James VI, May 1594

Pages 328-355

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 11, 1593-1595. Originally published by Edinburgh, 1936.

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James VI, May 1594

259. James VI. to the Laird of Easter Wemyss. [May 1.]

Whereas complaint has been made by the Laird of Edmonstone of Richard and Matthew Forster, Englishmen, who with forty persons armed came to the lands of Blackburn (Blackborne) and took five score of horses and mares by daylight and took them into England, placing them in Sir John Forster's grounds with his own goods; whereof redress cannot be had through default of ordinary meetings betwixt the Wardens of the East Marches, and although the authors dwell within those Marches, yet there is no common redress, as they are dependers of the name of the Warden of the Middle March of England, therefore "they" (fn. 1) travail earnestly with the Queen or Council that redress may be had, lest by the delay thereof they be stirred to further mischief, to the disturbance of the peace and amity.

½ p. Copy. Unfinished. Headed: "Edinb., 1 May 1594." Endorsed by Burghley's clerk: "1 May 1594. Copie of the Kingis letter to the Lord Wemes, his embassadour."

260. Instructions to Sir Robert Melvill and Alexander Hume. [May 8.] Cott. Calig., D.ii. fol. 175. Transcript in Harl. MSS. 4648, p. 213. Printed in Calderwood, v. 323–5; Booke of the Universall Kirk, 836–8.

"[Artic]les propo[unded in his Ma[jesty's name] to the said Assembly holden at Edinburgh 8 May, 1594."

. . . protest that his Majesty's royal privilege newly set forth by Act [of Parlia]ment be not prejudged in the convening of the next General Assembly, and to that effect that before their dissolving at this time they direct some of their number to his Majesty to be resolved by him upon the time and place of the next meeting, according to his Majesty's proposition and their promise in the last General Assembly at Dundee.

That they will ratify and approve by act of this present Assembly their promise in their last Assembly that any of the ministry having a complaint against his Majesty should make it by particular conference with himself and not utter publicly in pulpit any unreverent speeches against his Majesty's person, council or estate, under the pain of deprivation. And that for this cause they will presently try and censure any of their number who has contravened the aforesaid act.

"In speciall" that they will examine those who were present at the last synodal assembly at Perth, and charge them first to declare what treasonable and unreverent speeches of his Majesty they heard John Ross utter publicly from pulpit, and next, whether they censured him for the same or not, and will desire them in his Majesty's name that, according to the same synodal censuring of him, they will judge him as he demerits, on the one part, and as his Majesty's moderate behaviour ever since the beginning of that [turn] hath deserved, on the other part.

That they will excommunicate Andrew Hunter for bringing in a scandal upon their profession, as the first open traitor of their function against a Christian King of their own religion and their natural sovereign.

That they will by act of Assembly ordain every particular minister to dissuade his flock by public and private exhortation from concurring with the treasonable attempts of Bothwell or any other traitors against the lawful authority placed by God in his Majesty's person, and especially that they shall not suffer any of their flock to be seduced, under colour of religion or whatsoever other false pretext, to receive wages and become soldiers for service of any persons, unless they see his Majesty's commission and warrant therefor, and "namely" of Bothwell, who has presently in divers parts of this realm attempted the same.

That in respect that the Parliament is at hand and the occasion will very suddenly serve for declaring of his Majesty's intention in prosecuting of the Papist excommunicated lords both by law and otherwise, therefore they will select one or two commissioners of every principal presbytery to attend upon his Majesty at this time, as well that he may have their good advice and assistance in this great turn, as that he may by their means direct and inform what he would wish to be done by the rest of the ministry as occasion shall be presented.

1 p. Copy in the hand of Burghley's clerk.

Another copy of the same.

[Another copy appears as enclosure in No. 266.]

Cott. Calig., D.ii. fol. 184.

261. Robert Bowes to Burghley. [May 10.]

I have deferred these presents in expectation of being informed with certainty by the ministers and officers in Montrose and thereabouts, repairing hither to the General Assembly of the Church, of the result of the examination of the persons remaining in the Flemish barque-hoye arrived near to Montrose on 27th April last with gold, as it is here verily believed, sent to the rebellious Earls. Yet hitherto I can get no further or sure information than that this barque-hoye, [which] sailed with three Flemings and one Scotsman, took on board at Dunkirk four passengers unknown to the Flemings, to be set on land at Montrose or on that coast. This barque was not "fraughted" with any merchandise other than a small "poake" of hops, the rest of the loading being "ballaunce," hay, serving for the passengers' beds, and sundry "budgettis" trussed with cords, in small packs. They had no cocket, store of victuals, armour or weapons other than their swords and daggers. At their coming before Eyemouth (Heyemouthe) they put on land one of the passengers called Towye, a Scotsman, who (as I am told) first repaired to Lord Hume at Dunglass, and afterwards to the Earl of Angus. Whereupon warning was given to the rest that this barque had come with those passengers and freight, and would arrive at Montrose. On Thursday or Friday, the 25th and 26th April, one gentleman came to Montrose and enquired for it, which had not then come in. But on the Saturday following, this barque, meeting with a fisher-boat of St. Andrews, took one of the fishermen to be their pilot for Montrose, giving to him two Spanish pieces of gold for his pains. The pilot brought the barque before the port at Montrose to have landed there that day about 3 or 4 p.m., but the company would not suffer him, and caused him to bear off until the night had come and the tide past. Then they willed him to put the barque on the sands without the pool, providing that the men and their packs might be safe, without care for the vessel, which they said was well paid for. Running on the sands they found three horsemen awaiting their entry, one whereof was thought to be Mr. Walter Lindsay. The three passengers came on land with their packs and baggage, and after conference with the horsemen resorted to John Wilson's house near that place, being a common inn or "hosterye." One of these three passengers seemed to be a Scottishman, another a Frenchman, and the third an Englishman. They all broke their fasts together at Wilson's house early on Sunday morning. The Frenchman and Englishman, pretending to be merchants, prepared themselves to hear the sermon, with purpose to return to their dinner at Wilson's and in the afternoon to pass to Dundee. They left their swords and "budgettes" with their shirts and gave a piece of Spanish gold to provide their dinners. But departing with this pretence, they returned no more, and being met by some horsemen were carried away to places not known. The Scottishman hired a horse and a stabler to carry his pack to Aberdeen. The pack was a "budgett" or little "masle" [i.e. trunk] stuffed with gold, silver or other metal, weighing, as the stabler esteemed it, about five stone weight, and it was packed with cords in a pair of old breeches. The Scottishman willed the stabler to say that he was an English merchant going to Aberdeen on his affairs there. By the way the stabler saw that the Scottishman wore, privily bound about his neck and on his breast, a long case or bag of red Spanish leather wherein were letters and gold, and the Scottishman was in great fear that the letters might be taken from him. They baited at Cowen, and afterwards passed to and lodged in Andrew King's house in Aberdeen, where the Scottishman bought for himself new and fine apparel, and so taking his journey northwards (and, as the stabler thinks, to Huntly at Strathbogy) he left the stabler, who returned home and was examined by Mr. John Fullerton and others in all these things.

This much out of the reports of the examinations of the stabler, the pilot and the Flemings remaining in the barque. It is believed here that some portion of treasure has been sent to the Earls, who rejoice and are comforted exceedingly, and it is expected that foreign forces shall shortly follow this gold. It is thought that Mr. William Crichton, the Jesuit, and Captain William Forrett, two notorious instruments for Spain, have returned hither "under the clokes of" the Frenchman and Englishman before specified. Some little time will better reveal these mysteries, occasioning the well affected here rather to prepare themselves to suffer than to arm to prevent the inconveniences threatened to religion and both the realms in this isle.

It is thought by many that Angus and Errol will agree to enter ward on secret conditions, notwithstanding that the King has agreed to give them no conditions but publicly and with the advice of his Estates; yet they are in great fear (as I am informed) that her Majesty and the Kirk here shall draw the King to proceed so sharply against them that in regard thereof (and of other helps and comforts) they purpose to expend and try some time before they will adventure their bodies in ward. If they shall be warded, then it is looked that they shall be brought to the Parliament in the custody of this great guard, which the King purposes to increase, and many think that their case shall be handled for their relief and contentment either before or at the Parliament; wherein the King can bear no blame in regard that it will be then done by plurality of votes and not with his privity and means. I am told that Angus and Errol, lately at Brechin (Brighten), intended to go from thence to Dunblane (Dubleyne), where the King is, to get some resolute order for them and Huntly in all these causes.

It has been generally reported here that Huntly came quietly into Janet Curle's house on the Castle Hill in Edinburgh, was conveyed secretly into the castle, and kept there some days. I cannot find any probability of this report. I hear that Huntly suspected Angus to have banded with Bothwell, but now that jealousy is quenched and the dryness thereby conceived is clean removed. It is given out that Huntly and Spynie are reconciled, whereupon Spynie has lately obtained the King's remission, a matter requisite to be well looked into by Bothwell and his friends; and therewithal it is said that the Master of Glamis is not a little displeased both with the pardon to Spynie and also that he cannot indelately obtain the portion of the dowry promised him for the maintenance of three cornets of horsemen to have been levied and led by him, as is done by Lord Hume and the Provost of Edinburgh. Mar has returned from Argyll and has prevailed to stay his personal invasion of Huntly. Nevertheless MacConochie (MacKonnoquhy) gathers Argyll's forces, with purpose (as it is thought) to ride against Huntly, and [it is thought] that the Clan Gregors will "partye" Argyll's forces, "yet not that they will sett themselves, who nowe is doubted to be so forwardis in the revenge of th'Erle of Murray's deathe as before he hathe shewed himself" [sic]. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

pp. Addressed. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk.

262. [Mr. John Colville] to Henry Lock. [May 11.] Printed in Coville's Letters, p. 103.

This 11th, finding the young Baron of Fingask (Fingas) come through Newcastle, I followed him to Durham. He carries a letter to our ambassadors declaring that the King's stay, "ungoing" against these Papists, is on the ground that they will enter into ward if there [i.e. in England] it be thought sufficient; and next "the bruit of the letter delyvered be Nicodemus Scotus is cum to his earis," and he mistaking the matter alleges that I have given in to her Majesty a counterfeited letter under his hand; which he would have his ambassadors see "tryed," and, if it can not be exhibited, to give the "mentir" (fn. 2) to any that will affirm he ever wrote any opinion concerning the incoming of Spaniards. These are the two points he carries. For the former [i.e. the warding] Huntly can be content to ward in Dumbarton, whereof his uncle is captain, or in the castle of St. Andrews, where Sir John Lindsay, a conjured enemy to religion and your estate, is captain; Angus in Edinburgh with M[ar], who is "confederat" with Huntly; and Errol in Blackness with James Cochrane, who is Glamis's depender. If they so ward, they are in no danger; and ward they not, when the King shall send to search Huntly, than he shall be "closed wp" in his Majesty's own cabinet, as at the last raid of Aberdeen. For the second [point], I pray God her Majesty hold back the letter at first till the ambassadors "deborded" (fn. 3) in brave language, according to the King's command. And for me, let me be delivered if I have done any such matter as is alleged. Her Majesty has many of his letters, and the ambassadors know his hand well enough, and therefore the matter is clear.

Your proclamations are made, and we shall in all humility obey. Ochiltree, as I wrote in my last, has gone to Scotland, and Bothwell shall keep quiet till this day expires, or longer, as pleases her Highness. They expect after that day to know her pleasure, what to do; and that, if they be not employed, they may be sustained, since they are wholly dedicated to her service.

"O, (fn. 4) B. and 3, with more, shall be keped fast by Ochiltreis and me," but you can judge if such matters be easy. The King lies at Stirling. Hume is in the Merse. The Flemish barque, for truth, has arrived, and has brought some gold. My cousin Wemyss, as he has a recommendation from the King for Mr. Douglas to her Highness, so has he another to the King of France for the old Bishop of Glasgow. It would be well done that Wemyss "on his honestie," and not Bruce, for he has none, were "required" if the King means truly to pursue Huntly or not, and I think he will grant he carries a commission against his conscience. In all other matters I pray you do as I wrote in my last concerning N. and Ochiltree, and let your letters for some few days be addressed to "Waulis" in Durham, to be sent to Mr. Anderson, that they may fall only into my hands. Signed: "Y."

Postscript.—Let me know if Mr. Dean is there, and if he is, you know my meaning. "God, if I had moyen to my goodwill, bot as I am yow will, I trust, have sum cair of me."

pp. In Mr. John Colville's hand. Addressed in the same hand: "To Mr. Henrie Lok, esquyer, to be opinned by my honorabill Meçenas." (fn. 5) Endorsed by Cecil's clerk: "11 May 1594. Mr. Colville to my master."

263. Mr. Edward Bruce to Burghley. [May 16.]

It pleased the Queen's Majesty yesterday to grant me new audience upon some advertisements I had received from the King. Amongst other things I showed that my master could not believe that the Queen would refuse him "that benevolence and small portioun of releiff" which she had given him during his days, but did ascribe the refusal to my evil service and indiscretion, which moved me to renew my suit to her Majesty more instantly than before; wherein I found her of so kindly and gracious disposition towards him in all things that my heart could wish no more. Her Majesty assured me that no avarice restrained her liberality in his "adois," and that she would grant him freely some relief, and yet deferred the delivery thereof for a short time upon "apparent gud respectis." I must, therefore, entreat your honour to give her Majesty your good counsel and advice to the present furtherance of this matter. I might lay before you my master's present necessity and what inconveniences may ensue to him by such delays, but my duty and the present condition of my service do not permit me so to do. It is not the smallest part of your honour to have done so many good offices for the continuance of the amity and I pray God you may carry that glory to the grave with you. If you "effectuat" this my request, I shall recommend it to his Majesty as it merits. Pardon my importunity, since it proceeds from an entire affection to the prosperity and quietness of both the estates. Signed: E. Bruce.

2/3 p. Holograph, also address. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk.

264. Sir Robert Cecil to Robert Bowes. [May 17.]

By reason of my father's great business at this time, he has commanded me to acquaint you with the state of things since the coming of the ambassadors, so that you may govern yourself accordingly. You shall therefore understand that Wemyss and Mr. Bruce, joint commissioners, brought a letter from the King under his own hand, containing, first, a declaration of his exceeding grief that her Majesty was misled so far as to doubt him, who held nothing so dear as the preservation of the amity; secondly, that she was content to favour his rebel, the Earl Bothwell. Of this he had many arguments, noting his open "receipte" on the Borders and in the Queen's own house, his beginning of his journey from Wark, when he came last to Edinburgh, his proclaiming of pay for his soldiers in English parish churches, with many other circumstances, which he protested to be so odious to his nature that nothing could more torment him, and therefore desired the Queen to yield him some satisfaction therein as to a King who had lost all his friends for her cause and had made her enemies his own, adding further that saying of the poet: "Si superos flectere nequeo acheronta movebo." These were his two griefs: the latter part contained only a promise resolutely to proceed against the Popish Earls, referring all things else to the report and credit of his ambassadors.

This letter being received, her Majesty referred them some three or four days after to her Council, where my lord [Burghley], my Lord Admiral, Lord Bathurst and myself were present. They began by complaining of the matter of Bothwell. Secondly, they assured the pursuit of the Earls upon condition that her Majesty would assure the King of support of money, if not before, yet after he had driven the Earls from their country, etc. To all these points they were answered shortly and substantially by Burghley, who was best acquainted with the great affairs concerning both realms.

For the matter of Bothwell, he denied that the Queen had any way favoured him in any course against the King; nay, rather she abhorred his presumption in approaching so undutifully to his sovereign's person. For proof the King has her own letters whereby she condemns the fact, and offered him the best help she could afford. Whereupon, the next news she heard was that the King by his own letter commended him, desired her to esteem him as one in his favour, and for demonstration thereof the Earl came into her Borders, showing the King's general pardon under the seal of Scotland, and free reception into his grace. This so drew on the minds of her people on the Borders, who naturally favoured him for his neighbourhood, that notwithstanding many commandments and punishments they (who had found redress of so many injuries at his hands) had haply received him since or harboured him out of common charity, without any other ill meaning, as being a nobleman and one whom they had heard the Church and the well affected persons in Scotland esteemed as being opposite to that party who had vowed themselves to Spain. For the Queen having given him money or having helped him in this his enterprise, it was answered to be merely false. For confirmation whereof it was "remembred" that if the Queen had ever meant to have nourished him in any unlawful action, policy would have taught her not to have abandoned him when he was on foot, nor to have stayed all her subjects from going in with him; and in this sort, with divers arguments, my lord concluded that, before their coming, solely for the King's satisfaction, the Queen had sent order to her three Wardens by open proclamation to forbid his "receipt" upon pain of her heavy indignation.

For the second point, it was "remembred" how many promises had been made and none performed, how many shows and no effect following; alleging further that the King need not require foreign help if he would take such courses as are used in like cases; and therefore till the Queen saw his deeds she could do nothing upon words. But if it appeared that he soundly proceeded in suppression of the Earls (leaving matter of life to his own mercy and justice), she would then do for him what in reason could be demanded. But otherwise no threats or devices should move her.

Hereupon they urged the Queen's promise by a letter of her own hand, which they would not shew, but declared that it contained these words: "For a token hereof we have sent you a portion, which as we shall hereafter have oportunite we will contynew, wherof we wold have yow mak accompt as long as your present kyndnes shall appeare to contynew towardis us." The promise with the letter was thus conditional, and therefore having found since that time such favour showed to those who sought to bring in strangers to the disturbance of her kingdom, her Majesty had no reason to think there was continuance of his kindness; whereof, when she saw fruits, she would show the like.

To this they replied they doubted not but it should quickly appear, and desired that they might be despatched with as favourable answer and as speedily as might be. This being promised the conference broke up for that day, and they were referred for their despatch some three or four days till her Majesty's pleasure was known.

In the meantime your letter of the (fn. 6) of (fn. 6) arrived, wherein it appears what a new delay the King used and how well you had comported yourself in "remembring" him that you had before prophesied of such an effect, though then you could not be believed, but were overruled by arguments. This accident gave new occasions of distrust and good reason to deny. Whereupon, at their coming to take their leave they were charged with this new delay. They were content to answer that they heard as much, but that it was assented to by you. This was flatly denied by us, so that if part of your own letter, being wisely and sufficiently written, had not been showed, that answer "must have ben taken for payment." But, in conclusion, this was the end: that when the King had performed what he promised the Queen would be as kind to him as she had been. Yet hereon they began to move a new question, desiring to be thus far satisfied whether her Majesty meant "to conclude in that support" her former annual gratuity, of which they made no question. But herein they were answered in general terms, without any yielding to such a distinction, that the Queen "ought nothing but of kyndnesse," and as she saw cause so should they find at her hands. With this answer they are dismissed, though little contented.

Since the writing of this letter one has come to the Scottish ambassadors from the King to will them to "expostulate" with the Queen the report that is blown abroad of a writing under the King's own hand discovering some practice with Spain. They affirm that if there be any writing showing any ill meaning, it is counterfeit. If otherwise there be any under his hand, it is no other than may be justified, and therefore they desire to see it. To this the Queen answers that he has done nothing for a long time "in matter of practise" which is unrevealed to her; and as for any writing, she heard that in one of the gentlemen's trunks that passed by into the Low Countries with Geddes (Gaddy) some writing was found cast up on the shore, but as yet she does not know what it was. But this was her conclusion, that whatsoever ill she heard or might hear, she would judge him only by his deeds, let them malign him who list. Then Mr. Bruce pressed the Queen for money. Her Majesty said that, as for that, if the King did what he promised she would help him, but, upon his message, now of all times she would least do it, because it was reported that he had threatened her in his letter, and with such courses she was little moved. She has thus left her answer uncertain, but not so that he shall despair of her help, which I find she means to give him indeed, after this man has gone, upon the first good proof of the King's resolute course against the Earls.

5 pp. Draft in the hand of Burghley's clerk. Corrected by Burghley. The latter part in Sir Robert Cecil's hand. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk: "17 May 1594. Copy of my master's letter to Mr. Bowes."

Fair copy of the same (Vol. lii., p. 75).

265. Sir Robert Cecil to Robert Bowes. [May 17.]

Before this letter at 2 o'clock this day I have written another from which this is somewhat "various," though not contrary to it. The Queen entering into consideration that time is very precious in these actions, and that the King will make his advantage of a denial, has commanded me to tell you that although the Scottish ambassador "be denied" and has this day kissed her hand and goes away to-morrow with no better answer than my former letter purports, yet she has now sent him a message that whereas she has understood by your letters this night that the King is determined to proceed with roundness and integrity, and that you have assured her that you believe it is only want of means which hinders his intention, her Majesty upon this advertisement, and to see whether kindness will do what she desires, is determined, if she may know by you with speed, whether or where she shall deliver the money, to cause it to be paid immediately upon any authority sent for it by the King's direction. Her Majesty takes this course to make you more acceptable, it coming from your advertisement, and to make him know that it is not his ambassador's message nor his own sharp style in his letter which moved her, but your advertisement and word given for it, and so much word she sends the ambassador himself, who departs to-morrow. The Court, at 12 o'clock at night.

Postscript.—This you may tell him, for so the Queen has commanded me, and for it this shall be your warrant, which you must not deny. For your own return, my Lord has done what he can, and I hope when the ambassador shall come to christen the young Prince some one shall accompany him to supply your place. You may see that the Queen's promise is of no particular sum, though they would have both a gratuity and a portion and I know not what. You may, therefore, without any such distinction speak of it.

1 p. Draft in the hand of Cecil's clerk, except the last sentence; which is in Sir Robert Cecil's hand. Endorsed.

Copy of the same, except the last sentence, which is omitted. (Vol. lii. p. 80.)

266. Robert Bowes to Burghley. [May 18.]

Since my last, of the 10th instant, the master of the barque arrived at Montrose has been brought hither, committed to safe custody, and slenderly examined by the Master of Glamis, Sir Robert Melvill and the Provost of Edinburgh; whereupon he confessed to be a Fleming, named Henry Makgelson, dwelling in Middelburg; that, using secretly to trade at Dunkirk and Neuport, Barnardine Cossyo, an Italian in Neuport, contracted with him to carry into Scotland the three persons landed at Montrose, giving him 37l. Flemish for the freight; that he should have discharged at Aberdeen and there taken in fish or other merchandise for Neuport, but the passengers compelled him to set them on land near Montrose. He produced a letter written by one of the passengers and sent to him after their arrival with order that he should deliver it to the Italian. Albeit this letter was written in such sort that it could not be read by the examiners, yet I have caused it to be explained and send a copy thereof to your lordship, who by view of the same will well perceive the readiness of the Spanish faction to proceed in their course intended. By evident circumstances and reports it appears that letters and some portion of treasure are brought by this barque into this realm; but hitherto I cannot perfectly learn what the sum is, who brought it, or to whom it is delivered. Besides my labours "to" the examiners and many others I sent to Aberdeen and Montrose to search out this mystery. Some letters sent to give me further intelligence have been intercepted by persons unknown; wherein, for the safety of the informer, and at his request, I forbear to make curious search.

"It is informed me" by an old intelligence that in this barque there is an especial person sent by the King of Spain to understand the resolute minds of the Earls and their parties, "for Spayne suspected them untill they receaved understandinge of ther constancyes"; [and] that if they resolve to proceed effectually, according to their former intention, then the gold brought hither shall be divided and employed according to the instructions given to this person of credit, who thereon shall return with report, so that all things may be done with expedition as shall be accorded. In the meantime it is advised that these Earls or their parties shall not move or take arms but only in their own defence: that, moreover, since the arrival of this barque, another ship of great burden, and sailing northwards, on the 8th instant put on land at Usan (Owsen), four miles from Montrose, a gentleman with a trunk naming himself the brother of the Laird of Glaswell (Glaswall). This gentleman was met by some horsemen and he and the trunk [were] carried to places unknown. This matter is lightly passed over, as all others are, without any search; and I am so watched and barred from intelligence that I can little prevail in discovery of these mysteries.

The King seems to be much disquieted and endangered by the bringing in of this gold, and has firmly protested to punish severely as well the receivers of the gold as also their friends in Court and about him, yet most men think that these persons shall by the accustomed means escape punishment without loss of life, member or liberty.

It is confidently reported to me that the three Earls at their late convention at Brechin all resolved to take one part, [and] that Huntly, offering to enter ward upon condition to have the King's favour and safety of life and body, was dissuaded; and it is thought that Thomas Erskine (one of the King's chamber and in especial credit with the King) was sent to travail with Huntly and the rest therein. It is thought by some that in some sort they will offer to enter ward and answer at this Parliament, wherein, if their offers shall be received, strange effects and troubles are expected to follow; that some noblemen have met with them at Brechin; that their agents are sent and returned to Court; that Mar met with Huntly on the 2nd instant on the farther side of Forth, near Stirling; that they have their friends, followers, and forces under warning; and that Huntly has levied and waged many soldiers not only in the country adjoining, but also in Edinburgh, to serve him, and presently these Earls show great hope of success.

The General Assembly presently convened at Edinburgh have sent four commissioners to the King both with the declarations in writing of the dangers imminent to the true religion, etc., and also with information by credit and word that the people now think these perils grow by the King's own omissions of the remedies. To all which the King has given his answers, and has sent sundry articles to be propounded in his name to the Assembly. I enclose copies of the declarations, the King's answers thereto, and the articles to be propounded in his name. Besides the King's answers in writing, he has "fraughted" the commissioners with many fair verbal promises for the full performance of all things required by the Assembly, who attend for the accomplishment of these effects at the next Convention of the Estates, to convene at Edinburgh on the 22nd instant, and at the Parliament beginning here on the 22nd [sic: rectius 27th]. If these two councils and diets shall pass over without fruit, as others have done, then this Assembly of the Church are of opinion that they shall not obtain reformation by the help and hand of man, but by the mercy and grace of God, to Whom they purpose to humble and submit themselves with general fast and prayers, and afterwards, in case of necessity, and with all loyalty, to seek means for the substantial prevention of the threatened alteration of religion and ruin of the state by foreign forces and intestine troubles. The fear of prosperous success at this Parliament is increased by the King's answer to the 7th article in the remedies propounded by the Assembly,—an answer which (as I hear) much pleases the confederates for Spain.

This General Assembly, ready to dissolve, are purposed to make choice of two or three commissioners in every presbytery and to leave them to solicit the causes of the Kirk at this Convention of the Estates and Parliament, whereat they look for "indelate" reformation or utter despair.

The King has written to Lord Hamilton (as I am informed) to be present at this Convention and Parliament, but Hamilton excuses himself, alleging that before this he received "a ratchless shott of hackbuttes" from the King's guard without any cause or quarrel and whereby a gentleman speaking with him was slain at his elbow. Nevertheless he will take the advice of his friends for his full resolution herein; and many other noblemen and others are loth to come hither whilst the King's guard is so extraordinary and strong and governed by persons suspected to favour overmuch the excommunicated Earls. I have seen a letter by the King calling a nobleman to this Convention to deliberate for matters touching the renewing of the old league with France, a matter thought strange by many to be handled at this time.

Mr. John Ross,—preaching at St. Johnstone and taking for his text Jeremiah vi. 28, was accused that he had affirmed the King to have been a reprobate, a traitor and rebel to God, and a fine hypocrite and dissembler, and that the house of Guise had been persecutors of God's Church and would never do good in this realm, unless it be the young Prince,—was sharply checked by the synodal convention then present and admonished for the same. Now, before this General Assembly of the Kirk, to whose censure [i.e. judgment] he was referred, Ross has pleaded (and, as it is said, proved) that he did not resolutely affirm the King to be a reprobate, a traitor, a rebel to God and a fine dissembler, but that he was in the way to be such, if he do not amend and reform his course. I hear that the Assembly will ratify and approve the act of the synodal convention at St. Johnstone and declare Ross's words herein to be without due regard of the condition of this time, estate and matters, notwithstanding that by the ground of his text he might affirm all such as fall within its compass to be in the way of reprobation, treason, re bellion to God or hypocrisy, and that he is like to be left to the order of the King and civil judgment herein.

The Lord Hume being warned that the commissioners for the General Assembly had informed the King against him, re-presented himself speedily before the Assembly, and there with great and open humility has submitted himself and sworn to perform the order enjoined on him, as will appear by the copy enclosed. (fn. 7) Sir George Hume and Patrick Murray, noted to be especial instruments for the rebellious Earls, were likewise charged by the commissioners. Sir George has not appeared as yet, but Patrick Murray has been before the Assembly and frankly submitted and received their order, which with great oaths and protestations he promises to perform. Nevertheless I am credibly informed that he has got all the articles sent by the Assembly to the King, and those returned by the King to the Assembly, and that, having this day returned to Stirling, he purposed to carry or send them to Huntly, together with the state in Court. The like offices and effects are likely to be found in the others.

John Hume of Crumstane, captain of fifty horsemen under Lord Hume, has obtained place before Sir John Carmichael, notwithstanding that he is a councillor, and has the King's patent under the great seal to be captain of his guard. Therefore Sir John has departed from Court malcontent. He was once appointed, as I am informed, to pass with his forces into Annandale to assist Johnstone for the surprise of Bothwell. How this shall now proceed is not known.

Argyll and Montrose, the Sheriff of Ayr and others of Argyll's friends have lately convened to find out the authors and executioners of the murder of the Laird of Calder. It is discovered (as I am told) that the Earl of Huntly, the Lairds of Ardkinglas, Glenorquhy, Macaulay (Mackalla) of Ardencapel, with others, had subscribed a band for this slaughter; that this band is found and now in Argyll's possession; that John Ogg, brother to Lochenzell [i.e. Campbell of Lochnell] (being one of this conspiracy and to have been an executioner) confirmed all these informations; and it is thought that Glenorquhy has secretly confessed the same and promised his service to Argyll and to leave Huntly. It is much noted here that after the slaughter of Calder, the King and Court, especially Huntly's friends, showed extraordinary favours to Ardkinglas and Macaulay, and it is commonly said that Huntly durst not have slain the Earl of Murray in the life of Calder, who was murdered eight days before Murray; so that all the murderers of Murray are now suspected with the murder of Calder.

I am given to understand that Lord Slaynes, in Ireland, has employed Gerard Fleming, Scottishman, to procure the King's commission that Slaynes may embark in Scotland for Spain to require aid there against her Majesty. Hitherto I cannot learn of any such suit, but I shall be watchful herein and await your lordship's direction.

Anderson, Scottishman, and late preacher at London, upon suspicion of evil behaviour, was charged to appear before this General Assembly, but suddenly and in great fear he departed to the north with the advice and privity of Patrick Murray (as it is said) and thereby thought to be gone to Huntly. He has intelligence with councillors and courtiers, and is deeply suspected to practise sundry offices here. He has been seen furnished with 280l. in gold sterling, and pretends to have great sums at his disposal. The Master of Glamis seems to have good intelligence in England and to have more speedy advertisement from the Court there than I can obtain. He promises to do good offices, which, if he shall accomplish them, may turn to the benefit of both nations. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

Postscript.—After the writing hereof I received the King's letter requiring me to be a means to her Majesty or to your lordship that the two persons apprehended in England by Captain Selby with jewels appertaining to the Queen here, which they have stolen and carried with them, may be delivered here with the jewels, and that I would also give convoy of the King's letters to his two ambassadors at London and to Thomas Foulis; in which I have written to Sir Robert Cecil.

pp. Addressed. Endorsed by Burghley and Sir Robert Cecil.

First enclosure with the same.

(Instructions for Sir Robert Melvill and Alexander Hume of North Berwick.)

[This is already calendared as No. 260.]

pp. In the hand of Bowes's clerk. Endorsed by Burghley.

Second enclosure with the same.

(Dangers to the King's person and crown.)

Printed in Calderwood, v. 310–15; Booke of the Universall Kirk, 829–31.

"The daungers which throughe th'impunity of excomunicate Papistis, trafiquers with the Spanyardis and others enemyes of the religion and estate, are iminent to the trew religion professed within this country, his majestis person, crowne and libertye of this our natyve country."

The same dangers which were threatened before [i.e. in 1589] by the practices of Jesuits and conspiracies of Huntly, Errol and Angus, with their accomplices, at this time are imminent, still more urgent and more to be feared, as may evidently appear by the reasons following. (1) It is certain that the Spaniard, who in 1588 enterprised the conquest of this isle, remains as yet of that same intention, as appears clearly by his continuing in intelligence and trafficking with the aforesaid excommunicates ever since the dissipation of his navy. (2) The manifest rebellion of the aforesaid excommunicates after the clemency in pardoning their treasons at the Brig of Dee and Falkland declare that they cannot leave off their unnatural conspiracies so long as they are not punished or restrained by justice and execution of laws. (3) Whereas the Kirk on all occasions has insisted to declare evident dangers and to crave convenient remedies thereunto, yet in effect nothing has been obtained notwithstanding promises, proclamations, raids, etc.; wherethrough they [the Papists] have been put always in greater security and take liberty to practise further.

Notwithstanding that it was prohibited by act of Council to traffic or speak in favour of the said excommunicates, yet now their chief favourers are advanced into greater credit with his Majesty, and they cease not as yet, contrary to their promises, to procure them all favour, oversight and impunity, as appears in effect, whatsoever they pretend. The erection of the idolatry of the mass in divers quarters of the land, as namely in Mr. Walter Lindsay's house in Balgay in Angus, in the young Laird of Bonniton's house of Birnes (Birnis), in the Earl of Angus's house of Bothwell in Clydesdale and the places of his residence in Douglasdale, in Huntly's house in Strathbogie and Old Aberdeen, in Errol's houses in Logiealmond and Slains, proves clearly that they either find themselves sufficiently assured of such favour and assurance within the country as may plainly entertain their cause by force, or else that they are persuaded of the aid of strangers for their relief. The refusal of the act of Abolition proves the same sufficiently, for they would never have refused so great a benefit except they had thought themselves fully assured of a better either by favour of "remit" and assistance within the country or by the concurrence and aid of strangers without. Their refusal to enter into ward proves the same. The late arrival of the barque at Montrose evidently shows that their dangerous practices are presently at the point of execution against the religion and country, and must hastily bring some great inconvenience unless they be prevented and resisted by a present remedy. The open conventions of the beforenamed excommunicated Earls at Brechin and other places since the arrival of the said barque declare that they esteem their causes now to be so "substancious" led that they do not regard what may be done for resisting of them. The diligence of the said excommunicates in putting of their whole forces in the north in arms and readiness upon advertisement shows that they have some present enterprise and attend only upon concurrence, which apparently they are very much "animate" to look for since the arrival of the aforesaid barque.

Whereas his Majesty and Estates at the first discovery of their conspiracies apprehended a very great danger, yet now, notwithscanding that the same causes of danger as yet remain wholly unremoved, there is no apprehension of any danger or earnest care to withstand it. It is evident that either there is an inclination and purpose not to see this evil cause, or else the Lord in judgment has blinded and hardened the hearts of all estates so that they grope in mid-day, and, seeing, cannot see,—which is the greatest danger of all, and a most certain argument of the wrath of God and His heavy judgment hanging over the land, and so much the more to be feared, because no fear is apprehended. The King acknowledged all these matters and dangers aforesaid to be worthy very good consideration, and, giving allowance of the same, he promised to have regard to them.

(Remedies against the aforesaid dangers.)

For remedy of the aforesaid dangers the Assembly ordains the commissioners to deal earnestly with his Majesty that he may apprehend the peril and proceed against the aforesaid excommunicated traitors as follows.

First, that the aforesaid excommunicates be "forfalted" without favour, and to that effect that the Parliament appointed for the 27th instant be holden precisely without any kind of delay, the Advocates sufficiently instructed in every point, that the summons may be found relevant, and sufficient probation in time provided. (2) That none suspected in religion be chosen upon the Articles. (3) After the "forfaltry" that they be pursued with all extremity and their lands and rents annexed to the Crown for ever, and no part thereof "disponed" to any in favour of the persons forfeited. (4) That in the meantime his Majesty's guard be employed for apprehending of Mr. Walter Lindsay, the Abbot of New Abbey, Bonnington younger, Mr. George Ker (Carr), Mr. Alexander Leslie, and Thomas Tyrie (Tyrye) with all other traffickers, Jesuits and seminary priests not contained in the summons of forfeiture. (5) That the rebels be named, (fn. 8) taken and charged, and their livings intromitted with to his Majesty's use without favour, and no part thereof "disponit" for their commodity. (6) That all persons be prohibited under the pain of treason and "tinsall" of life, lands and goods from resetting, assisting or intercommuning with the aforesaid excommunicates under whatsoever pretence of vassals, dependers, etc. (7) That the "haill subjectis" be charged to put themselves in arms to pursue or defend as they shall be certified by his Majesty or otherwise find occasion urgent. (8) That the barque arrived at Montrose be apprehended and the persons who were within her, together with such others as have had a dwelling with them, according as they shall be given up "in tickett," be called and diligently examined for discovery of the practices and purposes they have presently in hand. (9) Forasmuch as Lord Hume has contravened sundry of his promises to the Kirk of Edinburgh at the receiving of his subscription, as namely in not satisfying the Assembly of Fife, in not receiving a minister in his house, in not removing Captain Andrew Gray and Thomas Tyrie out of his house, as also by his "sclaunderous" life since his subscription, whereby he has given just cause of suspicion to the Kirk and all good men that in his heart he is not as yet truly sanctified and converted to the religion, therefore that his Majesty would take earnest trial of the premises and, if sincerity be not found, remove him from his company and all public office and commandment. (10) That the guard and their captains be tried in regard of so many complaints given in against them to the Assembly.

The Assembly directed their brethren Mr. Patrick Galloway, Mr. James Melvill, Mr. James Nicholson and Mr. Patrick Simpson to present these dangers and remedies to the King's majesty, and they returned the King's answers.

The King's answers to these remedies. (fn. 9) (1) There shall be nothing in that turn left undone, upon my part, as I have at length declared to the bearers. (2) "Good reason and farder," as I have showed to the bearers. (3) Great reason, the "forfalture" being ended. (4) How willing I am to be employed in apprehending practising Papists I "remit me" to the bearers' consideration. (fn. 10) (5) Great reason, as soon as they are forfeited, and I thank them for their counsel. (6) Great reason, their forfeiture "alwayes" preceeding. (7) To be ready at my charge is very meet, but I do not understand the last clause of urgent occasion. (fn. 11) (8) I shall omit no occasion in what can be required at my hands as I shall answer to God. (9) Distingue tempora et concordare scripturas. The meaning of this the learned will open to you. (10) These complaints do not belong to their office: "always" I have satisfied the bearers herein. These answers on the margin were made and written by the King's own hand.

3 pp. Copy in the hand of Bowes's clerk. Endorsed by Burghley: "xj May, 1594."

Third enclosure with the same.

(Conditions proposed to Lord Hume by the General Assembly of the Kirk.)

Printed in Calderwood, v. 318–20; Booke of the Universall Kirk, 840–1.

"Conditions proponed to Alexander, Lord Hume, by the Generale Assemblye of the Kirk convenit at Edenburgh the (fn. 12) daye of Maye, 1594, and cravit to be performed of him to testefye his trewe and unfeygned repentaunce and conversion to the trew religion openly professed within this countrye."

(1) The General Assembly craves that he renounce all Papistry and that he ratify his subscription of the Confession of Faith given at Edinburgh the 22nd of October last. (2) That he remove from his company Captain Andrew Gray and Thomas Tyrie and all other Papists and traffickers against the religion and those who are suspected thereof. (3) That he receive within his house Mr. Alexander Oswald (Osvall) as his ordinary pastor, and, failing him, some other discreet and godly minister by the advice of [the Presbytery of Dunbar], (fn. 13) and that he provide him a sufficient stipend for his entertainment and make his whole family subject to the Word and discipline to be exercised by him. (4) That he resort to the public sermons in all places where he shall happen to be, and that he communicate. (5) That he make all his servitors and tenants subject to the discipline of the Kirk. (6) That he repair all the ruinous kirks within his bounds and provide sufficient livings for pastors thereat, and "namely" to the kirks of Coldingham, according to the act of Parliament. (7) That he make thankful payment to the ministers of Chirnside (Chirnesyde), Swinton (Swenton) and Merseks (fn. 14) (M'seks) of their stipends, "conforme" to their "asservations" and decreets passed thereupon. (8) That he concur by his counsel, credit and assistance for maintenance of the established religion and the maintainers thereof against all and whatsoever that would invade the same within the country or without. (9) That he do not receive, maintain, assist, intercommune or have intelligence with the excommunicated Papist lords, Jesuits, seminary priests or trafficking Papists, or solicit for them or show them favour directly or indirectly. (10) That he neither reason nor suffer any reasoning to be where he may inhibit the same against the true religion or any point thereof. (11) That he employ himself carefully to apprehend and present to justice Mr. Alexander MacQuhirrie (Mackquharry) and all and whatsoever Jesuits, seminary priests and trafficking Papists who shall resort within his bounds; that he do nothing that may be found by the ministers appointed for the trial of his behaviour to be prejudicial to the religion; and in case he shall be found to contravene any point of the premises that he consent to be summarily excommunicated upon the notoriety of the fact.

1⅓ pp. Copy in the hand of Bowes's clerk. Endorsed by Burghley: "x May, 1594. Articles propounded to the Lord Hume by the Mynisteres."

Copies of the first two enclosures in Calig., D.ii. fol. 185 ff.

267. Robert Bowes to Sir Robert Cecil. [May 18.]

After I had finished my letter to Lord Burghley, I received the King's letter enclosed. One Jacob, a Dutchman and a goldsmith, and another, called Guilliam, a Frenchman, the Queen's footman, lately broke up some of the Queen's coffers in Holyrood House and carried away divers of the Queen's jewels, wherewith they are apprehended, as the King writes, by Captain Selby, in England, and the King has required me to be a means to the Queen of England or the Lord Treasurer that these two persons, with the jewels, may be delivered with all convenient diligence. He has also required me to cause his several letters to be delivered to Wemyss and Bruce, his ambassadors, together with his letter to Thomas Foulis, presently at London. I have therefore thought good to acquaint you therewith and enclose copies of the King's letter to me and the three letters mentioned. I beg that Lord Burghley and yourself will procure direction to be sent for my answer to the King and for the course to be taken herein, and also cause the three letters enclosed to be delivered. [Requests that his relief may be provided for at the end of this next Parliament.] Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

¾ p. Addressed. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk.

Enclosure with the same.

(James VI. to Robert Bowes.)

Hearing that Captain Selby has of late apprehended, in Newcastle, "twa limers deuces," who "thefteouslie" passed away with some jewels belonging to the Queen, we therefore request you to procure at the hands of the Queen, your sovereign, or the Lord Treasurer of England, that these "twa lymers," with the jewels and other things, may be delivered to us with all convenient diligence, wherein you will do us thankful and special good pleasure. We also request you to "derect awaye" these our other two letters to our ambassadors at London. Stirling Castle, 17th May 1594.

p. Copy in the hand of Bowes's clerk. Endorsed by Sir Robert Cecil.

268. Robert Bowes to Sir Robert Cecil. [May 23.]

Yesternight and this day I have received your two letters of the 17th instant. By the first you have seasonably acquainted me with the state of things since the coming of the ambassadors for Scotland, by which advice and advertisement I shall diligently govern my proceedings with this state. By the second I find further direction as well to give better contentment to the King, as also to nourish a good opinion in him towards myself, "and my reporte of his intigrity to be approved at this Parliament"; which direction I shall duly execute, and of all my doings and success in the same you shall be shortly advertised.

The King has returned to Holyrood House for this Convention of the Estates, which hitherto is "verye sclender and fewe." It is looked that the number of the nobility shall be increased on Saturday next, or at the farthest on Monday, 27th, being the first day of the Parliament, which the King still firmly promises shall proceed, and that therein the Papist Earls shall be forfeited and afterwards prosecuted with effect, a matter heartily wished, and yet much doubted; and it is so sued and called for at this time that the longer delay thereof shall utterly quench all further expectation of good success or better performance of the King's promises, like as in pulpit I have heard plainly affirmed. Some few days will give proof in this behalf and either work some reformation or else increase these storms by open actions.

The Queen is purposed, as it is told me, both to come and remain here during the Convention of the Estates and Parliament, and also to give order to her own council to inform themselves well of the true condition of this estate and progress of matters in Convention and Parliament, that with their information and advice she may persuade the King and do her endeavour to "expeid" the reformation wished and requisite.

Albeit Lord Hamilton intended to have been absent [from] this Parliament, as before I have signified, yet the King calling him earnestly and offering to give him the erection of the abbacy of Arbroath, for which he has long sued, he will (as I hear) come hither at the King's pleasure and appointment. By his presence the number of the nobility will be increased with the others willing to follow him. Otherwise it is hitherto thought that the assembly of the noblemen shall be little. Thomas Tyrie, purposed to have passed into France before this, has now taken farewell of Lord Hume (as I am informed), and, having sent his furniture for that voyage to Eyemouth, he intends with the next wind to convey himself and furniture by boat to some ship bound for Flanders and sailing by Eyemouth. He fears to be awaited upon, and therefore "he will not be known" in what vessel he will pass before he shall enter into the same on the road and in secret manner. It is told me that Mr. Alexander MacQuhirrie, the Jesuit, and others of like stamp shall accompany him. Whilst Mar shall remain here at Court the custody of the Prince shall be committed to the Abbots of Dryburgh and Cambuskenneth, and the Bishop of Glasgow, Mar's kinsman. On Monday, the 20th, the summonses in Parliament against the three Papist Earls and Auchindoun, and against Bothwell, Ochiltree and their friends were renewed, whereby it is pretended that they all shall be forfeited at this Parliament, and it is verily thought that the King's desire for the expedition of the forfeiture of Bothwell and his friends shall draw hither a great number of the nobility, without which the other Earls could not be forfeited. The King caused Spynie to be put out of the summons.

The Earl of Argyll, discovering MacAulay (Mackalla) of Ardencapel, in Lennox, to be one of the conspirators who subscribed the band with Huntly for his slaughter, thereon took the house of Ardencapel, putting in men for the custody thereof. Whereupon the Duke of Lennox, thinking this to be done to his prejudice, wrote in high style and words to Argyll to deliver the house. But Argyll calmly, and without any salutations or titles of honour, denied by his letter to the Duke to deliver the house, and now prepares to go against Huntly in revenge of his own quarrel, and chiefly for the murder of Murray. It is looked that Argyll and Atholl shall join against Huntly, and the King seeks by all means both to "laye them of Huntlaye" and also to draw Atholl to "leave the societye with Bothwell." In which behalf it is said that Montrose and the Master of Gray are employed to offer Atholl in convenient order the erection of the abbacy of Coupar. The practices devised to have snared and surprised Bothwell, with all other matters touching him and his affairs, I leave wholly to the report of others.

Lastly, I humbly thank your father and yourself for your great goodness in furthering my suit for revocation or licence to repair to her Majesty's presence. Since she is pleased to send with the ambassador coming to the baptism of this Prince a fit person to supply my place and service, and since my longer residence here after the end of this Parliament will not so much profit as my personal information at Court before the departure of the ambassador, therefore I humbly beseech you both to present the same to her Majesty's consideration and also to give me timely advertisement of her pleasure, so that I may in due time wrap up all things in best order for the benefit of her services in my charge and for the disposition of my own affairs. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

22/3 pp. Addressed. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk.

269. Mr. Edward Bruce to Sir Robert Cecil. [May 27.]

I have received direction from his Majesty to request the Queen, your sovereign, for the delivery of a goldsmith and a lacquey who have escaped from Scotland after the robbery of some jewels belonging to our Queen. They are now apprehended and in the hands of Captain Selby, in Newcastle. "Heirfoir" please you to acquaint the Queen and Lord Burghley herewith, that after some trial and inquisition these persons may be delivered to his Majesty for condign punishment, and that the jewels robbed be restored to her Majesty. Durham. Signed: E. Bruce.

¼ p. Addressed. Endorsed by Cecil's clerk.

270. James Hudson to Mr. Henry Lock. [May 29.]

I find some jealousy "loussayt" has entered the ambassador's head since I delivered him a message from Sir Robert Cecil; for though he bore me very good countenance, yet he said that he thought it strange that I should have delivered the Queen's letter with those terms which (though he could not gainsay but they were good and agreeing with that he had received from her Majesty and her Council) I, being his King's servant, ought not to have delivered, though he most earnestly required my diligence in hasting her Majesty's letter to him, and so his despatch. But he has "kept up" divers things from me, whereby also I discover his mind to me. Also I understand how he intended to have discharged me from meddling any further with his King's affairs, but he was not so happy as "to performe me so good a turne." But of these and other matters I leave writing till meeting, which I was in hope of at your house, where I hoped to have seen you, because James Forett was going thither but lacked a direction how to find it "til I instructid his gyd to your howsse, whence I comend me most kyndly to yow." Signed: Ja. Hudson.

Postscript.—I perceive that he has already entered into great friendship with Mr. "Arche" [Douglas] and has given great praise of his wit, "and the other lykywysse of hime." What their mutual goodwill will breed in effect at home in his country I leave to time, for I see he monstrously bears in heart my Lord Chamberlain's words to him, though to me he lets nothing fall. I hope you have acquainted Sir Robert [Melvill] with that I willed you to do touching the Master of Glamis and Mr. Archibald [Douglas], which, I think, if it be not crossed, will take effect; for this man reprehended Wemys for overmuch familiarity with him, and now "exseidith hime for him self."

pp. Holograph, also address. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk. Red wax seal.

271. Robert Bowes to Sir Robert Cecil. [May 30.]

Since the receipt of your letters of the 17th instant the King has been so occupied with the Convention of the Estates, and with the preparation of the matters for Parliament, that I could have no audience before Monday last, the 27th, on which day the Parliament should have begun, but it was continued from day to day until this Thursday, 30th instant, whereupon it has now taken beginning and entrance; and that I might write certainly of the same to you, I have delayed thus long to send advertisement of my doings and success with the King after the audience given me.

At this audience I shewed to the King that his ambassadors had been sundry times and severally heard by her Majesty and Council and received answers; that Wemyss had passed into France, and Mr. Bruce had kissed her Majesty's hand on the 17th, without receipt of any money. Yet her Majesty soon after his departure had sent him message that when she had understood by my letters that the King is determined to proceed with roundness and integrity against the Papist Earls [etc., as in No. 265], and that only want of means hinders his intention, if she may know by me where or when to deliver the money, (fn. 15) she will cause it to be paid immediately upon any authority sent for it by the King's direction. In this I have not spoken of or distinguished any particular sum for gratuity, or other cause whatsoever, agreeable to your own direction given me therein; and upon apt occasion I wished him to consider that not the message of his ambassador nor his own sharp style in his letter has moved her to show this favour, but her good opinion now received by my letters, and hereupon I pretended the greater boldness to press him to perform by actions that which he had many ways promised by words, and for which I had thus engaged myself and credit. To these he answered that his ambassador by short letter had acquainted him with her Majesty's message, and he desired heartily that the money to supply his present necessities might be speedily given to Thomas [sic] Foulis, burgess of Edinburgh, and presently at London, with commission and authority to receive the money for him. Hereupon he recounted to me how deeply he had of late and at this Convention bound himself to the Kirk and to his people to prosecute the Papist Earls by all means in his power, protesting to me by many liberal and pithy words that he would give good and indelate proof that he would proceed against them with all severity, and that he would procure their forfeiture at this Parliament, which forfeiture or attainder is now looked to take effect indeed. [In the margin, in Sir Robert Cecil's hand: "Credo in Deum."] Hereon I prayed him to beware that they be not forfeited for contumacy only (as some crafty heads would seek to be done, to the intent that the persons forfeited only for contumacy might readily reduce the forfeiture), but that they be forfeited for the treasons libelled in their summons, which he well allowed.

Next, he asked whether I knew what answer her Majesty had given to his ambassador touching the letter falsely forged (he said) to persuade her to think that he had embraced a course with Spain, which utterly and with deep protestations he denied. I answered that her Majesty had heard that in one of the trunks of one of the gentlemen passing by sea with Mr. John Geddes (Geddye) to the Low Countries some writing was found cast upon the shore. She did not yet know what it was, but she would judge him only by his deeds, as his ambassador will satisfy him at more length; wherewith he rested pleased.

Further, he noted to me that in the late proclamation prohibiting all her Majesty's subjects from receiving or entertaining Bothwell no mention is made of his accomplices, who may still remain and be received in England; wherewith he seemed grieved. I answered that, seeing the Earl cannot abide in England, all his followers will accompany him, and that her Majesty's great care for the King's satisfaction herein is evidently declared by the award of this proclamation and order given to all her several Wardens before the coming of his ambassador, to whose report I left this matter.

I moved him in some matters for the Borders, chiefly for redress to be made to Sir John Foster for 14 score head of kyne and oxen taken in the East Marches of England by the young Laird of Edmonstone, some of the King's guard and some of the household servants of the Justice Clerk. I wished him to mark that some of his own guard had been at this outrageous and open attempt, and also that Edmonstone had said to young Cessford that he did nothing but with the King's warrant. Whereupon the King, seeing Cessford present, enquired whether he heard Edmondstone say that he did nothing in this attempt but with the King's warrant. Cessford witnessed that Edmonstone said that he had done nothing but that he trusted the King would allow upon knowledge of the equity and justice of his cause. In the end the King gave order that young Cessford and the Justice Clerk should confer with me. Whereupon Cessford has undertaken to give Sir John Foster contentment by composition, or else by justice, provided that Edmondstone may receive redress for the wrong done to him, agreeable to the laws of the Marches.

That you may know the names of the Lords of the Articles in this Parliament I enclose a note thereof. Albeit sundry noblemen, called earnestly by the King's letters, have absented themselves that they should not vote for the attainders of the Earls, and some present are ready to stay the forfeiture as much as they can, yet the King appears so resolute and has so far wrought sundry of the noblemen and others that it is surely expected that both Bothwell with his friends and also Angus, Huntly, Errol and Auchindoun shall be forfeited by this Parliament; but what further prosecution shall be made against them, except Bothwell and his friends, is still doubted, and many look that this current Parliament shall run on till the Papist Earls be restored, which matter is thought likely to be broached at the baptism of the Prince.

[In the margin: In the choice of the Lords of Articles the King and Chancellor have been crossed, as I hear, therefore this breach of the course intended may draw on the issue variant to the effects promised.]

Because I received yesternight letters from your father and yourself, wherein I have had no opportunity to speak with the King as yet, therefore I shall write again soon after my audience. Mr. Edward Bruce and the Baron of Fingask (Fynzeis) returned yesternight to the Court, giving account to the King of the success in their late negotiation in England. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

pp. Addressed. Endorsed by Cecil's clerk.

First enclosure with the same.

(Names of Lords of Articles chosen at the Parliament, 30th May 1594.)

1 p. In the hand of Bowes's clerk.

See Acts of Parliament of Scotland, vol. iv., p. 56.

Second enclosure with the same.

(Names of nobles, etc., called to the Parliament, 30th May 1594.)

The Duke of Lennox (present), Lord Hamilton (present), Earls of Argyll, Marishal (present), Crawford (present but kept close), Glencairn, Montrose (present), Mar (present), Morton, Menteith, Rothes and Gowrie. Lords: Lovan [sic], Altrie, Innermeath, Ogilvy, Gray, Drummond, Lindsay (present), Sinclair (present), Livingston (present), Fleming, Master of Elphinstone, Seton (present), Newbottle (present), Borthwick, Yester, Hume (present), Sempill, Ross, Boyd, Cathcart, Urquhart (present), Herries, Glamis (present). Bishops: Aberdeen (present), Brechin (present), Argyll, Dunkeld (present). Abbots and Priors: Cupar, Lindores, Inchaffray, Balmerinoch, Culross, Cambuskenneth, Dryburgh, Melrose, Jedburgh, Glenluce, Dundrennan, Holyroodhouse, Blantyre, Tongland.

Burghs: Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, Stirling, Glasgow, Linlithgow, Cupar, St. Andrews, Montrose, Haddington, Aberdeen, Jedburgh, Ayr, Irvine, Kirkcudbright, Dumfries, Inverness.

Barons—in Edinburghshire: Edmonston, Bass, Wauchton. Berwick: Wedderburn, Cowdenknowes, Manderston, Huton Hall. Roxburgh: Cessford, Littledean, Mackerston, Buccleuch, Bonjedburgh. Peebles: Traquhair Skirling, Black Barony. Lanark: Dunrod, Minto, Sir James Hamilton, Dalzell. Dumfries: Drumlanrig, Closeburn, Amisfield. Kirkcudbright: Lochinvar, Garlies. Wigton: Garthland, Barnbarrough. Kyle, Carrick, Cunningham: Bargany, Sheriff of Ayr, Caprington, Hesleheid, Leifnoreis. Renfrew: Caldwell, Houston, Craiganis, Wester Pollok. Dumbarton: Luss, Buchanan. [? Inverness]: Balmey, Inverness, Mackenzie, Sheriff of Cromarty. Elgin and Forres: Sheriff of Moray, Grant. Banff: Findlater, Boyne, Dunlugus. Aberdeen: Towie, Frendraught, Drum, Tolquhon. Kincardine: Lowriston, Pittarro, Thornton. Forfar: Edzell, Bonyton, Constable of Dundee. Perth, Strathearn and Menteith: Inchmartin, Baltheock, Pitcar, Tullibardine. Fife: Abbotshall, Colluthie, Hallhill, Largo. Clackmannan: Sauchy. Stirling: Kilsyth, Airth, Kerse, Toughe. Linlithgow: Dundas, Barnbogle, Ballenheard.

The names of the Lords of the Articles were sent before to Sir Robert Cecil.

1 p. In the hand of Bowes's clerk. Endorsed by Sir Robert Cecil: "The naymes of the Erles, Lordis, Byshops, Abbottis, Priors, Barrons and burgesses called by letters to the Parliament begoun att Edenburgh, 30 Mary 1594."

Another copy of enclosure, Cott. Calig. D.ii. fol. 187 (b).

272. Roger Aston to James Hudson. [May 30.]

On Wednesday the 29th instant I received your letter by the Baron of Fingask (Fenes), who came hither that afternoon. Mr. Edward Bruce came a quarter of an hour before him, not before he was looked for. He conferred that night long with the King. So far as I can perceive he has made good report of her Majesty and speaks very honourably of her. He has said some hard speeches of some others, chiefly my Lord Chamberlain [Lord Hunsdon], who (as he says) said they might pull the King out of Edinburgh when they pleased. The King takes this in evil part, as also my Lord Zouche's proceedings. I fear he [Bruce] has informed the King of something against yourself, for he continues very angry with you, and, as it appears, worse since his coming than before. The time is so short that I cannot try out the truth of matters, but by my next you shall know all. I mean this night to deal with the King about you, and the Chancellor is minded to do likewise at length. I fear your great enemy and mine there has been an informer both against you and me. I perceive they have had daily conferences, which I believe was more than he had commission for. But in that and other things you shall be advertised in my next.

I am sorry you wrote the letter, unless it were done by commandment. It is interpreted to the worst, but I hope we shall mitigate the matter in time. We are now so busy that we can do nothing as yet. This day our Parliament began. The "forfatry" goes forward; thereafter with all speed they shall be pursued. The King and the Kirk are all one. All our matters here will go right. The Kirk has given out an act to be preached against Bothwell throughout all the kirks. I am dealing for my Lord Ochiltree. If he will leave Bothwell I hope to get some good way for him. His Majesty is determined to despatch Mr. David Foulis with speed to her Majesty, with whom he will write for the payment of such sums as shall be allowed for the present. Where you wrote that Thomas will not be able to pay any sums in respect of his great "adoues," so far as I charge him it will not be great. I know he will disburse that and more. If his Majesty's warrant be not sufficient he has warrant in his own hand, so that I know my turns will not be left undone. Therefore be careful to see such things sent me as I wrote for. I know you will not want money. First pay yourself 15l. 12s. 6d. which I received from "Berne" Lindsay. The like I will not do again. I have lost by that bargain 20 shillings Scots. For my "suite metes" [? sweetmeats] send me rather more than less. I would bestow 5l. for the rogues. I understand there is enough to serve my turn. Send me the fewer . . . (fn. 16) the ordinary sort. I shall write at length by Mr. David. I hear it is reported that the King has got some of the Spanish gold. I can assure you the contrary, as also that Mr. John Geddes had commission only to the Scots of the Low Countries, whatever is reported of his coffers. The names of the Lords of the Articles (Gives the names of the Lords of the Articles). Edinburgh. Signed: Roger Aston.

pp. Holograph, also address: "To his loving brother Mr. James Hudson, servant to the Kinges Majesty of Skotland, good Mr. Sheperson deliver this letter according to the derection."

273. Articles by the Catholic Clergy, Nobles and Commons of Scotland to be answered by the Ministers of the Reformed Kirk. [May.]

We desire the ministry of our Reformed Kirk to answer directly to the articles under written, propounded by the Catholics, and to give the same in "writ" at this next Parliament, that we, the Estates thereof, may judge thereupon both the parties secundum allegata et probata, whether it be more "lesum" [lawful] for us to grant the Catholics their liberty, as they crave, or to esteem them and their resetters as traitors guilty of lese majesté, and to punish them accordingly, as our ministers daily urge us to do, it being "not manifest" to us and all men how the glory of God, the assurance of his Highness's person, and quietness of our commonwealth have been troubled under pretence of religion. For remedy whereof in time coming, we remit both the parties to the trial of God's Word, "without all subterfuge to our actis of Parliament," which we mean always to be without partiality to any person.

The articles follow:

And first in the name of the Catholic clergy we accuse the Calvinists, seeing they confess that that was Christ's holy Catholic Kirk, wherein Athanasius, Basil, Chrysostom, Cyprian, Cyril, Ambrose, Jerome and the like venerable, ancient saints and fathers were approved pastors and doctors, how can they exempt themselves from her judgment, doctrine and discipline, as they do, unless they would be esteemed as "ethnickis" or publicans, the Scripture being so plain to this purpose ? [In the margin: The 9 article of our Creed, "I beleif the Holie Catholicke Kirke." St. Math., cap. 18, v. 17, 18: "and gif he will not heare the Kirke, let him be to the[e] as the heathen and the publican. Amen. I say to you 'whatsoever ye sall bynde uppon erde sall be bounde alswa in heaven, and whatsoever ye sall louse uppon erd salbe loused also in heaven.'"]

The second article for the aforesaid clergy.

Seeing the controversy betwixt our adversaries and us does not consist in any undecided article of faith, but only in such [articles] as are already defined by the "decreit" and General Councils of the said Holy Catholic Church, especially when the holy saints above written were counsellors thereof, and seeing we affirm the same in all points, and our adversaries pretend to reform them, how can they deny but we are justified hereby as true members of that Church, and they condemned as rebels and heretics to the same by their own confession ? [In the margin: Calvin, Insti. cap. 8, sect. 13, 161, 162, 163; cap. 18, sect. 16. Esay., cap. 60: "The nation or kingdome that serves not the[e] shall perrishe." Also in the margin, added higher in the page:

(2) Calvin. ca. 8, sect. 161. Esay. 54.]

The third article for the Catholic Clergy.

Seeing these prophets, who had power to give Scriptures, had power also to work miracles for their approbation, and others since, who have but place to "expone" the Scriptures already given, are known true by the unity of doctrine, according to the rule of faith, which comes to them by hearing and is not made by their own privy interpretation, we demand of our competitors, the Calvinists, who style themselves after the first degree extraordinary prophets, how they can for shame be so vain, the world seeing them utterly without miracles, or how they can pretend any appearance of the second kind of prophets, "quhilk is ordinarie," when they profess an extraordinary revelation of an invisible Kirk, not meaning to keep unity in the rule of faith with that which has been heard before them, but to reform the faith thereof by a new light never known to them or to any man before Calvin, who being in that respect the author thereof within these forty years or thereby, it needs must come by his privy interpretation of Scripture consequently proven false by the mouth both of St. Peter, Ep. 2, cap. 1, verse 20, and St. Paul, Col. cap. 2, ver. 18. In the margin: (3) Deut. cap. 18. d. Corinth. Epi. 1, ca. 14, v. 32, 33: "and the spirittis of the prophettis are subject to prophettis: for God is not the God of discension, but the God of peace, as also in all the books of the saintis I teache." Ephe. cap. 4, v. 3, etc.: "carefull to keipe the unitie of the spirit in the band of peace, ane bodie, so ane spiritt." Rom. 12, v. 17: "Prophettis according to the rule of faithe." Rom. ca. x, v. 17: "Faithe is then by hearinge." Collo. ca. 2, v. 15: "Let no man seduce you willing in the humillitie of angells walkinge in the thingis quhilk he hes not seene, in vaine puffit up by the sence of his fleshe." St. Peter, Ep. 2, ca. 1, v. 20, 21: "Understandinge this first, that no prophecye of scriptour is made be private interpretacion, for not by mans will was prophettis brought at onye tyme, but the holie men of God spake in spirit with the holie ghost." "Ather latie [sic: read let] Calvinistis proove ther unitie with some kirk that hes teiched as they do in all pointis that they excommunicate for, or ells theye cannot avoyde to be inventours of sike headis themselves.]

The fourth article for the Catholic Clergy.

Seeing our enemies can neither prove the Word of God to proceed from them nor to have come to them only, as we shall "clearlye quallifye by the plaine prophettis" and promises of God that the same pertains only and always unto Christ's Holy Catholic Church, whereof we being the members now maintain the cause, we demand by what authority these false prophets with violence and force of arms without any lawful cause or form of justice, in open contempt and despite of both the temporal and spiritual magistrates, following their kind—(S. Peter, ca. 2, ver. 10. S. Jude, "Ipi. 8, ii v." S. Paul to Timothy, Epi. 2, cap. 3, v. 1, 2) express against the Word of God, the order and custom of Christ's Church which is to be observed—have deposed us from our offices, livings and liberties, whereunto we were lawfully called in our native country, whereof we crave the possession, at least of our offices, liberties and livings, so far as our enemies, the pretended ministers, possess [them], and crave judgment of his Highness's Estates, whether we in seeking this our right, or our enemies in the "wrangous" withholding thereof, by the same weapons that won it (that is to say, the sword), should be most accused for all the inconveniences that may fall forth thereby.

[In the margin: (4) Cor. Epi. 1, ca. 14, v. 36: "Or did the Word of God proceid from you, come it unto you onlie." Esay. 59: "When the Redemer of Zion cometh." 28: "This is the league quhilke I will strike with them, sayth the Lorde. My spirit quhilk is in these my wordis quhilk I put in thy mouthe sall not departe from thy mouthe nor fra the mouthe of thy posteritie fra this tyme forward for evermore." Added lower in the margin: "Forzet in the 4 article."

Peter, Epi. 2, ca. 2, v. 10: "And speciallie them quhilke walke after the flesh in concupiscence of uncleanesse, and contem dominion, bolde selfe pleasures, they feare not to bring in scottis blaspheminge" [sic].

Jude, v. 8: "In lyke manner those also defyle the fleshe and dispyse dominion, and blaspheme majeste, etc. v. 11: "Woe unto them quhilk have gone in the waye of Cayne, and with the errour of Balaam."

Timo. Ep. 1, 2 cap., (fn. 17) v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5: "And this know you that in the last dayes sall approche perrillous tymes, and men sall be jowrie of themselves, covetous, saucie, proud, blasphemous, not obedient to ther parentis, unkind, wicked, without affection, without peace."]

The fifth article, in the name of the nobles and Catholic gentlemen.

We demand of the pretended ministers of our reformation why at the beginning they preached and promised liberty of conscience, persuading thereby the congregation, their followers, on the one part, without scruple to take arms against their lawful magistrates for executing their own intended "particulers" under colour of this new erected religion, moving the old Catholics upon the other part in hope of this liberty to "ly by" as indifferent, and now having the prince or temporal power persuaded to their opinion, they are so far from admitting such liberty to us that the profession of our religion, though innocent of all crimes against "the majeste," must be "impute" to us as crime of lese majesté, to be condignly punished. Now this liberty grows in their own favour against King, country and commonwealth to bring all under their obedience.

The sixth article for the same nobles and Catholic gentlemen.

Seeing they have by their reformation condemned the authority of the Kirk, not admitting the authority of the King, but referring the whole authority to the written Word, which they grant alike free to all men, we demand by what authority we are bound "to those punishinge that they are free of," (fn. 18) and why they persuade the King to use an execution upon excommunication "farther nor the selfe importes," to transfer upon his Highness the cruelty whereof they would not themselves be seen open authors, but subtle and privy procurers. Except in cases of necessity, when the King seems slower in execution than they would have him, they care not to "trye this quhilk is so contrar to ther former doctrine." [In the margin. Joa., ca. 14, v. 15, 16, 17: "And I will aske the Father and he will give you ane other paralleat [sic], that he may abyde with you for ever, the spirit of truthe whom the warld cannot resave because it sees him not nether knaws him, but you knaw him because he sall abyde with you and sall be in you." v. 26: "But the paraleat the holie ghost whom the Father will send in my name, he sall teche you all thingis and suggest unto you all thingis whatsoever I sall saye to you." Cap. 16, v. 7, 8, 9. 10, 11, 12, 13: "Yet manie thingis I have to saye to you, but you can not heare them nowe, but when the spirit of truthe comes, he sall teche you all truthe." Ca. 17, v. 8: "Because the wordis quhilke ye gave me I have given them and they receavit." Ca. 28, v. 14: "I have given them thy worde and the warld hes hatit them." v. 20, 21: "And not for them onlie doe I praye, but for them also that by ther worde sall beleive in me, that they all maye be one." Cap. 20, v. 22: "As my father hes sent me I also doe send you." Acta, cap. 2, v. 3, 4: "And ther appearit to them partit tongis as it were of fyre, and ite sat uppon everye ane of them and they were all replenished with the holie ghoste." S. Mat., ca. 13, v. 2: "Because to you it is given to knowe the misteries of the kingdome of heaven; but to them it is not given." Titus, ca. 3, v. 1: "Admonishethe them to be subject to princis and potestatis, to obaye at one worde and to be redye at everye good warke." Roma., ca. 13, v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7: "Let every soule be subject to the higher powers, for ther is no power but of God, and those that are, of God are ordained, therfore he that resistis the power resistis th'ordinance of God, and they that resist purchase to themselves damnation." Heb., ca. 13, v. 17: "Obaye your prelatis and be subject to them, for they watche as beinge to rander accompte of your sauls." Corin., Epi. i. cap. 14, v. 14: "But let all thingis be done honestlie and accordinge to order amange you." Cap. i. 2, v. 16: "Gif onye man seme to be contencious, we have na sik custome nor the kirke of God."

Also in the margin: (5, 6): "We refer the prove of ther two articles to th'experience of ther discipline with Calvin his auctoritie to this purpose." Lib. Instit., cap. 8, sect. 170, 171, 172.

The seventh article, for the aforesaid nobles and gentlemen.

We demand what civil or familiar discipline that has so much as the appearance of piety or godliness in their Kirk is not "counterfait" by apish imitation of the Catholic Church ? "Counterfett," we say, because they deny the virtue thereof. Again, we demand, "what they condempne in the Catholick Kirke for tirannie, to appeare more simple and inocent at ther first entrie, so coming, as it were, clad in sheepskins, quhilk they usurpe not in end," converting the same to tyranny indeed against the Catholic pastors and flock wherein they were "placit bishopps and rulers," showing themselves thereby to have been covertly raving wolves or heretics. By their fruits ye shall know them. [In the margin: (7) Timo., Epi. 2, cap. 3, v. 5: "Havinge no appearance in deid, etc."

Acta, cap. 20, v. 28, 29, 30: "Take heid to your selfs and to the hail flocke, wherin the hollie ghost hes placit you bishops to rule the kirke of God quhilk he hes purchast with his awne bloode. I knawe that after my departure ther will ravening wolfs enter in amange you, not sparing the flocke and out of your awn selfs sall aryse menie speikinge perverse thingis, etc. Mat., cap. 7, v. 15: "Take ye great heid of fals prophettis, quhilk come to you in the cleithing of sheip but inwartlie are ravininge woolfs. By ther frutes ye sall knowe them."]

The eighth article, of the aforesaid nobles and Catholic gentlemen.

We demand why should we be transferred to another Gospel by these men who trouble us, "invertand" the Gospel of Christ's Evangels to us otherwise than we first received it, making dissensions and scandals contrary to the doctrine which we have learned and which was once delivered to the saints. The very Word of God warns us to mark such men and avoid them, and "by consequence," why (fn. 19) are we not warned by the same Word to continue in the unity of our first faith with the Popes of Rome, from whom we know by record of our ancient chronicles, ecclesiastical and historical, that we received or learned the same at the beginning, by whom we were then converted from paganism to the profession of Jesus Christ within two hundred and three years or thereby after His glorious Ascension ? Whom therefore we obey and remember as our prelates who have spoken the Word of God to us. [In the margin: (8) Gala., ca. 1, v. 6, 7, 8, 9: "I marvell that thus sa soune ye are rauffered from him that callit you to the grace of Christ unto another gospell, quhilk is not another unles ther be some that trouble you, and will invert the gospell of Christ, but although we or an angell fra heaven evangelyzed to you besyde that quhilk we have evangelyzed to you, be he athathema [sic]. As we have said before, so nowe I saye againe, gif onye evangelyzed to you besyde that quhilk we have receaved, be he anathema."

Roma., ca. 16, v. 17, 18: "And I desyre you brethern to marke them that make dissentions and scandalls contrair to the doctrine quhilk ye have learnit and avoyd them, for sik doe not serve Christ our Lorde but ther awin bellies. Hieroni, ca. 6: "Stand in the wayes and behauld and aske for the auld waye quhilk is the good waye and walke therein, and ye sall finde reste for your saullis" [verse 16].

Psalme 47: "As we have harde sua have we seene in the cittye of the Lorde of vertues, in the cittie of our God, God hathe foundit hir for ever." (fn. 20) Thesso., Ip. 2, cap. 2, v. 15: "Therefore brethren stande and hauld the traditions quhilke ye have lerned, whither it be by worde or by our epistle."

Timo., cap. 2, 3, v. 13, 14: (fn. 21) "But ill men and seducers sall prosper to the wars [worse] doing and dryvinge into error, but you continewe in those thingis which thou hast learnit are comitted unto you, knowinge of whom thou haste learnit." Collo., ca. 2, v. 5, 6, 7: "For thoughe I be absent in bodye, yet in spirit I ame with you, rejoysinge and seinge your order and the constancye of that your faithe quhilk is in Christe, therfore as you have receaved Jesus Christe our Lord, walke in him; routed and builded in him, and confirmed in the faithe, as also you have learned."

Joa., Ep. 1, ca. 2, v. 24: "Yond [sic] that which you have hard fra the begininge (fn. 22) abyde in you. Gif it abyde in you quhilke you have hard fra the begining, you allso sall abyde in the Sonne and in the Father." Joa., Ep. 2, v. 6, 7: "And this is charitie that we walke accordinge to the comandement, for this is the comandment, that as you have harde from the begininge you walke in the same, because mony seducers are gane out into the warld, quhilk doe not confes Jesus Christe to have come in to fleshe. This is a seducere and an antechrist." Jude, v. 3: "My darest, takeand all care to write unto you of your comon salvacion I thoght it necessarie to write unto you, beseikinge you to contend for the faithe and deliver it to the saintis."

Hebr., cap. 13, v. 17: "Obaye your prelattis and be subject to them, for they watche as beinge to rander ane compte of ther saullis" and 7 verse, "Remember your prelates which have spoken in the worde of God to you, th'end of whose conversacion behauldinge, imitate the faithe, etc."]

The ninth article, of the nobles and Catholic gentlemen.

We demand whether it be upon authority of God's Word or their own that the ministers stand so precisely, it being known that they destroyed God's Word when they burnt our Bibles of the vulgar Latin edition translated by St. Jerome, authorised altogether, without exception, for canonical and authentic Scripture by the authority of the holy ancient saints in the third General Council of Carthage, and now admit only their own English Bibles, whereof they alter the translation every year at their pleasure, changing words and phrases to make them half apocrypha and the other half subject to their "inventit" catechisms or books of discipline, which they call the only truth whereby men may be saved, and the true touchstone to try a Christian profession.

The tenth article, for the nobles and Catholic gentlemen.

We demand whether the ministry served Christ our Lord or their own bellies when they spoiled our churches, the livings, lands, houses and goods thereof, even to the "ground stone," making a bait or "buttinge" of the same in the beginning to their covetous congregation, now craving to convert "all peace" (fn. 23) to their own use, against all order, right and reason, in plain contempt and prejudice of us and our worthy progenitors, who upon our proper patrimony founded this for the same service of God that now we profess. And yet, not satisfied with so much "spulzie" of both our spiritual and temporal benefices, they would banish us from the rest, or else [cause us] to admit them nolens volens for our lawful pastors with this much of our heritable possession. "Hearfore" we beseech his Majesty with the Estates of our country to consider our humility in bearing with their intolerable exactions, only for his Highness's obedience. Whereupon it is easy to judge whether we or they are organs of those imminent evils that are thought to disturb this realm, especially for pretence of religion. [In the margin: (9, 10) Roma., ca. 16, v. 17, 18: "Written before in the eighth article."]

The eleventh article, in name of the common, vulgar Catholics.

We "demaund" the ministers of this new law when we shall look for our teinds free, as they promised us for our part of the "comiting" at the destroying of our Kirk; and at least since we got none of their "spulze," why do they force us to reform, upon our expenses, that which they "deformit" for their own greedy gain ? Why do they force us upon pain of "pecuniall summs" to keep their preachings, which we perceive to be more hurtful to the hearers, being so repugnant "in the self" that their doctrine and discipline agree no way, nor one word that they teach with another, whereby more are drawn to doubt of all religion than to assure themselves in any ? As, for example, if the Kirk had not power to loose and bind sinners, as they teach, why are we forced upon mere suspicion either "to procure, or to confesse openlie" our secret sins, paying therefore sums of money, besides the "pause" that we must play upon "ther place of repentance," which we repent, indeed, more for the force used against us than for the fault we commit (as may appear by the form used in such cases), and most of all for the "feid," infamy, sin and shame that proceed from these, both to men, maidens and men's wives, who, being once accused, albeit "sackles" (guiltless), are never purged of the slander ? So, in our conceits, the old sacrament of penance was better when our contrition, confession and satisfaction were all "voluntar, without sclander," known only to ourselves and the priest, who gave us absolution according thereto. If neither our good works help to save us nor our evil works to condemn us, but all things come of absolute necessity, as we think the ministers mean by their justification, reprobation and predestination which they preach commonly amongst us, what can we think thereof but that all this doctrine and discipline of theirs (that we must be subject to for the "fassion") have been "over deare coft," (fn. 24) and [? that men] might have been better bestowed both for profit and pleasure in this world to have followed their own example, as the greatest number do, whose works give witness that they hope [for] no world after this. So that, "to our appearance," who are but poor "comons," the world was far better in our forebears' days of the old law when such questions "was keipit amangst schollars" and we "taucht to the knawledge of" the Holy Trinity, the seven deadly sins, "which the concewid, to them repugninge the warkes of charitie, spirituall and temporall, with the lyke," whereby we were moved to do good for the reward of heaven, and eschew evil for fear of the judgment that should come after. If it be true, as they teach, that charity, which consists in the love of God and our neighbour, fulfils the whole law, why do they blame us for thinking the old law to be better fulfilled than this new, seeing more charity in the one than the other ? We have heard ministers grant the same, saying the zeal of ignorant Papists was greater than theirs, who saw the clearer light of the Evangel. If the old Kirk be better than the new, as we have heard them teach, why are not Papists best, the antiquity whereof, aye since Christ, is witnessed by the father to the son from one generation to another, whereas the beginning of their profession is known to our sons, "nether are they able to trye other, (fn. 25) sometyme alleidgand it was, but they wote not where, othertymes that it might be true, albeit it was not professit," as if men might dissemble God's religion to believe with the heart and not confess with the mouth. Seeing we must believe some Church, who can "wyte" (fn. 26) us according to our creed to believe the Holy Catholic Church rather than theirs, which they confess may err (so not holy) and may be invisible (so not catholic) by their own doctrine, "grauntinge that it is catholicke be reason of the persons whom of she consistis," professing unity of true faith through the universal world ? Seeing the ministers do not deny but our forebears "zid" to heaven by way of the same old Kirk that we call holy Catholic, what needs us to seek their new way that so many doubt of, specially since our pastors tell us plainly that there are not two ways to heaven ? Therefore we beseech God and the King's majesty, for God's sake, to keep us from the violence of these thieves and robbers whose voice we know not, "it beinge strange to us that can nether reid nor wryte to heare th'auctoritie of the written Worde occupye the place of our pastours of Christis holie Catholique Kirke, who we doubte not had Godis spiritt and worde better, and before them, not onlye written in paper but in ther hartis and myndis, for ever to remaine and never to depart from ther mouths to th'end of the warlde, as we are informit and hes partlie baithe harde and sene performit be signes and wonders, albeit the ministers deny it, not beinge able to doe the lyke." The rest we refer to the sufficiency of our pastors and prelates, who, watching for us, are able to render account of our souls whenever it shall please God to move his Majesty to grant them indifferent audience, which we crave with daily prayers for the quiet estate of our Church, King and country, now troubled through the profane novelties of these proud Protestants, enemies to the Cross of Christ, whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose folly shall be some time manifest to all men. God grant it be soon.

large pp. Endorsed by Burghley's clerk: "1594, Scotland"; and by Burghley: "x articles in the name of the Catholicque nobles and gentlemen, and the xjth of the commen vulgar people, to be answered by the ministers of the Reformed Chyrch in Scotland"; and "I wold know whyther thes wer ever answered by the Reformed Chyrch in Scotland." Signed: W. Burghley.


  • 1. Sic but ? you. Read: therefore [we wish that] you . . .
  • 2. Give the lie; deny. French: mentir, to lie.
  • 3. debord: run to excess.
  • 4. "O" is deciphered as Lennox in Colville's Letters.
  • 5. His usual form of complimentary address to Sir Robert Cecil, his patron.
  • 6. Blank. Last of April in copy vol. lii. p. 75.
  • 7. See Third enclosure.
  • 8. In Calderwood and the Booke of the Univ. Kirk this reads: "that the rebells' houses be taikin, charged and manned."
  • 9. These answers are written in the margin, opposite their respective "reasons."
  • 10. "declaratioun," in Calderwood.
  • 11. "diligence," in Calderwood.
  • 12. Blank.
  • 13. Blank: supplied from Calderwood, and Booke of Universall Kirk.
  • 14. The penultimate letter of this name has been altered and is indistinct. It reads "Fischak" in Calderwood, and Booke of the Univ. Kirk.
  • 15. Page decayed.
  • 16. . . . a word blotted out here.
  • 17. rectius, 2 Timothy 3, 1–5.
  • 18. Why should we be bound to the Calvinists who grant that the written Word is free to all men, and yet punish for it ?
  • 19. Apparently the meaning is that by inference we are warned . . .
  • 20. Authorised Version, Psalm 48, verse 8.
  • 21. 2 Timothy, iii. 3, 14.
  • 22. Space left here
  • 23. ? every piece.
  • 24. Too dearly bought.
  • 25. Trye other: prove otherwise.
  • 26. wite: blame, accuse.