Elizabeth: March 1587, 16-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

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, 'Elizabeth: March 1587, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588, (London, 1927) pp. 244-262. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp244-262 [accessed 30 May 2024].

. "Elizabeth: March 1587, 16-31", in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588, (London, 1927) 244-262. British History Online, accessed May 30, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp244-262.

. "Elizabeth: March 1587, 16-31", Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588, (London, 1927). 244-262. British History Online. Web. 30 May 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp244-262.

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March 1587, 16-31

March 16. Duke Casimir to her Majesty.
In behalf of John Furleger and his partners, citizens and merchants of Nürnberg, who have besought his sister the Princess Dorothea Susanna to procure his intercession with her Majesty, as she will more fully understand from the petition annexed to this letter. And being certified by his sister's own letter that she has often had prompt and useful aid from the abovenamed merchants, and deems them worthy of his intercession and commiseration, he cannot deny her request and the prayers of the suppliants, and prays of her Majesty that they may not have just cause to complain that they have been cheated of their hopes or that his recommendation has proved futile; but that by her aid, they may be paid what is due to them by the two English merchants mentioned in their petition as speedily as possible.—Heidelberg, 16 March, 1587.
Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 1½ pp. [Germany, States V. 33.]
Petition of John Fürleger and partners to the Princess Dorothea Susanna, Countess Palatine of the Rhine, Duchess of Saxony, widow. (fn. 1)
Stating that Robert Barnby and Thomas 'Neukum,' Englishmen of the City of London sojourning at Nürnberg, are indebted to them in a very large sum on account of loans and goods. And as it seems impossible for them to procure payment save by legal process, they humbly beseech her Highness to aid them by letters of commendation (fn. 2) to her brother, Prince John Casimir, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Administrator of the Palatinate, that he may commend their cause to the Lady Elizabeth, Queen of England; praying her, in accordance with the equity of the case and by her royal clemency, justice and beneficence to procure them the full and speedy discharge of the debt, on presentation by the bearer of these letters as their messenger. [Undated.]
Add. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Germany, States V. 33a.]
March 19. Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
I have to-day received yours of the 11th of last month, by which I see that the conclusion of the business which I made on January 31, had been approved by her Majesty and will, I hope, be both pleasing and useful to her in many ways; and although the Sieur de Quitri has not yet returned, we hope for all the good results which his own and other letters have largely promised wherewith I learn that D. Casimir is much pleased. The Sieur de Clervant has written me the letter annexed, (fn. 3) which I send for your better information. I go to-morrow to see that excellent gentleman, whom I have long desired to know, and from whom I hope to learn many things concerning the public service, whereof I will inform you at once. Of those fiftyfive companies of which he writes, we might easily have fifteen for the Low Country, if her Majesty thought well to employ them in order to spare so many of hers, especially in these times when she may need them elsewhere or at home. Your honour will write to me thereof as soon as possible, sending me instructions as to the pay and charges which you think reasonable to grant and the place to which they should be conducted, as I would very willingly go into that country to enlist them and bring them to the appointed place. Here I have nothing to do, having finished the payment to D. Casimir, which has been made so punctually that I hope he is very well satisfied.
From Italy I hear that the Spaniards are jealous of the King of Fez, who is fortifying the port of L'Araccia [El Araish or Larache], where, it is thought by many, he may hinder the naval preparations in Spain. They also consider that matters in Portugal are neither quiet nor assured. Either of these things may give rise to great changes, though we must not build our hopes thereupon, as being uncertain, and perhaps a cunning device to hide their real designs.
The execution of the Queen of Scots is taken by all as a sure indication of her Majesty's courage, and so necessary a thing that it could neither be avoided nor deferred; and although it entails many anxieties in place of those from which she is freed, they are not esteemed to be so great, seeing that her Majesty's life and repose have been thereby preserved.—Frankfort, 19 March, 1587.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Italian, 2 pp. [Germany, States V. 34.]
March 19.
[last date]
Notes of certain of Palavicino's letters to Walsingham, of date April 2, 24; May 1, 16, 28, 31; Sept. 4, 28; Oct. 2, 6, 7, 16, 23; Nov. 6, 10, 18; and Dec. 22, 30, 1586. And Jan. 8, 15, 27; Feb. 11, and March 5, 12, 19, 1586–7.
[Most of these are calendered from the letters themselves, but in the few cases where these are missing, the abstracts are printed under their dates.]
pp. [Germany, States V. 35.]
March 21/31. M. des Landes [Chamberlain to the King of Navarre] to Walsingham.
Having experienced your kindness in the past, I am persuaded that although I do not merit it, you still hold me as one of your friends and servitors, and will not take it ill that I recall myself to your remembrance. The affairs of the King of Navarre, our master, are so linked with those of the Queen your mistress that you are not ignorant of either, therefore I will only say that having devoted myself to this service, I shall employ therein (being with this prince) the rest of my life and of my means; and beg you to believe that wherever I may be, I am your very affectionate servant.—La Rochelle, last day of March, 1587.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. Seal of arms. [France XVII. 35.]
March 22. Walsingham to Stafford.
The Queen finding by your late letters to her "that some doubt and suspicion is conceived by the King of the alienation of her wonted friendly disposition towards him, and that she should easily incline to minister occasion of breach of the professed good amity between them," would have you use all good means to remove that ill-grounded conceit, letting him understand that as he has ever been constant in his affection to her, she might justly deserve the blame of ingratitude if she did not hold with him a like constant goodwill and friendship, the continuance and increase whereof she earnestly desires. But as to the other point, wherein you speak of their jealousy lest she "should hearken and yield secretly to a reconciliation with Spain, her Majesty doth find it necessary that you should still feed that jealousy in them for her better advantage, to the end they may not think that she standeth in so hard and desperate terms with Spain as that there is no hope left of reconciliation, by means whereof she must of necessity rely now wholly upon th' amity and friendship of France; giving them in some sort to understand that the continuance of the ill-usage and late arrests of her subjects' ships and goods in that realm, with such other like occasions of unkindness, may justly provoke her to hearken to th' offers of reconciliation with Spain that are made unto her by the means of the Prince of Parma.
[The next paragraph is noted in the margin as having been written in a private letter apart.]
"This course and manner of proceeding her Majesty's self doth think most necessary and convenient to be held in this matter, although divers others of best judgment about her are of opinion that it will rather do hurt than good; foreseeing that in the state that things do now stand, those of the League may take the advantage thereof to persuade the King to prevent her Majesty by combining first with Spain against her; which happening so, she should then be wholly abandoned and left to herself; these offices that the Prince of Parma doth offer to perform being likely to prove but entertainments to nourish security in her and to divide her from th' amity of France. . . . I could do no less than deliver the same unto you; and yet, for that in these cases, being hard to prescribe unto you from hence any certain order or course of proceeding, it seemeth fittest for her Majesty's service to refer many things to your own discretion, that are there an eye-witness of things and of the humours and dispositions of such as you deal withal, you shall in my opinion do best, if you see any likelihood that the same course may do hurt, to forbear to enter therein; acquainting her Majesty with such reasons as move you thereunto by your letters to herself, for that she doth now like best that you should address your negotiations and weightiest advertisements directly to herself."
Her Majesty—understanding that since the return of the Earl of Leicester some alteration has happened in the Low Countries, where the States, being discontented with his proceedings, had attempted to place and displace garrisons, change the governors of towns and provinces, and finally to advance Count Maurice to the place of governor, with many other innovations bewraying some secret practice and purpose to work a divorce from her—has dispatched Lord Buckhurst thither, (who embarked at Margate the 15th of this present) as well to inform her of the present state of things there and true cause of the said alteration, as to take some course for redressing the disorders that have happened; with commission also, if he find the States willing to restore the government to its former condition, to signify to them that Her Majesty is willing, for their better assistance, to increase her contribution towards the erecting of a camp this summer; and that my Lord of Leicester should return to his government there, according to the request made by their deputies lately departed hence.
"There have been divers means used to draw the King of Scots to take revenge of his mother's death, but he cannot be won to hearken thereunto, finding in his own judgment that his only way to maintain the title he may hereafter pretend to this crown is to continue the good liking of her Majesty towards him, and to purchase unto himself the goodwills of the subjects here, who by such means are likely hereafter to consider of his right, as well as of any other the competitors, whereas if the two nations should once enter into blood, he should lose all hope to attain to the crown otherwise than by way of conquest, the unlikelihood whereof is easily known to him."
Four or five days since, the French ambassador sent his secretary to my lord Treasurer and me to say that he heard that the Archduke Mathias was at Hamburg, with intent to repair hither, desiring to know what we understood to be the cause thereof. We could not then satisfy him, the matter being new and strange to us; but we have since learnt by Mr. Horatio Pallavicini's letters of the 18th of last month "that the said Archduke, stealing suddenly away from the Emperor's court, had been in Saxony, where, as it is said he has received money of the Duke, and from thence was gone either to Denmark or to Hamborough, there to take shipping for this country, with a purpose to declare himself openly for the party of those of the religion. The ambassador, who is likely to have received these advertisements by some French ships that came out of those East parts, laden with corn, seemeth to be very jealous of the Duke's repair hither, supposing there should be some accord intended between Spain and us, and that he cometh to lie as hostage here, or else that he shall be employed in the Low Countries."
Draft or copy, with some insertions by Walsingham. Endd. with date. 3¼ pp. [France XVII. 36.]
March 23./April 2. King of Navarre to Walsingham.
Had bound the Spaniard Pedro de Sarmiento to M. de la Noue for the discharge of his parole and deliverance of his son, M. de Teligny, before he received her Majesty's and M. de Ralley's letters. Begs Walsingham, who knows M. de la Noue's merits and the harsh treatment he receives, to do his utmost in the matter.—La Rochelle, 2 April.
Qy.: Holograph. (fn. 4) Add. Endd. "2 April, 1587." Fr. ¾ p. [France XVII. 37.]
[Printed in Appendix to Lettres Missives, vol. viii, p. 316.]
March 23. Waad to Burghley.
I was deferred for my dispatch until the coming of Roger, but the King not receiving the satisfaction he looked for has referred it again until the coming of de Trappes, that I may be present at the examination, and so receive his pleasure. "Wherein what her Majesty hath already done, or what shall be fit for her to resolve, I refer to your lordship's grave counsel. . . . Though I cannot perceive but the King hath as great cause as ever he had to retain her Majesty's friendship, nevertheless I could wish that no occasion be ministered by us to give further argument and hold to those that seek all means to withdraw the King from our amity. In which behalf it is not for me to presume to write what might be considered. . . .
"The ambassador is supported by those buttresses whereon the King himself doth chiefly lean, wherein in my former I have been bold to signify my opinions and your lordship can easily conceive what I would infer. . . . That action is so construed still as the King is thought greatly to be interessed therein, and so it will be conceived for the interest others have in his case. And if her Majesty should yield to the King's request, the venture is not great in delivering over de Trappes, and the King the more bound in honour to examine the matter exactly, and to give her Majesty satisfaction, both in that and other matters of like quality . . ."—Paris, 23 March, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 1 p. [France XVII. 38.]
March 23. Waad to Walsingham.
[Thanking him in enigmatical terms for kindness shown to some person, probably himself.]
You will perceive by the ambassador's letters at what stay we are, wherein no consideration of my own doth move me otherwise than it may import her Majesty's honour; only I humbly crave my delivery from hence might be hastened.
"They think here that they offer a way in equity not to be refused, and for her Majesty's satisfaction; wherein she is to consider whether the time be to stand upon terms that import neither honour nor safety and may breed harm, or to yield to the King in that which shall bind him in all honour to have great consideration of the matter, and, provoked by her example, to render like satisfaction in other things."
If I be revoked before I have answer from the King "they will make a comment upon it as though we fly the lists. Your honour can consider what the detaining of the ambassador's servant can advantage her Majesty . . . And when they have him, I assure myself they shall find that indeed which now they will not conceive; as questionless they interpret all these actions to disgrace, and will do until the King may be able to look himself into the matter." Her Majesty has laid before him all the confessions and examinations. He wishes his ambassador may be admitted to purge himself; and de Trappes sent hither to be examined. The cause is of that importance as the continuance or breach of amity dependeth upon it, and other great matters concur at this instant to be regarded, which I leave to your honour's wisdom.—Paris, 23 March, 1586.
Holograph. Add. Endd. 1¼ pp. [France XVII. 39.]
March 24. Stafford to Burghley.
"I have sent your lordship the copy of two letters I sent to Mr. Secretary, having writ to nobody else of it but to you two. I was very sorry that the eagerness of things here which I writ should either continue or increase her Majesty's offence against her Council. It is not a thing I desire, to offend anybody, and less your lordship than any other. I writ unto her according unto my duty things truly as they pass. I have now sent to nobody but to Mr. Secretary and to you this, which is the truth, how things pass rather worse than better. Your lordship and he may use it as you see cause . . ."—Paris, 24 March, 1586.
Postscript. I received even now a letter from Pallavesino, who writes that Hugerie is gone into England from Duke Casimir to demand new money from the Queen, and that they persuade themselves she is so afraid of war with France and Spain that she will grant anything, having great need of them. "I pray God she may have a surer pillar to trust upon than they; though in this time they may serve her turn, and all means are to be embraced. Methinks . . . he cannot tell what to think: whether the hope to get more money will be a cause of deferring that they have promised. It were a great infidelity if it should be so. I hope not. La Hugerie, I think your lordship knoweth him for as broiling a merchant as any is in France. . . .
Pallavesino would fain be at home, if the army go forward, or have a companion joined with him; for he feareth the evil will of Segur and Guitry for doing his duty; and so I know by proof, that nobody shall have their goodwill that doth that which he is commanded, and not all what they list without reason."
Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 1 p. [France XVII. 40.]
March 24. Stafford to Walsingham.
"I received upon Thursday last your letters by John de Vignes, the time of the King's devotion, being such (as if there were none of these cross matters) I was sure I should have had no audience though I had asked it. I thought I could no way better deliver that which I received from you than by speaking with M. Belliever, which I did upon Easter Even.
"To the nomination of those commissioners that her Majesty hath appointed to the expedition of justice upon sea matters, he marvellously liked of that resolution, and of the persons that were named for it, saying that he would declare it unto the King, but that they had not received it from their ambassador . . . to whom (as he said) it were well that such things as were mutually to be done were communicated at the same time that they were dispatched hither; for that the King would look to hear from his ambassador of it first, afore he took knowledge of it.
"To that I answered him that I knew not whether it was declared to their ambassador yet or no, though I thought it was, because that manner of dealing by way of courtesy was ever wont to be kept by us and observed, though the like were not answered here; but I was sure that if they would maintain that custom, we should ever be ready to keep it still; but that for this (whether so much was signified to the ambassador or no) I was sure it was done, for else her Majesty would not have caused it to have been written to me, as also that it should be put in execution whensoever the King, for his part, would nominate the like here and come to execution of it, as we would do in England; and that of both sides releases may be made of all prizes and stays upon these latter occasions, and all things past put to the judgment of the commissioners of both sides. He answered that he would deliver unto the King as much as he had received from me.
"That being done, he entered into speech with me of himself of this matter of the ambassador and of de Trappes; how the King took it marvellous evil that her Majesty would neither receive letters from his ambassador nor hear him; that the King thought himself to be injured in that his ambassador was accused of so vile an act and cannot come to his justification; that all the world might conceive him to be touched in it, and that his ambassador would not have done it nor durst not have done it without his privity, and that this manner of dealing may make the world in suspense of their judgments of him in the matter; that her Majesty dealt with the King as making no account in the world of him, which the King took in very evil part.
"I answered him that the King was marvellously deceived in taking opinion that the Queen made no account of him in this matter, for surely she had showed a great respect unto him, considering how near the matter touched her and yet that she had not refused, upon the ambassador's last request by Mr. ViceChamberlain and Mr. Wolley . . . but that Mr. Vice-Chamberlain's remaining at London by reason of the Parliament, was the cause that report was not made to her Majesty of the earnestness of his request, and therefore he could not receive answer from her of her mind. That I was sure the Queen did make that account of the King and his friendship that the ambassador was for his sake to expect for any favour at her Majesty's hands that she could reasonably grant him. I desired him to consider that this matter touched her Majesty so near that (although there was no more than the ambassador confessed himself) nobody could blame her if she were offended, and that in the highest kind.
"He answered that the ambassador confessed that the motion was made to him by persons that he saw were not men to execute such a thing; that he reproved them for it, and being out of doubt (for their unlikeliness to do any such thing) that no harm should come of it, but rather thinking it a device to pick money out of his purse, kept it without uttering it; because he had no intent to undo anybody, nor to run into a reputation, unfit for a man in his place, to be a discoverer of those that came to treat of anything with him; and besides, that whensoever he had discovered it, it had been but his yea and their nay; and a lie in his throat were that he might have for his labour.
"I told him that ambassadors (and especially the King's ambassador) had a greater credit than that in England that any man durst give him the lie; and that in matter touching so near the quick, a smaller man's credit than the King's ambassador would carry weight; that nobody felt the sore but they that were touched, and therefore her Majesty could not be blamed; that a meaner person than her Majesty would scarce love anybody that had known any enterprise upon his life, and not discover it; that whereas he did desire there might respect be had to the King, the better to increase and continue amity in this time, I told him I was sure her Majesty would have great respect in that and for my part, in that respect, I would further it all I could.
"And truly Sir, though I may hardly write in this, because I have a combat of nature and duty, yet (the last, for my place and for my allegiance weighing full the balance down, the other being of so little desert), if I may be bold to write my poor advice, I could wish in this time (considering the weakness of this King and the numbers of them that lie daily in wait to draw him from us, and how unnecessary it were for us now to have him by any means drawn away), that (for the respect of him) the ambassador's case might not for him and his be overlooked into; for in my opinion, that in these times there are things visible that are not to be seen, and if the Queen did see and hear the ambassador, and that de Trappes were sent hither to the King with his depositions, and leave it to the King, it would be a means to hinder and prevent practisers of division between the two princes, and make the King beholding to the Queen in that point; and if it be done so, I think (if I have direction for it) to make the King sensibly to feel the Queen desireth to do much for his sake. Though truly I cannot now assure anything, seeing the eagerness of minds here, aggravated, continued, maintained and increased as they be in this matter of the Queen of Scots; which in truth I do not write them to you by a great many parts so eager as I do find them, for I cannot say that I have yet found anyone, nor spoken with any, nor heard of any, what religion, state, passion, affection or age soever they were of, but do utterly, in public or in private, speak against it and in hard terms, especially against the manner of it; and some, and that a good many, that afore it was done have spoken in the allowing of it. In truth Sir, it is the strangest thing that ever you saw, to see how it lasteth and continueth, and none of these stirs nor taking of these towns (which all men talk of) taketh away this matter, as well from the greater sort as the smaller; but that everybody almost desireth to have nothing spared to annoy her Majesty withal, insomuch as I assure you that (though nobody in my place hath less cause to fear than I, having, I thank God, both courtiers, citizens, and leaguers my friends, that hardly anything will be attempted to do me harm but I shall be advertised, and all done that can be to hinder it) yet truly I begin more to fear than I did, seeing things not diminish in eagerness but increase, and seeing that our friends again upon the continuing of it do excuse themselves to come to us; not so much as the Queen Mother herself but sent unto my wife yesterday very privately to offer her all friendship as her Mother with those terms, but to excuse her though she sent not openly unto her, nor was desirous my wife should come and do her duty unto her yet, in respect of the mutinousness of this people upon these accidents in England, as she said. Besides, speaking with Belliever, and falling into the matter of the Queen of Scots, in truth with great grief (as I might see in his face) he bewailed the death, the untimeliness of the doing of it, and most of all the manner, because he did fear the inconveniences that the multitude of assaults that the King had for it from Italy, Spain and all places might breed to both these realms if the good intelligence were by them broken, which he saw could not be but an undoing to them both, and that from all places he was sent unto to aggravate this matter, to lay afore him that she had been his sister in law and his Queen of France; that if for the shedding of her blood, and that by a bourreau as he termed it, he were tant abandonné de Dieu (for those were his words) that he would not revenge it, God would revenge it, and upon him, and that they would all forsake him and take it in hand themselves, though their interest were not like his, nor their means so fit for it as his were.
"I answered him that the King was wise to look into the humours of these that blowed this coal so fast, and what their intents might be to set him forward in this action, and whether they should not have cause to laugh in their sleeves or no if he went forward with it. And (to leave the Pope aside and the Princes of Italy, whom I would not deal withal) I desired him to consider what pleasure it were for the King of Spain if he believed him; whether he would make his profit of this breach or no, and laugh to set the King awork to revenge the Queen of Scots' death upon the Queen (who [Mary] was but his sister-inlaw, and twice married since, and therefore by all laws the honour of her first marriage blotted, condemned for attempting against the person of a sovereign prince in her own realm, which she had been often pardoned for, and now anew reattempted) and forget the blood of his own sister, a virtuous Queen, an honour to her house, shed by him, which is put up and not spoken of; and in a time when the breach between England and France was an undoing of both the realms, and the greatening of Spain, at a time when the fire was by him set already in this realm, and no way to help to quench it but by the means of England, which, if he [the King of Spain] could find the means to make the King himself put to the coal to light the straw, to set it on fire, because it should not be able to help France, I thought he should have cause not to triumph a little; but I hoped the King would be better counselled than to help with his own undoing to set the King of Spain up, and with setting England on fire, to quench the fire that is in the King of Spain's countries.
"He answered me that he desired it nothing at all, but that he was sorry to see that this accident, out of time and in this sort gave matter to them that work upon nothing else to take advantage upon the King's nature and upon the time; both those that were abroad desired it and those at home sought nothing else; that his going into England, if he might have been heard and understood was to take the colour of that which no other colour could give, to have sought to help all these things, and if he might have had any kind of satisfaction to have carried some colour in that point, he had charge to have dealt very deeply in all points, for the good of both the realms.
"I replied to him that the thing that was done could not be called back again; that for my part I [was] very sorry for it, because I could not tell yet what would ensue of it, but especially because I saw her Majesty most offended with it, both outwardly and inwardly, as a thing she meant not to have had put in execution without a new cause; but seeing it was done, I marvelled with what reason they should persuade the King so much to stir in it at this time, for if anybody had good of it, it was the King and this realm; for one of the chiefest heads that the League builded upon (which troubled the King and the realm so much) was taken away, [in] which they show the King an example how to govern himself in the matter, for what eagerness soever they went about to put into him for the revenge of this matter touching him in honour, being his sister-in-law, they think upon their own matters and their own ambition, and think upon nothing but taking the King's towns, spoiling and destroying his realm, whilst they talk unto him of this revenge, and going about to set him occupied with that, that he may not look unto them: that if the King looked well into it, the Queen of Scots being alive was ever a means of jealousy between the King and her Majesty, which did impeach many good actions and strict intelligence; that it being taken away, there was no doubt but (the King consenting to it and willing to hearken to it) there might be now good indeed done, in some good mutual intelligence for the good of both the realms, which I know the Queen would hearken- unto willingly, and never desired more the King's amity than she doth, and never less the King of Spain's, though perchance she hath means offered enough, and the King of Spain not so foolish in seeking to revenge the dead, to forget his own good in his life.
"He answered me that he knew well enough the King of Spain ne aymoyt passer aucune oportunite de faire ses affaires; that if this had not happened, that a hangman had not touched the head of a Queen of France (so that the manner is it that doth trouble them most) he had been in a good hope that things would have gone otherwise than they do, and yet as the things stood, that remedy that might be, he would put his helping hand unto, for I should find him affected to the good, and nothing at all Spanish.
"I answered him that he should find the like humour in me, for I neither was affected to them nor never would be, and that I desired the King might be persuaded to let the dead care for the dead, and to take some good united course to deceive them (that desire her Majesty and him both dead) of their intents and desires; that I was sure if he would hearken unto it in what sort soever the King would, either openly or privately between themselves and such ministers as they may trust on both sides, I was sure the King could not step one foot but her Majesty would step two, that if I could have audience of the King, I would tell him the same tale.
"He told me that he would find a time to tell the King this to some purpose, but that, as my particular friend, he counselled me not to ask it yet, for he would be 'lofte' I should be refused; that her Majesty should do well to take all occasions from them (that put into the King's head by examples and proofs that she setteth not by him, nor maketh no account of him) to work their intents; that she did evil to refuse the sending of Trappes hither with his deposition to have him here-examined, and worse to ask Morgan for Trappes; that the King grew at that into a great choler and said that he perceived by that, that which was told him was true, that de Trappes was stayed for some other purpose, though that were the colour; and that Roger had brought but a trunked deposition of Trappes, though they had the true deposition, but not by our means, which the King was offended at.
"I answered that I would do what I could to procure her Majesty in anything to satisfy the King to his contentment, but I did leave to him to judge if she had [not] reason to demand Morgan, and to be more offended for the not delivery of him after so long demand and so nearly touching her so greatly to her prejudice and danger; a thing expressly against the words and intents of the treaties between the King and her, wherein she hath continually run in danger of her life, by the continual practices of him though he were a prisoner, and Paget at liberty, and by whom in truth this accident of the Queen of Scots is happened, they only having been the layers of the 'platt,' senders over of the instruments, the givers of means for the execution of that which might have proved so dangerous to her Majesty, and is fallen out so deadly to the Queen of Scots their mistress, which I did marvel that nobody revenged upon them that were the direct causers of it by their wickedness, and not upon her Majesty, who being aggressed, defended her life with justice.
"He answered me that he would to God all such villains were hanged, and as for Morgan, he had been imprisoned upon my suit at the first, without any refusal; that if times had not fallen out then as they did, her Majesty, he was sure, had been better satisfied; that times are to be considered, and things not to be so hardly pressed upon at some times as at some others, upon divers occasions; that the strictness of treaties are not always to be pressed; that if the King would, he could press us for the money given to Duke Casimir when he came last into France to bring him [in], sending Mr. Randall to Monsieur (fn. 5) to offer money to impeach the peace; Palavisin now being in Germany and delivering of money for the new bringing of him in again.
"I answered him that of those things aforetimes I had no knowledge of; they were afore I meddled with anything. What Palavisin did now in Germany I was not knowing of it; it was not of my charge. He told me that he did not also ask it of me, for he was sure I would not tell it him, though he did ask it of me.
"When I saw him upon that point, I asked him if he would leave off his counsellorship, and I would leave off my ambassadorship, and then if he would give me leave I would ask him a question, as a private friend, whether if her Majesty did that which he said, and gave means to the King of Navarre to be strong, considering how high in the instep the League was, and how they brake the King's will, who altogether desireth a peace, and how far out of hope they might be if the King of Navarre were not some way made strong, to pull down their courage; what harm her Majesty did to the King's service in doing it.
"He smiled and answered me with a French proverb: vous voulez faire les valets du diable, nous faire du bien devant qu'on le vous demande. Your honour may judge of the answer, but one thing I assure you, that the best patriot in France he is accounted and the honestest man of the Council, and that for those respects he is deadly hated of the League, and for that opinion of him proscript if these last enterprises of theirs might have taken place.
"Thus have I faithfully represented unto your honour the truth of things as they be here, and their dispositions, which truly are rather worse a great deal than anything better than I have set them down. My best hope is that the ambition of the League will so much blind them as they will omit nothing of their own particular to advance this great mind of a revenge they publish, and that the King, if he be kept in strength, must needs see it. And the way, in my opinion the best to make him see it and not to let himself be weakened, is for her Majesty, by her contenting of him and offering of him effects of amity, to keep him in his strength. As I have written in other dispatches, I do assure no good, but if her Majesty give him contentment to make the way, and I have any direction to do anything in it and how far that I may take opportunity, I am sure I will use it to do no harm.
"In the mean time, provide for the worst, the best will provide for itself, and above all things that her Majesty look to her own person, for she hath as much and more need of it than ever; for they be extreme devilishly bent that way; whereof truly, besides that M. Belliever of good will gave me warning of it in generality, that the Queen had more need to look to herself than ever, for that numbers were bent thereupon, and protested any means to do it withal, and they were persuaded it was a meritorious act, I know myself by other advertisements the same intent, and particularly one that Mr. Fant I am sure hath told you, which I made him acquainted withal, which since his going is followed very much. Mr. Fant hath seen the man and knoweth him very well, and when he is ready to go, I will not fail to advertise you a point nommé. Mr. Fant knoweth where he shall haunt in England, and where to find him out in having an eye that way. God give her Majesty grace to look to herself, and protect her and hers and send you his grace in his keeping."—Paris, 24 March, 1586. Signed.
Postscript, in his own hand. "The King hath received a letter from the King of Scots, which he keepeth very secret, I can assure you of it; and will [be] neither aknown to them of the League of it nor to anybody else. Madame Mompensier hath done what she can to get it out of him, and besides made all the means else that she can, and cannot; and yet assure yourself upon my word he hath one, but he neither will answer it nor take resolution in anything that way till Gisop [sic] be come from the King of Scots, who is looked for every day."
Add. Endd. 7 closely written pp. [France XVII. 41.]
March 24. Copy of the above, in Stafford's own hand, headed "Copy of one of my letters to Mr. Secretary of the 24th March, by John de Vignes." [No doubt sent to Burghley, as it is endorsed by him.]
Endd: with date. 8 pp. [Ibid. XVII. 42.]
March 24. Stafford to Walsingham.
I have written in my other letters to you the true state of things here, "and the eagerness that yet remains here in all kind of people, and namely in the chiefest"; and I have writ of it also to my Lord Treasurer but to none other. To you two I thought it my duty to make known all things plainly, as otherwise "both I and you might run in blame and her Majesty be very evil served; and you not knowing the truth, the remedies could not be applied."
I pray God Mr. Waade may come safe home, which I will do all ways I can to procure. "He is greatly hated, spitted at and watched for his departure, as he himself knoweth."
I beseech you let me have news as often as may be, but not by way of 'Callis' for any Englishman coming that way comes in hazard of his life, by M. d'Aumale's means. Let me know all you think fit of the state of England, Scotland and the Low Countries. Of all these sundry bruits will be given out, and if I knew the certainty of them I could prevent the harm that false bruits bring.—24 March, 1586.
Postscript. If John Tupper be not dispatched, I pray you send him presently, as he may stand Mr. Waade in some stead. Send none known to be your own till things be overblown, for they will run in great hazard, yet sometimes, some of trust must be sent to me, "that I may speak to, and not write."
Holograph. Add. Endd. "2 [sic] March 1586." 1 p. [France XVII. 43.]
[March 24.] Stafford to Walsingham.
"Because in these doubtful times, wherein so much malice is borne against England, men are loth to have their names or exposition known, I am constrained to trouble you with a long cipher of the effect of a conference that I lately had with Bellievre, whom I find the soundest patriot and honestest man in the King's Council."
[The letter from this point is made up of portions of the letter to Walsingham above [No. 41], but differently arranged.]
Probably a decipher. In the same hand as the letter from Walsingham to Stafford of March 22.
Endd. by Phellipes "from Sir Edw. Stafford to Mr. Sec. Walsingham. Touching Bellievre's speech about the matter of de Trappes." 3 pp. [France XVII. 44.]
March 24. Stafford to Walsingham.
The Queen Mother returned on Maundy Thursday to the Hermitage by the Bonshommes. She would not lie in the town, being afraid of "these bruits that were here," and the advertisements given the King. But on Monday he persuaded her to come, and she lies at her house at the Filles repantyes, so full of the gout that she cannot stir; yet the speech is that the King means to send her to the Duke of Guise and them of the League, "who stir like princes and kings, especially M. d'Aumale in Picardy, who, besides 'Dorlans' [Dourlens], that was taken afore, and Boulogne, failed by the wisdom of M. de Gourdan, have since taken Crotoy and [are] assured of St. Vallery, and news came yesterday of St. Quentin's and Chatelet, but that not assured.
"The Duke of Guise seemeth greatly offended at this Duke d'Aumale's doings, and M. de Meine hath promised the King that those places shall be rendered, but I will believe it when I see it.
"The Duke d'Aumale hath made one Captain La Pierre be killed, which the King is greatly offended at, and of whom the King maketh great account. He pretendeth the cause of it was that he was sent by d'Espernon to kill him. Since the Queen Mother's coming there is counsel given the King to declare himself the chief of the League. Some think it is to cut the League's throat, he being the chief himself, to take all arms and commandment away from them; and in truth, a great many of the League are in great murmuring at it; but the Queen Mother's return without doing anything with the King of Navarre, and greatly piqued against him, as she maketh show, doth make me conceive no good of it, though most of the League will not be persuaded yet but that there is somewhat agreed upon between the King of Navarre and her which they keep secret. For my part, I have heard nothing from the King of Navarre a great while, and this counsel to the King is not yet come to resolution, . . . but it is thought he will do it ere long. But resolutions do change here often, and a great many that are very deep Catholics in deed are offended at these taking of the King's towns that be Catholic, and see, and so doth the King plainly publish, that they show it is not religion but his towns and the state they shoot at. The Cardinal of Bourbon himself doth somewhat stagger at it and grow jealous of it.
"I still fear some attempt against the King's own person, which they make a full account of to execute, and to make it the full conclusion of all their greatness. The King doth provide for it as well as he can."
D'Espernon is looked for within two or three days with five hundred good horse and twelve hundred well chosen foot. There is great hate of him imprinted in those of the town, and he carries himself so high that I see no hope of his getting their goodwills. I pray God it do not breed a great broil here. Duke Joyeuse is in Normandy, and would fain make preparation of twelve ships to go to sea (as they say) to assure the traffic, but the soonest they can be ready is two months, and I think it will be longer, for they want money to hasten it. The Duke of Guise will not retire from Sedan, though he does nothing there. They hear "none" of the Reiters' resolution to come, and begin now to speak of sending Shomberg into Germany to levy Reiters for the King, but yesterday it was said that news was come that there was some breach of their resolution since 'Beutrick's' death; and that the Duke Casimir will not march himself but send the Prince of La Petite Pierre. I had letters from 'Pallevisin' last week, who wrote of Beutrick's death, but nothing of any change of mind.
There is news out of Scotland (which took only seven days to come) "that the King is shut up at Dalkeith (Dankeeth) and not to be seen, perplexed extremely with sorrow, protesting revenge and to employ himself and all his. That all the whole country from the highest to the lowest, do offer all they have to the King in the matter: That the King hath sent down to the borders to keep all things in terms of no hostility till such time as he be prepared himself, which he hasteneth by all means: That one Gisop shall come presently hither . . . who indeed is daily expected: That he is resolved to send Sir John Seton into Spain and the young Prior Seton to the Pope: That he hath already sent one to the King of Denmark: That the King protesteth no harm or revenge upon her Majesty, who, he saith, was forced to it and stolen upon, nor upon the realm, in the which he hath an interest, but upon her councillors that have signed her death, and made it be done unawares to her Majesty: That Mr. Robert Cary had command to come no further, (fn. 6) and Carvil, that was sent into Scotland for his safe-conduct was fain to be conveyed away home in the night and presently published that any Scottish man that came into England, or any English man that came into Scotland should presently be hanged: That Archibald Douglas had his commission of ambassador in England revoked, what show soever he made to the contrary.
"These come from Courselles. How true they be, your honour hath best means to know. They be here taken for true, as also that the King of Scots will have the Bishop of Glasgow here have all his livings in Scotland restored unto him, and make him his ambassador lieger here. That his living shall be restored unto him I know. A kinsman of his hath written that to him, with assurance from the King's own mouth, and opinion that the King meaneth the other too.
"Pinard is come home with the Queen Mother, with whom now I shall have to do, which I am glad of, for he will speak. Brulard never speaketh. I have had commodity to see him but once since he came. They have instructed him at their pleasures, both of this matter of the ambassadors and the arrests, for I found him very hot, and if it continue, that Mr. Waade is not like to be dispatched till de Trappes come, that he may hear his examination, as he brought the complaint, afore he go, and that these arrests are made upon our giving cause and upon our denial of justice; but afore we parted . . . I instructed him better, and he grew calmer and said he did not tell me that from the King, for he had not spoken with him, but if I would give him a short note of all things, he would move the King, which I have done, but yet have not answer . . . I have sent you the copy of the brief note I sent him for his better memory of our long speech.
"The King of Spain is about a great practice with the Catholic cantons of the Swissers, to have an alliance with them, and now they be in a diet for the resolution of it, which is very certainly thought will go favourable for the King of Spain." Threescore thousand crowns are gone from Milan, to help to get their goodwills.
Copy, in Stafford's own hand, sent to Burghley and endorsed by him with date. 3¼ pp. [France XVII. 45.]
March 29./April 8. Don Gonzales de Cordua to the Cantons of Uri, Schweiz and Unterwalden.
Col. Berlinger has spoken to him on their behalf about the payment of what is still owing to them for the passage of the Germans. They know how anxious he is to give them satisfaction, but he again assures them thereof, and hopes that very shortly his Majesty will order provision of money to this end. The Colonel has also spoken with him touching their anxiety on seeing the Imperial troops so near to their State; and so far as he can understand the Emperor's resolution, he believes they may rest satisfied that in no case will anything be done that may cause them annoyance; and that—knowing well the close relations between his Imperial Majesty and the King his master—they may hold it for certain that while they continue in the good graces of his said Master, they will always have fair consideration from the Emperor.—Camp above Casale, 8 April.
Copy. Endd. as [received] "from Oliver Fleming." Italian, 1 p. [Switzerland I. 18.]
March 30./April 9. M. du Pin to Walsingham.
You will learn from M. du Bartas, (fn. 7) the bearer, the state of our affairs. His name and fame are known to all. You will know him by sight, and will find in his actions piety, uprightness and fidelity. The King has given him congé only that he may kiss the hands of the Queen your sovereign and dedicate himself to her service, not wishing him to go further unless it should be to fulfil what may be commanded him by her Majesty, counting all service done for her as greater than if done to himself. He is trusty and faithful; you may use him confidently in anything you judge fitting.
As to the Spanish prisoner, the King is sending a reply to her Majesty. He would have given him up at once, from his respect for her wishes and to gratify M. de 'Raullé' but he was already bound by his word and promise. They demand nothing but the liberty of M. de Teligny, a very small thing, which might be bought with a thousand crowns if the Spaniards would take a reasonable ransom. One cannot believe that the King of Spain is afraid of M. de Teligny. He may help Dom Pedro de Sarmiento in this by four or five lines if he will. I send you the copy of a letter from the French ambassador in Spain, M. de Longlée, which has been deciphered and which I think you should see, and make what use of it you can. It may please you to care for the affairs of M. de la Noue and his son, for you know his merit, and of what service he may be to us and to the Queen your mistress at this time. All the churches have appealed to the King my master, and drawn from him the promise to hold Sarmiento until the son of M. de la Noue is set at liberty. I pray you to continue to honour me with your favour and to believe that you have no more faithful servant in the world.—La Rochelle, 9 April, 1587.
Postscript. I leave it to M. du Bartas to tell you many particulars, that I may not weary you by a long letter.
Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XVII. 46.]
March 31./April 10. King of Navarre to Walsingham.
J'ay reseu les lettres par lesquelles la reyne vostre souveraigne m'escrye pour la delyvranse de Pedro dy Sarmyento, ausquelles je porte tant de respect quencores que lors quyl a este pryns sur mes terres et par les myens, il ayt este trouvé charge de plusyeurs memoyres, ynstructyons et lettres de l'ambassadeur despagne et autres partyculyers contre lestat de ladyte dame et contre moy et ma personne, je le delyvreray volontyers pourveu quyl fase aussy delyvres le Sieur de Telygny et discharger la parolle de Mr. Delanoue. Vous saves de quel meryte yl est et combyen yl a soufert pour ce party, et avec quelle cruauté et barbarye yl est treté. Je luy ay dautre part oblyge ma parolle premyer qu' avoyr reseu les letres de sa Mayeste. Je vous prye Monsieur d' Vualsynghan tenyr la meyn a ce que nous puyssions parvenyr a cela par quelque fason que ce soyt, luy donnant moyan de fere servyse a sa Mayesté et a moy comme yl en a de volonté. A dyeu, Monsieur d' Vualsynghan, cest vostre afectyonne et assure amy Henry.—De la rochelle, ce x davryl.
From the peculiarities in the spelling, this letter would appear to be holograph, not written by du Pin. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVII. 47.]
[Not printed in the Appendix to the Lettres Missives.]
March 31./April 10. M. de Segur Pardeilhan to Walsingham.
You will learn from M. de Palavicini the state of our affairs, the great difficulties of our negotiation and the hindrances which he and we have had, most part of which God has enabled us to surmount. The differing humours of the princes of these countries, their delays and the traverses they have given me have brought on a quartern ague which has kept me only too good company this winter. But I have learnt in this school to put my whole trust in God and not trouble too much about either the performances of our enemies or the stupidity and indifference of those who call themselves our friends.
M. Palavicini, besides negotiating very wisely and skilfully, has shown great affection for our affairs, and by his good offices has greatly obliged the King of Navarre, all our churches and myself. His virtue, kindness and the great toils which he has undergone deserve a greater acknowledgment than this testimony. God will some day enable us to show our gratitude, for I hope we shall not be always miserable; and while awaiting the time when I may have the means to do you service, I shall honour and love you as much as any gentleman in the world.— Frankfort, 10 April, 1587.
Signed. Add. Endd. "By Signor Palavicino" (fn. 8) Fr. ¾ p. [Germany, States V. 36.]


  • 1. Widow of John William, Duke of Saxe-Weimar.
  • 2. A literio promotorialibus, probably a translation from Beforderungsbriefen.
  • 3. No doubt that on p. 238, above.
  • 4. M. de Lenglet states this to be "Originale Autographe," but qy. if it is not du Pin's imitation of the King's hand. See Preface.
  • 5. Sent in April, 1576.
  • 6. See Robert Carvell's letter to Walsingham (Cal. Scottish Papers, vol. ix. p. 330.)
  • 7. The poet Guillaume de Saluste du Bartas, gentleman in ordinary to the King of Navarre and commander of a troop of horse in Gascony. Employed by that King in various negotiations in France and to foreign courts.
  • 8. Palavicino left Frankfort on April 7. See his letter of the 26th below.