at his return, and that presently after Mr. Sidney's return with the condolement, the other should come, when the King will receive it both gratefully and honourably; which I believe, for he delighteth marvellously more than any of his predecessors in any honour that is done him by other princes.”—Paris, 28 July, 1584.
Add. Endd.pp. [France XII. 25.]
July 29. 784. Stafford to Walsingham.
I send enclosed a letter from your old friend M. de la Chapelle des Ursins. It is partly to entreat you for some greyhounds, especially Irish or the largest sort of English ones. He would fain have them for the Cardinal de Medicis, who has sent him two or three very fair horses, and also “standeth his friend to advance his younger son with some ecclesiastical promotion.” He has written another letter, I think to Sir Henry Cobham, which I pray you send to him.
“You had need to look well what access there is to the Lord Hamilton, for I can assure you that they here, especially Seton, do what they can to get him into France or Scotland, but rather into France, because they think he will be loth to come to the other for fear of himself.”Whether they treat with him by means of Mauvissière I know not, but they are in good hope to bring it to pass.
Mauvissière sent yesternight a packet hither. They that send me word hear (but have not seen it) that he writes that the States have sent deputies to treat with her Majesty, and that, for all their treating here, their chief meaning is to deal with her, and that they have offered her Flushing, and that island [Walcheren] and divers other things. If it be true, I should be very glad of it, but if not, his hasty writing may do harm to their cause here.
News is come that Lillo is given over by the Spaniards and that they have left behind them their artillery, and a great many slain, “and that by an extreme falling out between the Walloons and the Spaniards, whereupon is grown a great battery and a slaughter, which quarrel, is thought, will never be appeased.” If so, nothing ever came to greater purpose, and God will show his greatness against man's expectation.—Paris, 29 July, 1584.
Postscript.—I am now certainly advertised that Mauvissière wrote that, “and that Queen Mother hath chafed extremely at the deputies, as coming hither to mock her son, but they have excused it with ignorance of the matter; and as I hear she is again appeased, and they go away tomorrow.”
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XII. 26.]
July 29. 785. Walsingham to Stafford.
The French ambassador was here of late with Fourrier the comptroller, sent over to excuse the stay of my son Sydney's journey, which the French King desired might “proceed” on his return from Lyons, whereto her Majesty answered that she had sent him to do the King honour, “but since he did not like to have him go over, she was for her part well content to stay him, and that for the sending of him hereafter, she saw no cause thereof.”
The ambassador informed her Majesty that upon some speech of yours—that you had heard from your friends in England how, upon the murder of the Prince of Orange, her Majesty seemed to be disposed to take some course for impeaching the King of Spain's greatness-Queen Mother had written to him “to make some overture of an association between the two crowns for mutual concurrency in the action, but therein wished most earnestly that Scotland might also be comprehended, for the better bringing of that purpose to some good pass.” With this her Majesty seemed much offended, interpreting it “to proceed rather of a meaning to advance the credit and reputation of the King of Scots than of any desire to strengthen the enterprise of the Low Countries, whereunto the said King (her Majesty alleged) could neither add any furtherance (his state being so poor, as all the world did well know, and these two crowns wanting neither men nor treasure sufficient to achieve the said enterprise) neither yet procure any hindrance to either of them, for that France and England being united in perfect friendship and amity together, the King of Scots should of necessity be forced to depend upon them, and therefore she saw no cause why his concurrency in the action should specially be sought.”
Further, her Majesty said, “if there were any meaning to relieve the Low Countries, she marvelled much the same was so slackly followed as that the King would take such a long journey in hand, being not to return till the end of September, without growing to any resolution in the cause, which might abide no delay at all, the affairs of the said Low Countries standing presently in such desperate terms as they do, which made her that she knew not what to think of the matter.”
Thus much her Majesty willed me to tell you, that you may use it as you shall see cause.
Draft. Endd. with date. 2 pp. [France XII. 27.]
July 30. 786. Nicolo Carenzone to Walsingham.
Although M. de Grise has somewhat recovered from his dysentry, his weakness is so great that he has not energy to write and has asked me to do so in his name, thanking you very much for your good offices for the despatch of Colonel Morgan, and praying you to aid in hastening it as much as possible. We take M. Ortell to be arrived, and if the wind changes, the answer will not be long in coming. M. d'Haultain writes from Zeeland of a treaty between France and the Prince of Parma concerning Cambray, but does not know what to think of it; of other news there is nothing certain.
We send a note of certain English ships laden with corn at Sandwich, specifying the undertakers, and what more we have been able to learn. It would be well for them not to depart without giving security not to go to those places forbidden by her Majesty, for succour of the enemy. I pray your honour to take measures that they may not do so, or all will be in disorder.
I send you a little note of my expences in the Holland journey. I ran great risk of losing my life there, both on the sea from horrible tempests, as also when I followed his Excellency's business. I have lost a great patron and favourer, he having deigned to employ me in difficult and important affairs, and not content with doing me this honour, has many times besides shown his trust in my fidelity and sufficiency, so that I shall ever remain bound to those blessed bones.
If it will not displease you, I shall venture to take your honour in his place, praying you to command me wherever I may be, and assuring you that I shall always be most ready to do you any service.
I will send you again the note with certain moderate privileges, not of customs or provisions but about the tribunal or residence, for the remedy of many disorders in that nation, as they have many times desired, where you may in all events have access, and in order not to appear to concede them to them with the intent of making an imposition, it will be well to be silent for a time, and afterwards to let it be understood, when they have begun to make use of the authority.—London, 30 July, 1584.
Overleaf.
Expences of the journey to Holland.
For travelling and being there with a servant 16l. 8s.
For velvet, satin and cloth, for garments &c. 18l.
For my labour 20l.
In all 54l. 8s.
Add. Endd. Italian. 1¼ pp. [Holl and Fl. XXII. 62.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Perform thoroughly.