Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 2, 1559-1560. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1865.
This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.
February 1560, 26-29
Haynes, p. 251.
|774. Norfolk and his Council to the Privy Council. (fn. 1)
|1. They have received their letters of the 20th inst. on the 24th, and answer such points as are answerable therein. Touching the setting forth to sea of the ships that are appointed at Newcastle and Hull for reinforcing Winter, they doubt not but by this time they have perceived by their letters of the 20th what order has been taken therein with Bartram Anderson and Geoffrey Vaughan. They will forthwith give warning to Winter of the Marquis d'Elbœuf's hasty preparations, with one bark upon the coast of Lothian and another upon the Fife side, as their Lordships have devised. They have already furnished him with 200 harquebusiers of the garrison of this town.
|2. Touching the carriage and draught horses, they perceive that their Lordships think they cannot be sent in time to serve this turn; yet the writers have not neglected their duty, for the Duke, more than a month past, sent letters into sundry shires within the limits of his commission for the said horses, and, with much ado, they have got some of the best in these parts, but they are weak and insufficient for the service. Therefore, unless their Lordships supply them with 250 out of the south shires, they will have great lack; they trust to have them within ten days, which will be time enough. The officers of ordnance have advised them as to the number of horses required for the cannon and demi-cannon, adding that they could not furnish the horses with harness and gear, for the store here and at Newcastle is so old and rotten that it would not serve for the purpose. If it be convenient, they intend still to carry the great pieces of ordnance and munitions by sea; but when they land the same, they must have horses to carry them to the place where they must be occupied. In that case if they trust to the carriage of Scotland, they may be deceived.
|3. The truth is 600 lances and pistolets were levied out of sundry shires, which have all arrived, besides the hundred appointed to be made by them [Norfolk and Gray], which they have furnished, not intending to make any gain by them, but employ them in the service, for there is not a hundred better appointed. They have levied 400 light horsemen in Yorkshire, and 200 on the Marches, whereof there are but 300 in wages; the said 400 they intend to use with the couriers and harquebusiers; the 300 in wages were sooner levied, so they might have time to use the "feat of the curriar," and by exercise thereof, become more perfect therein. The cause of their levying the said horsemen is that they are in no security of the Merse, Teviotdale, and Lothian, whether they will be friends, enemies, or neutrals; therefore when Lord Gray is in Scotland, the Duke intends to lie at Berwick, besides such as remain here of the garrison, to have a convenient power of horsemen in wages, with the power of the country.
|4. Understanding that the French are fortifying at Dunbar, they think it meet to have a convenient power here on the border whilst Gray is in Scotland. They conjecture that the Dowager means to recover to her party the Merse and Lothian. When an army of England invaded Scotland there was always a power of horsemen and footmen left to guard the frontier.
|5. Their Lordships will understand from Valentine Brown, the charge of last month, and as soon as the next pay for February is made, they will advertise them thereof. Certain officers meet for this journey are omitted by their Lordships, viz., a marshal and a colonel of footmen, which Norfolk intends to appoint when the army enters Scotland.
|6. They had some conference with the Lords of Scotland; and according to instructions received from the Queen by her letters of the 15th, they made it strange that they could not expel the French, being no greater power than they are, out of Scotland; and that the nobility and others should join together, whereby they might achieve their purpose against the French. They answered discreetly, as wise and grave men that seemed to lament their insufficiency in that behalf. The writers doubt not but their Lordships can easily consider their answer, as in effect it is touched in the Queen's and others' letters, which the Duke has received from Cecil. It appears to the writers that the Lords of Scotland are not able to expel the French without the Queen's aid; as they say, if they should gather together any power that might be an overmatch to the French in the field, the latter would resort to their holds, where the Scots are not able to deal with them. They have proposed certain questions to them, and look for their answers this day.—Berwick, 26 Feb. 1559. Signed: Tho. Norfolk, William Grey, R. Sadler, G. Howard, James Croftes, F. Leek.
|Orig., in Railton's hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
|775. The Earl of Arran to Cecil.
|The Admiral of the Queen's ships since their arriving has had good succour; they have behaved themselves as well towards the Scots and fearful towards the enemy as the Scots could desire. They have taken divers French ships, and lately a hoy, which the Marquis greatly laments. They had rather that the ships had met with himself. The Scots have taken order for the provision of victuals for the army to be in readiness. They have taken labour to purchase all the friends they can to join the common cause. All the men of honesty or reputation in Fife are with them in the defence of God's cause and liberty of the country. For the same purpose they have appointed to meet the Earl of Huntly at St. Johnston, on the 4th of March, of whom they have good hope, as the "tryst" proceeds upon his earnest desire by his double writings sent to the Lords.—St. Andrews, 26 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|776. Gresham to Cecil.
|1. As by the Queen's instructions he may not deliver her money above 22s. 6d. the pound, and this is the surest way without danger, and more profitable to her than keeping the money by him, he begs Cecil to consider the matter. Will inform him when he begins to pay the merchants the 60,000l. The exchange will doubtless rise to 23s. and upwards, therefore by the Queen presently delivering by exchange, she will be no loser but a gainer, when she remits it to London, where the exchange is at 23s. 6d., and will rise to 24s. and upwards.
|2. As for the sending of the gold and bullion, it is but a chance if he can find any, and the adventure is perilous; therefore there is no other way but for the Queen to be doing by exchange from day to day, which is important to be determined, as the exchange is already higher in Antwerp than 22s. 6d.
|3. Asks him to command Mr. Gownesone to pay him [Gresham] 66l. 13s. 4d., paid to Captain Taylor, for the victualling of the Queen's ships in Zealand; and to procure the Queen's warrant that he [the writer] may pay himself the 166l. 13s. 4d. paid to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton four months past, for which Sir Richard Sackville has a warrant. Asks for a "shiffer" [cipher] to be sent him.—Dover, 26 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|4. P. S.—Wrote on the 26th from Gravesend, how Mr. Ottley and his cousin asked that they might receive none of the Queen's money in Flanders; it were most convenient they should assist her with 20,000l. or 15,000l. Asks for payment of Christian Leucas's pension.
|Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Forbes, 1. 334.
|777. Throckmorton to the Queen.
|1. Received on the 22nd inst. her letters of the 16th, and the same day the King arrived here. The writer on the 24th arrived at Amboise, (where the King's Council was ordered to be assembled,) and in the evening he sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine to know when he might have access to the King, who invited him to dinner on next day. On arriving at the Court the writer repaired to the Cardinal's chamber. After waiting an hour the Cardinal entered and saluted him, and begged to be excused for his long absence. After dinner the Cardinal retired with him into his bedchamber and told him that his [the writer's] absence had given the world matter to talk, and to think that the amity between the King of France and the Queen of England was somewhat doubtful. He rehearsed divers unkindnesses, as the spoiling of the King's ships sent towards Scotland, of what they here understood of her preparation upon the Borders, of her meaning to hinder their chastising the rebels, and of Winter's taking two ships.
|2. The writer answered that if she had done anything prejudicial unto the French the cause rose not from herself; and declared that the cause of the sending of the Duke of Norfolk to the Borders was for the reinforce of Berwick, and that the Queen preferred her surety to her charges. Regarding Winter's doings he pretended ignorance, and said that if he had done anything contrary to the amity, it was without the Queen's commandment.
|3. The Cardinal then demanded what griefs the English were discontented with ? To which the writer answered that they were too well known to need rehearsal, and by some part therewith it appears that the Cardinal could rehearse more than she knew of. He replied that his master took it that he had done nothing whereby to touch the Queen's friendship, and added that if they had done anything wrong it should be repaired.
|4. Throckmorton repeated to him the injuries done to the Queen by bearing of her arms, seals, and titles. That though these were plain demonstrations of secret pretences, yet she would not have doubted their amity had not graver things followed. Weighing their preparations for the war in Scotland, no excuse can be made why the Queen should not put her realm in defence.
|5. Herewith the Cardinal wrung Throckmorton's hand hard, and said that as the Queen had frankly declared the grounds of her griefs, so would he answer the same. He then stated that about the conclusion of the late peace, when the Prior of St. Andrews, and the Earls of Argyle and Glencairn, of their own authority went about to alter religion, commissions were sent to have the matter come to debating and deciding, (because the French King and Queen desired to stay the matter without rigour,) they refused to listen to the commission, derogating thereby the authority of the King and Queen, whereby they deserved severe punishment. Notwithstanding the King sent pardon to them if they would hearken to reformation. They refused to receive letters from the King, sent by La Brosse and the Bishop of Amiens; took the authority from the Queen Regent; and by a parliament of a few of them sought to order the state of the kingdom themselves. Whereupon the King, for example's sake and for his own honour, was constrained to use force against them; and at no time have they sent provisions of men, victuals, and munition thither, without having caused their Ambassador to inform the Queen thereof, as being loath to cause suspicion. He then inquired what herein had been done prejudicial to the Queen? Might not they chastise their rebels?
|6. The writer answered that he knew not they were rebels, and that the English had cause to doubt the great preparation of the French for war, however the Cardinal coloured the same. And here Throckmorton set out at great length the sundry despatches of men of war, victuals, etc., tending to great and long war, together with the continued levying of men in Almain and other places. Here the Cardinal declared that they had not levied one man in Almaine, though he knew that the Duke of Holstein had prested 1,500 horsemen for the English.
|7. Throckmorton then said that the Cardinal knew better than he did; and that in the present case of Scotland the French needed not a fourth part of this preparation; for by granting their privileges and liberties to the noblemen all troubles would cease; wherefore their preparations must tend to somewhat else, and that the Queen Regent with a few men had driven them from Edinburgh.
|8. He answered that it was only to quell the rebellion, and that there were not in Scotland more than 3,000 men; and that the Marquis his brother did not carry with him more than six score men. Would these numbers be sufficient to conquer Scotland, or subdue England? And that as for their religion, he admitted that he saw many faults and divers abuses therein, and would wish them reformed, and therefore desired a General Council, wherein he will use all his ability. Three days ago he had set forth an edict to surcease the punishment of men for religion, and had licensed all men to live according to their conscience; so as they did not openly contrary the law. Here he made such an oration as though he had been hired by the Protestants to defend their cause earnestly. And therefore, seeing that the Scots are not content to live according to their conscience, the French must use them as rebels and chastise them accordingly.
|9. Throckmorton would not dispute whether they were rebels or not; and thereupon declared unto him touching the calling of them as such according to his instructions. Whereunto the Cardinal replied not much, but to one point he said that the appointing of the keeping of certain fortresses by the three estates was but an abuse, nor had the Queen Dowager consented thereto; but if they will listen to reason the King and Queen will not refuse them. Some of them, among whom he named the Earl of Argyll, had acknowledged their offence and written to require pardon. He then asked whether the Queen meant to assist the rebels in their doings, which it would not be well for her to do for divers respects. The writer assured him that at his departure there was no speaking of it, as is contained in his instructions.
|10. The Cardinal said he trusted the Queen would continue in good amity, the contrary whereof they never meant, and that this which is past should be forgotten. Here he began to insinuate himself, declaring what friendship Throckmorton had found in France and the good opinion the King had of him. He marvelled that they had never heard before about the arms which the King and Queen bear. The writer told him that he had mentioned it at the beginning to the Constable, who said he would move the matter to the King and his Council; yet they used the same immediately thereupon in all spectacles and triumphs. Hereupon the Cardinal said that they used them before the treaty, and that if the Queen of England bore the arms of France why should not his mistress bare those of England, being of the same house? Throckmorton answered that though she was descended from that house, yet she ought not to bear them without any differerence, using the same as her own, and employing them on seals, using the style of the Queen of England. The Kings of England, he added, have long time justly borne the arms of France, whereof the Cardinal knows both the right and the grounds; and in respect of that title the French have agreed to pay a yearly tribute. The Queen thinks that they, pretending title to this realm, will essay to conquer it when they shall find opportunity. The Cardinal said that it ought not to seem so strange and new a thing to him; for at the peace of Cambray they published the same, and the English Commissioners found no fault therewith. Throckmorton asked what moved the French to ascribe the arms of England to themselves? He said that at the time they were at war with England they spared nothing that might touch the honour of the English. Throckmorton answered that they were at war with Queen Mary; why then offer this injury to Queen Elizabeth, by whose means they had peace? for if she had regarded her commodity more than the peace of Christendom, she might have had Calais, and King Philip would have made no peace without England, and the Cardinal knew what commodity the English had to continue the war being joined with so puissant a Prince.
|11. "Here he put his finger to his nose and scratched it a little, where I think it did not itch." He replied that the King minded to preserve the amity, and begged him to devise what would satisfy the Queen and she shall be contented, and for the injuries that had been done to the French they would forget them. The Ambassador replied that he would do what fell for him to do. The Cardinal prayed him heartily to do it, and to deliver his griefs in writing. Throckmorton said it was for the Queen to devise what may content her; that she was sorry for these occasions and desired peace, and that Scotland might be governed to the Scotch Queen's profit and commodity; and that if he would draw out in writing certain offers and deliver them to him in articles, sending the same to their Ambassador, he [the writer] would send a despatch withall to the Queen. The Cardinal promised to make them ready by the next day and so send the same to him. He also pressed the writer very earnestly about the hostages, and told him that the Marquis de Neill was but "usufructuarius" and his brother, the Duke of Guise, had all his lands; and as for the Marquis of Trans, he was not in much better case, and that M. de Candall was worth them both. This was all that passed between the Cardinal and him.
|12. After this Throckmorton was conducted to the King, who was accompanied with the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Dukes of Guise, Nevers, and D'Aumale, the Grand Prior, the Prince of Mantua, M. de Trees, Master of the Ordnance, and two or three more of the Order. The writer presented her letters. He inquired whether she liked hawking and hunting, and prayed Throckmorton to remember the hostages, wherein he said the matter was delayed, and that he would do well to help that the same might be resolved upon.
|13. The writer was then conducted by the Duke of Guiseto the Queen Mother, who was accompanied by the French Queen, and the Cardinals of Châtillon and Bourbon and the Admiral, besides a number of ladies and gentlemen. He presented to them her commendations, and said to the Queen Mother that the Queen hoped she would employ herself to preserve the amity between the two kingdoms, notwithstanding the bearing of the English arms and the preparations of the war in Scotland. The Queen Mother thanked Elizabeth for her good opinion, and said she would seek to avoid any cause that should be given to the contrary, and that the Queen should be satisfied: and she begged him to use his helping hand, for so she and the young Queen would be glad that all things were amicably compounded "Yes," quoth the young Queen, "the Queen my good sister may be assured to have a better neighbour of me, being her cousin, than of the rebels, and so pray I you signify unto her."
|14. On Monday, 26th inst., Secretary l'Aubespine was sent unto him to say that the King minded to satisfy her in all things, without declaring the particulars to him, or delivering any such memorial of offers as the Cardinal promised; adding that the King would write to his Ambassador with her such matter as he meant to propose for her satisfaction; but he begged the writer to inform her what had passed between them, and that the Cardinal would do the like to his Ambassador. He also requested the writer to stay till the 28th inst., and that then he would send a courier into England to accompany Throckmorton's messenger. The writer told him that he should send a courier to-day to the Queen, else it would appear as if he were negligent. The Secretary prayed him to write to the Queen for a herald or courier, to conduct their courier into Scotland for they had written to the Queen Dowager for using some means for pacifying these matters. He answered that there was no need for such thing, as their post might safely run without let. The Cardinal and De l'Aubespine told him that the Marquis d'Albœuf was stayed from going into Scotland; the occasion whereof he remits to bearer. Has given to this bearer, Mr. Killigrew, a memorial of the circumstances, to be from point to point intimated to her.—Amboise, 27 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Add. Endd. Pp. 17.
Forbes, 1. 347.
|778. Throckmorton to Cecil.
|On the 22nd inst. he received Cecil's letter of the 17th and others from the Queen. Refers him to his letters to the Queen and Council. The case is now the better for the English, for they are now prayed; and therefore should the matter be followed hotly, so that the French may be compelled to great things, which need not be looked for, if this occasion be let pass. By Cecil's letter the writer finds himself injured by some who maliciously devise of him and his opinion touching peace; he trusts, however, they will soon change their note, and thinks that no man living seeks more a good peace than he does. He has referred the credit of divers intelligences and occurrences to Mr. Killigrew's report, whom he recommends for the Queen's favour.—Amboise, 27 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Forbes, 1. 344.
|779. Throckmorton to the Council.
|1. On the 21st the King arrived here, where the writer arrived on the 24th. Refers them to the Queen's letter for his interview with the Cardinal and King, and to the bearer, Killigrew, whom he has informed of the particulars. They use this fair language to bring the Queen to lay down her forces.
|2. The causes that move them to act in this apparently friendly manner are, their own unreadiness at home, the little means they have now to put themselves in order, the shortness of their finances, the danger they fear from their own subjects by means of religion, and the danger they see of being excluded from Scotland.
|3. They have other things to think upon besides, which in war would clog them, and the empire might prosecute their matters with more advantage. They, knowing those things, bestir themselves with their honied words and persuasions. Advises them to handle this matter while it is hot, else they will repent their neglect; but if no ear be given to their enchantings they shall compel them to perform in effect better things than the French hope with dalliance and lip labour to betray them into.
|4. They have also certain griefs to complain of, which at other times would be matter enough to breed unquietness alone, viz., Winter's late taking some of their ships of war, but they would be content to hear no more of it; which argues their little lust to have to do. He thinks the French will put nothing in writing that they mean hereafter to stand unto, but work by words, which are but wind.
|5. He warns them against the fawning of the French, and advises that the Queen's ships slack not to do what service they can, and that there be no suspense of arms in the meantime. He also begs them to let the French Ambassador in England think that the writer has endeavoured to pacify affairs as the Cardinal of Lorraine desired him, so that he may be had in better opinion. Refers them to this bearer for more intelligence, whom he recommends.—Amboise, 27 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig., with seal. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
|780. Mundt to Cecil.
|1. On the 15th inst. he wrote to the Queen from Spires by way of Gresham, signifying the proceedings of certain of the German Princes. The Ambassadors lately sent in the name of the empire to the French King to demand the restitution of Metz, Tulle, and Verdun, and other places, have been dismissed with such an answer as all wise men anticipated, viz., that he had received these territories from his father, and he could not contravene the treaties concluded between the Princes of the empire and him; and that at the next Diet he would send envoys to the Emperor and the Estates, who would arrange the matter in a friendly manner with the empire. The envoys replied that there was no need of any other embassy, as they had full power to conclude the matter; the King, however, remained fast in his first answer. Those who come from the French Court say that there is no talk of any war there, except that in Scotland. There is no further report in Germany of the levying of troops. The rumour of the war with Denmark is subsiding. The Princes are said to have advised both the Kings not to let themselves be disunited by empty promises. It is still reported that the eldest son of the Elector Palatine will marry the Landgrave's daughter; which will be a most honourable and profitable match for the Landgrave, since thereby the families of the Count Palatine, Wurtemberg, Hesse, and Saxony will be closely connected, for the eldest son of John Frederick is married to the Elector Palatine's daughter. It is reported that the marriage will take place soon at Heidelberg, whither the Landgrave will go. The yearly pension of John William, Duke of Saxony, is still due, although he had often petitioned for it; it was paid just after the sending of the envoys, amounting to 16,000 francs, and they say that there is great lack of money at Court.
|2. Yesterday it was reported from Geneva that the idols had been cast out of the churches throughout Aquitaine, and that the same would be speedily done in Provence. Already it is whispered that there is a great agreement among the nobility and others throughout France, who will no longer endure the haughty and adulterous rule of the Guises, and that some of the first rank in France are cognizant of the conspiracy, who remaining quiet, the rest will rise in arms against the Guises. This report, although it may be strange and new, yet has honourable and trustworthy authors. Some weeks ago Mundt was asked, under promise of secresy, whether the French might successfully ask for assistance from the Queen for the purpose of abating these persecutions; but, since the French disposition is described in history as unstable and deceitful, Mundt replied that if it could be proved that the French Princes were engaged in this movement, (and that it was not started by the lawlessness of the inconstant common people,) for the preservation of the liberties of the King and the realm, he thought that the Queen would not be wanting in kind offices. What this may bring forth in France will soon be seen; for the French as they are eager and headlong in the beginning, so with delay they grow cold and lose their courage. The persecutions have ceased for some days in France.
|3. The Rhinegrave is said to have refused to serve against the Scots. His brother, Francis Philip, formerly had a pension from Henry VIII.; he is very unlike his brother. The King of France has tried to seduce the Palatine with great presents and promises; but he says that he knows the French and will not sell his liberty.—Strasburg, 27 Feb. 1560. Signed.
|Orig. Hol., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Lat. Pp. 4.
Haynes, p. 253.
Keith, 1. 258.
Fœd. xv. 569.
Calderw. 1. 573.
|781. Articles agreed upon at Berwick. (fn. 2)
|1. At Berwick, 27 Feb. 1559, it was agreed between Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Lieutenant in the north, on the one part, and the Lords James Stewart, Patrick, Lord Ruthven, Sir John Maxwell of Terricles, William Maitland, of Leth- ington, younger, John Wyschert of Pyttarrow, and Master Hendry Balnevis of Hallhill, in the name of James, Duke of Châtellerault, second person of the realm of Scotland, and the others joined with him for (fn. 3) defence of the ancient rights and liberty of their country, on the other part, in form following: (fn. 4) —
|2. The Queen, understanding that the French intend to conquer the realm of Scotland, suppress the liberty thereof and unite it to France, and being required thereto by the said nobility in the name of the whole realm, shall accept the said realm, the apparent heir to the crown, the nobility and subjects thereof, for the protection of their old freedoms and liberties from conquest or oppression. (fn. 5)
|3. For that purpose with all speed she shall send into Scotland sufficient aid of men to join with the Scots as well by sea as by land, not only to expel the present power of French, but also to stop all greater forces to enter therein, and shall continue the same until they are "aluterly" expelled therefrom.
|4. In case any forts within the realm be won out of the hands of the French by the Queen, the same shall be immediately demolished, or delivered to the said Duke and his party; nor shall the English fortify within Scotland but by advice of the nobility and estates of the realm.
|5. The Scottish nobility shall aid the Queen's army against the French.
|6. They shall be enemies to all such Scotch and French as shall be enemies against England.
|7. They shall never assent that the realm of Scotland shall be knit to the crown of France otherwise than as it is already, only by marriage of the Queen to the French King.
|8. If the French at any time hereafter invade England, they shall furnish at least 2,000 horsemen and 1,000 footmen, to pass upon her charges to any part of England. And if the invasion be north of York they shall convene their whole forces at their own charges, and continue so long in the field as they are wont to do for the defence of Scotland.
|9. The Earl of Argyle shall employ his force to reduce the north parts of Ireland to the perfect obedience of England, according to an agreement between the Deputy of Ireland and the said Earl.
|10. For the performance and sure keeping hereof, they shall enter to the Duke of Norfolk certain pledges before the entry of the Queen's forces in Scottish ground, the time of the continuance of the hostages to be only during the marriage of the Queen of Scotland with the French King, and one whole year after. Signed: James Stewart, Patrick Lord Ruthven, John Maxwell, W. Maitland, John Wischart, Henricus Balnaves.
|11. For the performance of the same on the part of England the Queen shall confirm the same by her letters patents, to be delivered to the nobility of Scotland at the entry of their pledges. (fn. 6)
|Orig., with six seals, much injured. Endd. by Cecil.
782. Another copy of the above.
Copy, with a few corrections by Cecil, and endd. by him: 27 Feb. 1559. Pp. 7.
783. Draft of the preceding, omitting the introductory clauses.
In Cecil's hol. Endd. by his secretary. Pp. 5.
|784. Articles agreed upon at Berwick.
|Translation of the preceding into French.
|Endd. by Cecil. Copy of the league inter Angliam et Scotiam. Fr. Broadside.
|785. The Lord James Stewart to Cecil.
|Has received his double writing, one by Master Randall, the other by the young Laird of Lethington, by whom also he understands Cecil's good will and earnest labours at all times bestowed in this their common cause. Heartily thanks him further for his loving councils and good advice, whereby he admonishes the writer so gently of his duty towards his God and the commonwealth. Asks credence for the bearer.— Berwick, 28 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|786. Lord Ruthven to Cecil.
|On coming to this town he perceives by the Duke of Norfolk that his son is one of the pledges for the observing of the contract between the two realms. And because he would have him nourished and brought up in the fear of his Lord God, he desires that he may be put to the school in Cambridge, at the writer's expense, and that Cecil will obtain a writing from the Queen to the Duke of Norfolk to send him there. The boy is presently here and does no good, "but tynes time."—Berwick, penult. Feb. Signed.
|Orig. Hol. (?) Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|787. Valentine Brown to Cecil.
|Perceiving by the Duke that (although not altogether to his liking) there is means sought to have a far greater army than yet has been accounted upon, with a number of officers for the field and extraordinary diets, taking precedent of foreign Princes and much exceeding the wonted and latest costs of the armies of this realm, he thinks it good that such supply as shall be considered convenient might be certified hither distinctly, so that the charge for the same may be monthly accounted upon. Of the state and doings of the officers who have had the charge in this town for the costs already bestowed, and specially in the fortifications, (which he wishes had been as well handled as they have been reported,) he is not yet fully able to advertise, by reason of the slackness of those who are to declare the accounts. The Duke is most earnestly bent to maintain the due reformation thereof, as well by himself as by Sir Nicolas le Strange, who has painfully and discreetly travailed both in the musters of the garrisons and also the works; and albeit being a quiet gentleman he is loath to open the same to the hindrance of any man, yet he utterly abhors the means that have been sought to exhaust the Queen's treasure, and seeks most diligently to have her truly served. Asks Cecil's help against such as he knows he must offend if he serve truly.—Berwick, 28 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
|788. Matthew, Earl of Lennox, to Cecil.
|1. Has received his gentle letter by his [Lennox's] servant Hew Allen on 16th inst., whereby it appears that "my Lords" have had out of France such advertisements as augment his servant Nesbett's crime, whereat he marvels, knowing his own uprightness. Since he discharged himself from the service of Francis, the late French King, upon his unprincely usage of himself and his ministers in Scotland, "contrary promise against me, neither openly nor apart, hath had that way any such intelligence dishonourable, but such as shall at the just trial bide the beating of the hammer." The Dowager of Scotland, who presently would be glad, "with some to counterpain her enemy," does not yet know his mind, nor the particulars of his desire. Of her ingratitude to him he has had more experience than so suddenly to make him forget his faith, loyalty, and honour. Mary, being now touched more especially by many letters, sent with his friend, the Laird of Gaston, that Nesbet and he, being ministers, have given themselves too much to the devotion of the French Ambassador, omitting his [the writer's] causes, he is sorry they have given occasion for any suspicion.
|2. But to answer plainly his own part towards them both;—
|3. For Nesbet, Captain Borthaike, (a man of uniform religion,) in his journey towards the north lately by the way visiting him, declared that the French Ambassador in reasoning of the title of him [the writer] and Arran, asked to be informed of the case thereof and the Earl's proximity of blood to the Queen of Scotland; whereupon the Earl's servant, being at Court, delivered his master's pedigree to the said Ambassador, in order that not only he and his nation might remember their dealing with him but also his enemy's unlawfulness. Takes his doing in that point to be no crime.
|4. For Gaston. He thought it meet to send him, at his coming, to Cecil; other commission none of the Lords had from the writer. Will answer whoever go about to surmise or charge the writer with any more than what he has written, as becomes him, in such sort as shall redound to their infamy. Would not (if he were of power) repine against the Queen's circumspect, discreet, and politic proceedings with Scotland, nor seek to prefer his private commodity to a public wealth and quietness; the advancement whereof to the uttermost of his power he will be ready to set forwards. Will not give place to Arran's bastardy in hurt to his own just title. Arran, in his wanton cruelty against the writer and his, forbears not to surmise and boast his unquietness, saying he shall not come nor have anything to be done in Scotland otherwise than by him. It appears, by such honourable conditions as passed from the Queen's father, after what sort the writer came into this realm. It is no little grief to him that having these sixteen years been trusted in three Princes' days, served at several times with Englishmen desperately upon his feet, done and procured things against his own natural nation, such as have heretofore served as enemies and spials in this realm should go about to slander his doings. His zeal and desire is not so hot to have things in Scotland otherwise than may stand with honour, and yet to enjoy his living in England. If the Queen had suffered him to have recovered his living in Scotland, he meant not to have gone so slightly but to have left gages, having wife, children, and lands here, as might have contented her.—From his house at Settrington, 28 Feb. Signed
|Orig. Add. Endd.: 28 Feb. 1559. Pp. 3.
|789. Gresham to Cecil.
|1. Arrived this day at 8 a.m. at Dunkirk, with Mr. Brickentine after a very fair passage, and intends to-morrow to be at Antwerp. By his factor's letters Cecil will see that the exchange has risen at Antwerp to 22s. 8d., and is like to rise to 23s. and upwards upon the payment of the 60,000l. By delivering her money by exchange, and re-delivering it at London, the Queen is sure to be a great gainer. Can do nothing, as his instructions are not to pass 22s. 6d. Has no answer of the broker for the 400,000 or 500,000 dollars, which, if it take place, must be accepted, as there is no other way but the exchange; for it is a great chance if there be found any great mass of bullion or gold. The raising of the exchange is a beneficial matter to the Queen, for now, as they rob all Christendom of their fine gold and silver, it will make all foreign commodities and victuals good cheap; and when she pays her debts, the interest will not be more than 5l. per cent. Begs that he may be set at liberty to deliver her money by exchange, as the price shall go from time to time. He knows what loss the Queen sustains by staying him, first, by loss of time, secondly, by the rise of the exchange at London. He would not have them trust to any bullion or gold, for it is a great chance if a man can come by it, and the venture of the land and sea is great.
|2. They say plainly here that the French King makes out a great army of 200 sail of ships, great and small. Does not like the sudden preparation of ships in Zealand for the conveyance of 6,000 Spaniards. No trust is to be given to their doings here. Remembers the Court of Feria saying long ago, "Doth the Queen of England think that the King, my master, would suffer her to win Scotland from his brother the French King? No, no!"
|3. It were well if their ships and men were put in readiness.
|4. P. S.—Has received a letter from Throckmorton addressed to Challoner, which he encloses.—Antwerp, 28 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 5.
|790. Gresham's Remembrance for Cecil.
|1. The Queen's warrant for the delivering of money by exchange from Antwerp and taking up in London, and the conveying of bullion and gold.
|2. A warrant for the payment of divers sums.
|3. A warrant for the payment of 60,000l. to the merchants.
|4. A warrant for the payment of 166l. 13s. 4d. to himself.
|5. He desires to know the Queen's pleasure as to the payment of 1,040l. to Mr. Bashe, or his assigns, and that in the warrants it be specified whether the money is sterling or Flemish.
|6. To present Jasper Schetz 200 crowns to inform of the practices of M. d'Arras, the Count de Feria, John Toppo de Gallo, and the Regent; and for service in furthering the loans.
|7. The augmentation of his own diet.
|8. Also since his coming from Antwerp, seven puncheons and three barrels of powder, and 600 pounds weight of match.
|9. The say in Antwerp is that the King of Poland is departed, and that the Emperor's son has gone thither in post. The King's ships in Zealand have no men working upon them, and now stand till the 5th of March. At Calais the saying is the French King is very sick and in great peril; where there is kept very strait watch and ward, and they will suffer no stranger to come in without he be examined.
|10. On the 13th inst. the exchange passed at 22s. 4d., and 5d.
|11. A warrant as to how much he shall give for an ounce of fine silver sterling. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
|791. The Queen's Debts in Antwerp.
|"A brief note of all such debts as the Queen doth owe to diverse merchants in the city of Antwerp," amounting to 111,750l. 19s. 2d.
|Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.
|792. Gresham's Receipts and Payments.
|Debtor 140,590l. 6s. 8d. Creditor 134,057l. 10s. 11d. Balance 8,532l. 15s. 9d.
|Endd. by Cecil: 1559. Pp. 3.
|793. Otto, Duke of Brunswick, to the Queen.
|Has received the conditions on which he is to have his pension, through Andrew Saur and Theobald Grumer, his counsellors, who speaks highly of her kindness and liberality. He thanks her for continuing the same annual pension which Edward VI. gave him. He accepts the conditions which he sends to her, signed and sealed, and begs that he may have letters containing the manner of the payment, which he desires should be made at Antwerp to his agent when it become due, without having to write for it.—Harburg, 28 Feb. 1560. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Lat. Pp. 5.
794. Another copy of the above.
|795. Articles with the Duke of Brunswick.
|Articles agreed upon between the Queen and Otto, Duke of Brunswick,—
|1. He shall assist her to the utmost of his power, and should he hear of anything undertaken to her disadvantage he shall give her warning thereof.
|2. In case of war, offensive or defensive, he shall assist her Commissioners in raising troops within his duchy, who shall have free passage down the Elbe into the sea, but at her expense.
|3. He shall assist in the raising of these troops.
|4. Should the Queen require it, he shall lead them by sea or land, in person, to any spot which she may specify, but at her expense, against all powers whatsoever, excepting the Roman Emperor. When they are ready, in addition to the annual pension specified in her letters patent, he shall receive such a monthly stipend as may be agreed upon between himself and her Commissioners.
|5. All the soldiers as well as the captains shall take an oath of fidelity to the Queen.—Castle of Harburg, 28 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|Orig., with a seal, on vellum. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. P. 1.
796. Another copy of the above.
Modern transcript. Lat. Pp. 3.
|797. Otto, Duke of Brunswick, to Cecil.
|Understands the Queen's good will towards him through his counsellors, Andrew Saur and Theobald Grumer, whom he sent to her. Desires that letters may be sent to him with particulars of the pension that the Queen has promised him; and further, that it may be paid to him on the days that it becomes due without his writing for it at Antwerp.—Harburg, 28 Feb. 1560. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Lat. Pp. 3.
Haynes, p. 255.
|798. Norfolk and his Council to the Lords of the Privy Council. (fn. 7)
|1. The writers have been in conference with the Lords of Scotland these three days; and having proposed to them certain questions and received the answers, (which questions and answers they send in writing,) in the end they came to debate upon certain articles containing the conditions whereupon their hostages should remain in England. Because the Scottish Lords require certain promises from the Queen under the Great Seal (sent herewith), which the writers would not conclude with them without knowing her pleasure therein, therefore the Scottish Lords have sent the Laird of Lethington to be a suitor to the Queen in all their names for obtaining the said requests, which they seem to desire more for the satisfaction of the other nobility of Scotland, not fully reduced to their party, than for any mistrust they have in the Queen. In the meantime the writers have agreed that the Scottish Lords shall repair home to put their force in readiness to meet the English power at Achison's Haven in Lothian on the 25th March. As soon as the Laird of Lethington shall return with the answer to the articles, they shall have their hostages ready to be sent to England in one of the Queen's ships now lying in the Frith.
|2. They seem in great hope that the whole nobility of the realm (being assured the Queen would aid them) would join with them, yet they are loath to promise more than they can assuredly perform. The writers find them of singular zeal to do all things for the establishment of both these realms in unity and concord, but their power being so little, they are not able to offend or defend the common enemy without the aid of England. It is thought here that the power promised by the said Lords, being but 5,000 men, would not be sufficient with the English power joined with them, for achieving this exploit, if they shall be driven to abide upon the siege at Leith. The writers have therefore sent these bearers, Sir Nicholas Strange and Mr. Randall (who are privy to all their conferences and purposes with the said Lords), to declare unto their Lordships their opinions, and the considerations which move them to think meet to have a greater power for the accomplishment of this enterprise. In the meantime Norfolk has taken orders, by his letters addressed into the shires within his commission, for levying 2,000 footmen to be in readiness by the 25th March, to set forward upon an hour's warning, which may be either stayed or called to this service as the case required.—Berwick, 29 Feb. 1559. Signed: Tho. Norfolk, William Gray, R. Sadler, Ja. Croftes, G. Howard, F. Leek.
|Orig., in Railton's hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
|799. The Duke of Norfolk to Cecil.
|1. In conferring with the Lords of Scotland divers great matters have fallen out, to which they think good, before proceeding further, to make him and the Lords of the Council privy. The bearers will show the articles communed between the Scots and the writer, and their opinion. If the Scots were as able as they are willing, there would be no need to put the Queen to so great charge as now they think necessary; for whether they make a battery with a continual siege, or environ it with a siege volant, the general opinion is that the 4,000 footmen first appointed, the 1,000 out of Berwick, with the new levy of 1,000 appointed to arrive by the 6th of March, are far under the number competent for such an exploit. The messengers will be able to instruct him more plainly, as they have heard their whole discourse with the Lords of Scotland.
|2. Some requests were made by the Lords which the English durst not answer, wherefore they [the Scots] have sent the young Laird of Lethington to Cecil, and stay the delivering of the pledges till they have answer of their requests. Asks credit for his servant, Nicolas Strange.— Berwick, 29 Feb. 1559. Signed.
|3. P. S.—Desires him to send more treasure.
|Orig. Hol. Add., by Railton. Endd. by Cecil's secretary: 29 Feb. 1559. Pp. 2.
|800. Croftes to Cecil.
|Lord Hume having requested that a packet of letters (which is sent herewith) may be delivered to one David Hume, his servant, at one Todde's house, a Scottishman, in Dieppe, and that means be taken that the said David Hume may be conveyed out of France, through England, to these Lords, the writer has promised to procure this, in hope that his Lordship shall be a friend to this common action between England and Scotland. The Duke of Norfolk has willed him [Croftes] to write, having now had a hasty despatch to the Court. This purpose must seem to be done by the writer's procurement, his name being mentioned in Lord Hume's letters; for if it is handled otherwise he may suspect to be deceived.—Berwick, last of February, 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
|801. Stores for the North.
|Grain sent to Berwick in January and February 1559 by Sir Thomas Woodhouse and Christopher Dawbeney, for the Queen's use there, amounting to 4,485l. Signed: Winchester, Ab. Cave, Ry. Sakevyle.
|Orig. P. 1.
|802. Stores for the North.
|Thomas Aldrede's provisions for Berwick, January and February 1559, amounting to 3,081l. 15s. 8d. Signed: Winchester, Ab. Cave, Ry. Sackevyle.
|Orig. Pp. 3.
|803. Stores for the North.
|For the provision of Berwick, January and February 1559, provided by Thomas Waters, amounting to 2,180l., together with a note of the balances due to the purveyors. Signed. Winchester, Ab. Cave, Ry. Sackvyle.
|Orig. P. 1.
|804. Stores for the North.
|Provisions brought by John Abington, towards the which he has received 2,000l. by a Privy Seal dated 11 Dec. 1559, amounting to 4,581l. 19s. 10d. Signed: Winchester, Ab. Cave, Ry. Sackvyle.
|Orig. Pp. 3.