Simancas: June 1567

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1892.

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Citation:

'Simancas: June 1567', Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892), pp. 642-654. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp642-654 [accessed 23 June 2024].

. "Simancas: June 1567", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892) 642-654. British History Online, accessed June 23, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp642-654.

. "Simancas: June 1567", Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892). 642-654. British History Online. Web. 23 June 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp642-654.

June 1567

2 June. 424. The King to Guzman De Silva.
I have noted what you tell me of murder of the king of Scotland and other events in that country, which have caused me much sorrow on account of my friendship with the Queen (of Scots) and the disturbance and disquiet that the disaster cannot have failed to give rise to in the country. You acted wisely in taking the steps you did, as I have no doubt the French will try to marry her to their liking, and you will continue your efforts to circumvent their plans both in this respect and in the matter of getting hold of the Queen's child as they wished to do for the purpose of bringing him up and turning him to their own ends and profit. You will see the importance of this, and, knowing as I do your continual care of all that concerns us, I need not urge it upon you more. Advise me of all that happens worthy of notice.—2nd June 1567.
7 June. 425. Guzman De Silva to the King.
Count Stolberg and M. de Maldeghem arrived here on the 2nd instant, and on the same day communicated their instructions to me. They are very long, but the substance of them is to ask for an aid in money for the Emperor and Princes of the Empire against the Turk. The Ambassadors went to the Queen on the 4th, and the Count made a long speech repeating the heads of his instructions, and then handed to the Queen a copy of them signed by the Emperor. They tell me she replied graciously, but said as the matter was important she must consult with her Council. The anticipations here about the visit of these ambassadors were very different from this. Some said they were coming about the Archduke's marriage ; others that their object was to urge upon the Queen from the Emperor and your Majesty to settle religious affairs here, and Cecil himself told me he was sure they were coming to arrange an alliance between the Emperor and other Christian Princes adhering to the Augsburg confession against the Calvanists and other sectaries. I think they suspected this from the coming of M. de Maldeghem with the Count, he being a servant and subject of your Majesty, and they supposed he must be coming as your representative on some important matter. The day before the Ambassadors arrived I was with the Queen, and she told me as a great secret that the French were sending another person here to treat of her marriage with their King. Some days since it was said that Foix the late Ambassador here was coming, and Don Francés de Alava advised me of this also. They have now received news of the coming of a knight of St. Michael, although they do not know whether he is to stop here or go on to Scotland, which is considered more likely. This Queen expresses great surprise at events in Scotland, and deplores them very much as touching the honour of that Queen. I told her that, however strange the matter was, I believed the king of France would nevertheless send the order of St. Michael to Bothwell. She said she quite believed that as he held the order so light as to give it to his grooms.
She also told me what had passed with the French Ambassador when he asked her approval on behalf of his King of the answer given to Smith, which in effect was the same as I wrote in my last.
The one idea of these heretics is to keep the world in a ferment as they have done, and the talk here is all of leagues being formed against them, the object being, no doubt, to persuade others to league with them for their safety. As soon as Count Stolberg, who is a Lutheran, arrived at Dover, the man who went to receive him there for the Queen told him he might be sure that the Pope, the Emperor, your Majesty, the king of France and other Princes had made a league against the Protestants, and especially against the Protestant German Princes, and even that their States had already been partitioned. M. de Maldeghem advised me of this. As soon as I got an opportunity I did not fail to show Stolberg what utter nonsense it was to believe that the Emperor and your Majesty would adopt anything against the tranquillity and authority of Germany, being, as you were, so bound to it by ties of birth and affection, and especially now that it was necessary to stand firmly against the Turk rather than unsettle Christendom. I told him these were the vain imaginings of evil minds, and after having discoursed with him for some time (he being a person of good understanding) and assured him of the love your Majesty bore to all that nation, I convinced him and he said he agreed with me, but he had been so positively assured to the contrary since he arrived by this man, that he had even promised in great secrecy that he would give him the heads of the agreement for the league, to prove the truth of what he said. I urged Stolberg to try to get this, so that we could see from the document that the whole thing was an invention got up for the purpose of arousing distrust and suspicion amongst friends.
This Count Stolberg assures me that he has no instructions from the Emperor to treat of the Archduke's marriage as these people expected, although without reason as the Emperor gave the Queen a definite reply some time ago, and it is now her turn to answer. Those who are favourable to the match tell me that there was never a better reason for it than at present, and Stolberg says that Lord Robert sent word to him that he greatly desired the match and would do all he could to help it. I believe the object was to discover whether the Count was instructed to approach the question, but really they all seem in favour of it.
The French Ambassador tells me he fears that great disturbance will shortly occur throughout Christendom by reason of the movements of the heretics, but when I press him to say what makes him think so he will go no further.
By the advice of certain Italian friends who have correspondence with France, I learn that the heretics there will probably rise soon and try to turn the Queen out of the Government with the aid of the Constable, and this would seem to agree with the Ambassador's hints to me.
Nothing new here or in Scotland, but they say that John O'Neil's party in Ireland does not prosper, and things will soon be quieted there.—London, 7th June 1567.
14 June. 426. The Same to the Same.
The Queen left here on the 11th for Richmond, where she will remain twenty days and then go to Windsor for the rest of the summer. It is not thought that she will go for a progress this year. She will give an answer to the Emperor's Ambassador to-morrow.
They have tried in many way to get Count Stolberg to speak to the Queen on the Emperor's behalf about the Archdukes match, as they assure him this is a good opportunity to do so. He asked me my opinion as to what he should do, because although he had no instructions from the Emperor on the subject yet he knew from the various discussions that had taken place in the Emperor's Council that the marriage was much desired by his Majesty. I told him I thought he ought not to deal with the matter without orders, particularly as the Emperor had sent his reply and that of the Archduke to which the Queen should send her response if she wished to go on with the affair. No doubt they wished to give him (Stolberg) here the answer they ought to have sent to the Emperor, for some purpose of their own, but I said if he felt sure that the match could be brought about by doing as they asked him to do he should tell them that he would raise the subject as if on his own account to the Queen, and at the same time send a courier post haste to the Emperor to obtain authority for him to proceed in his Majesty's name. He approved of this advice and I believe followed it. The Count is clever although a Protestant, and seems much attached to the Emperor's interests as well as those of your Majesty. He is more courtly and polite than Germans usually are, although he did one thing that would have been better left undone, namely to go to the church the Flemish heretics have here, and heard the sermon, whereat they and the other heretics have greatly rejoiced, and the Catholics grieved, as they think it wrong that the Emperor's Ambassador should not be a Catholic.
Lady Margaret went to see the Queen on the day her Majesty left. She was well received as she sends to tell me, and to her prayer that the Queen would help her to avenge the death of her son she obtained a favourable reply. The earl of Leicester made her great promises and Cecil as well, the latter informing her that all that had been done for her was owing to his efforts, and he would continue to help her. He assured her that she should have her grandson, which proves that they are trying to get hold of him. Lady Margaret thinks the French will not help the queen of Scots, and that the Queen Mother will consider this a good opportunity to be revenged on her. I do not know whether she is deceived in this, as it is to be expected that the French will always go with the stronger party in Scotch affairs to serve their own ends. M. de Croc is there and the day before yesterday Villeroy, who they say came from France, arrived here on his way to the queen of Scots no doubt to congratulate her on her marriage. He went to Windsor to take leave, as he tells me, and if this be true this Queen was badly informed by those who wrote to her that he was coming to treat of the marriage of the king of France and her Majesty as she told me. Villeroy is so young that it does not seem likely he would be sent on such a business, but if he stays here a few days it may be for some negotiations connected with it on the supposition that the Emperor was reopening the Archduke's affair which they want to obstruct. If Villeroy stays here it certainly will be suspicious.
The earl of Lennox arrived here the day before yesterday. He is a close friend of the earl of Mar, who has the young Prince in his possession. He says he will keep him safely and protect him at the cost of his own life. The French Ambassador tells me that war and troubles are brewing in Scotland and although those who met at Stirling have returned home they are raising their people. Lady Margaret has news that the queen of Scotland having sent word to the earl of Mar that she wished to see her child he answered that she might do so, but not the duke of Orkney, as they call Bothwell, or any of those who are suspected of the King's murder. A servant of the queen of Scotland, a Frenchman brought up with Cardinal Lorraine, has arrived here on his way to France who tells me that Melvin will be here to-morrow. The man being a Catholic I asked him how he had left religion there. He said there was no change and the Queen maintained the Catholic service in her chapel, to which many went as formerly. She had heard Mass on the day she married Bothwell although the contrary had been reported.
Every day more is spoken about the ships they are fitting out for Hawkins. It was said there were to be three and a pinnace, four (sic) belonging to the Queen and two of his own, and that the cost of the expedition was on account of merchants, but as usual other persons no doubt have shares. As the matter is now public I will speak to the Queen about it to-morrow, and ask her not to let them sail until they have given surety that they will not go to places prohibited by your Majesty.—London, 14th June 1567.
21 June. 427. The Same to the Same.
On the 15th instant the Ambassadors of the Emperor went to Richmond where a chamber was prepared for them and as soon as they were lodged the Queen sent to salute them and ask Count Stolberg if he would go to the office which is called here "service" as she was just going herself. The Count had been indisposed on his journey, and I had summoned one of the Queen's physicians to attend him who had advised him not to leave his room for the present and he consequently did not go although he wished to do so. After dinner the Queen came out to them in the presence chamber and as I thought they wished to give the Ambassadors their answer there which I consider an inappropriate place I said it was very hot and crowded and she went into her chamber, and there gave her verbal reply which was in her presence handed to them by Cecil in writing. It was as long as the proposition had been and not so well considered as it might have been. Besides refusing the aid requested the observations it contains are sufficiently inappropriate and impertinent, as will be seen by enclosed copy with that of the Ambassador's reply. I think they might have avoided this reply and not wasted any more time over it as they may be certain they will not change the Queen's mind. I wish the Emperor had felt his way in the matter before he decided to make the request. Whilst the Queen was replying to the Ambassadors, Cecil told me that the Queen and Council had information of a league effected between the Pope, the Emperor, your Majesty, the king of France and other Princes against the protestants and the Queen and in favour of the queen of Scots. In order the better to carry out their objects the Emperor had made a disadvantageous truce with the Turk whereat the Council were much scandalised and determined to make all necessary preparations ; this being the reason why the Queen had not answered the Emperor so favourably as she would otherwise do. I said that I was surprised that he, a person of intelligence with a perfect knowledge of the present state of affairs everywhere, should not see that such news was without foundation, certainly invented by some busybody with more malice than judgment. He replied that he had in his possession the heads of the agreement between the allies which proved it ; whereupon I said that he might easily have seen by the order and substance of it whether it was drawn up with the form and deliberation usually employed by great Princes in such matters, or if it was a thing hatched perhaps by some private person. He replied that I was right in that respect, and as far as he could see it certainly was not drawn up as such treaties usually are, as he had pointed out to the Council, who were however still suspicious about it.
My opinion is that it must have been forged here to give them an excuse for answering the Emperor so inconsiderately, and I have told Count Stolberg so. As I have already written to your Majesty they confronted him with this invention as soon as he landed at Dover and have ever since then so positively asserted it that they have caused him much tribulation as he confesses to me. Although my discourse is satisfactory to him, great persuasions and arguments have been necessary to convince him that the whole thing is a trick. I have written to the Emperor asking him to reassure this Queen about it.
The Count told me that two reasons made him think that this league might be true. First that the duchess of Parma had given a reply to those who went to speak to her for the dukes of Saxony, Wurtemburg, the Palatine and Margrave of Bradenburg which he considered very harsh and had displeased them. He did not think she would have answered them thus unless with some such object as the league in view. Secondly his wife had written to him saying that your Majesty had written to the Palatine telling him to reform in his religion and have the churches repaired. With regard to the first reason I said that the Duchess had not had time to communicate to your Majesty the coming of the Ambassadors from those Princes, and the answer, consequently, had been hers alone, being also, no doubt, a fit answer to what they had proposed as they had no right to interfere in matters concerning the States. As for the statement about the Palatine I did not believe it nor should he. He (the Palatine) was a prince of the Empire and his conversion as well as the repair of his churches concerned the Emperor rather than your Majesty, whose principal care was for your own dominions without troubling about German affairs except trying as a kinsman and friend of them all to please them. He assures me that looking at this business in all its aspects he believes it is without foundation, but he is still not quite free from suspicion and there are plenty of people here to encourage him in it in the usual lying neretical way. Cecil told the Ambassadors that the Queen had ordered troops to be raised in consequence of it, but I see no signs of such a thing and do not believe it. They gave Count Stolberg a copy in English of the heads of agreement for the league they talk about and Cecil sent them yesterday to me in Italian. I send copy of this and also of the English version which I have had translated that it may be better understood. It will be seen that they are different as I have pointed out to the Count that he may see more clearly that it is a trick.
News comes from Scotland that all the nobles and some troops had assembled at Edinburgh, and having heard that Bothwell was away from the Queen they sent to capture him, but he escaped by flight, dividing his forces by two different roads, and the pursuers missed him by following up the wrong party. When Bothwell had gathered some forces he went to the Queen and carried her to Dunbar, whither the lords had sent word to her that they wished to serve her as was their bounden duty, and had met together to pray her to punish Bothwell who was a traitor, and had murdered the King with his own hand, of which they had full and perfect proof, and consequently could not help seeking to punish so terrible and hideous a crime. The Prince is kept under strong guard in Edinburgh. The French Ambassador there has tried very hard to get him by every possible means, promising the lords and others pensions and gifts from his King in writing, but they have resolutely answered that they will not give him up. They replied to those who asked for the child on behalf of this Queen that they highly appreciated her solicitude for his safety, but they would not let him out of the country or have him brought up abroad.
The lords had arrested a captain called Chamberlain (fn. 1) who had been in the King's murder, and had condemned the prisoner to death after a thorough examination. The earl of Huntly holds the castle of Edinburgh, having been placed there in Bothwell's interest, but he is now of the same opinion as the other lords, so that the castle is safe and there they keep the child. They have hoisted a flag over it, which bears as its device two dead men lying under a tree, and a kneeling child over whose head, but not actually touching it, is a crown. The child has a speech coming out of his mouth saying, "O : Lord avenge my father's murder." The child represents the Prince, and the two dead men the King and his servant.
They say for certain that differences have arisen already between Bothwell and the Queen (an evil conscience can know no peace), and it is asserted that Bothwell passes some days a week with the wife he had divorced.
Since writing the above another courier has arrived bringing news that the lords had again sent to the Queen upon the subject, which, coming to the ears of Bothwell, he had gone out with troops and artillery to prevent their approach. The nobles, who must have been near at hand, learnt of this and came up with their forces. On their nearing Bothwell the greater part of his troops deserted him and went over to the nobles, whereupon Bothwell fled, and the lords finding the Queen in the field they received her with all respect and carried her to Edinburgh, where she remains. It is asserted that prior to this, the Queen had ordered all the principal fortresses in the kingdom to be delivered to the lords except Dunbar. Melvin who usually comes here for the queen of Scotland arrived last week, but has not seen me yet. When he left Scotland these last occurrences had not happened. I do not learn that he comes for any important purpose, but only under the pretext of saluting this Queen from his mistress of scenting out things here. I understand he is dissatisfied with his Queen, and gives out that he comes against his will, but very likely this is only pretence 'in order to find out what others think of her. He, however, is inclined to the side of the lords, and is a kinsman of the earl of Lennox. The Queen is pregnant, and they say five months gone.
Margaret went to Richmond five days since. The Queen treated her well, and told her she could visit her whenever she liked and bring her son with her next time. The following day the Earl, her husband, went to kiss the Queen's hand, and was also received kindly, staying with her over two hours giving her an account of what had happened in Scotland. He asked her aid to avenge his son and for the preservation of the Prince : and the Queen, after assuring him that she was satisfied with respect to the complaints she formerly made against him, said she was willing to help with men, money, and all that was needful and in accordance with the Scotch lords, but she could not take any part against the person of the Queen. The Earl begged her to resolve what help she would give, as he wished to return at once to the lords, and I understand the Council has met to decide what is to be done.
I am told the earl of Sussex was to take leave of the Queen to-day to go to Germany. I have not spoken to him lately, but I am assured that he is contented, and believes he will be able to do something effectual in the Archduke's match. The religious question, however, will always stand in the way, as these people think that it would be a great inconvenience for the Archduke to attend Mass and the other religious offices publicly.—London, 21st June 1567.
26 June. 428. The Same to the Same.
By way of Flanders I wrote to your Majesty on the 21st instant, and enclose copy of the letter as no doubt this will arrive first.
The Emperor's Ambassadors received their final reply on the 22nd in writing from Cecil before they saw the Queen and asked me to advise them what to do. I told them they ought to represent to the Queen that they had been sent on this errand by the Emperor and the Princes of the Empire in the first place to obtain her aid against the Turk, but principally because they thought they could in no way better show their affection for her than by seeking her co-operation in this common cause and thus prove the esteem in which she and her country were held and their confidence in her friendship. As most of the Christian Princes had lent their concurrence they thought it would be a slight to her not to advise her as they had done ; thus throwing upon her honour and dignity the responsibility of their coming rather than upon the need for help, great as it might be, and they should then take leave of her. They approved of this advice and spoke to the Queen in this sense. She answered them verbally, as I understood from them, that she said she quite understood the high honour the Emperor and Princes of the Empire had done her in sending to her on this matter, but as things were in the condition she had explained with regard to this league she could not neglect to consult the interests of her realm. In case, however, that the report of the formation of the league should prove untrue, as they assured her, she would give her full share of help and even more than her share. They replied that they were surprised she should distrust the Emperor and your Majesty, seeing your friendship towards her, and believe such baseless reports, and she thereupon said that she had confidence in your Majesty and the Emperor, but that she had received the news from so many different quarters that she had great reason for some suspicion in the matter. With this they left.
After they had taken leave I spoke to the Queen (because although I always accompanied them I stood aside whilst they were at their business) and said that when first I heard of the reports about this league I had wished to mention it to her and learn the foundation they had for believing them to be true. Since I had seen the heads of agreement however, I thought the matter was not worth taking any trouble about as the form and substance of the document proved the thing to be a forgery drawn up maliciously by some private person, and I had therefore desisted from my intention to speak about it. She answered that she was much indebted to Englefield in the matter because when he was in Rome he wrote that great pressure was being brought to bear upon Pius IV. to declare her and her realm schismatic and he (the Pope) had been offered almost the same conditions as those contained in the document but had refused, so that she had good ground for suspicion in the matter. I said that perhaps her enemies had acted thus, but a certain person who had her interests at heart, as she herself had told me had probably done no little to prevent their effort from succeeding. I did not enlarge on this, but said it in such a way as to make her understand that I meant your Majesty. She said she quite believed it, and although they are not so alarmed probably as they pretend, yet I do not think they feel themselves so safe as they would like. This was hinted to me by the Queen, but Cecil spoke more plainly, and said that they were surprised that France being peaceful and obedient to your Majesty, the duke of Alba should come in such force, seeing that your Majesty had already so many troops in Flanders that no more could be needed. As I have told Count Stolberg from the beginning, however, I believe they have seized upon this prextext for giving him the scurvy answer they have. This is the more clearly seen in their final response, which surely might have been couched in more moderate language.
M. de Maldeghem told her (Elizabeth) very clearly that he was surprised that anyone should cast distrust upon your Majesty, who had always done so much for her and whose friendship towards the English was as she knew so different from that you felt towards the Scots.
This Queen seems to pity the queen of Scots very much, and tells me she thinks of helping her. She intended to send Melvin from here to treat with the Scotch lords with whom she believed he was on good terms respecting the Queen, and Melvin sent to tell me the same thing by a brother of his who usually acts as his interpreter, he speaking no language but his own. He said that this mission would prevent his having time to see me, but asked me on behalf of the assembled lords to give my advice as to what should be done since both the French and English were asking them for the Prince, whereas they and Lethington were of opinion that if they had to trust him to anyone it could only be to your Majesty. They also asked my advice in their other affairs. I replied that since the King's death I had received no letters from your Majesty, nor had I taken any great pains to advise you of events in Scotland as I had no message from their Queen nor anyone else there to whom credit, could be given. The news being so uncertain I had waited to see how things would turn out before writing fully to your Majesty, but seeing your Majesty's desire to maintain your friendship with their Queen, I greatly regretted her troubles, and as I wished for the peace and happiness of the country I thought the lords ought (as in duty bound) to treat the Queen with all reverence and humility, but taking care at the same time not to separate from her company as it was their duty to serve her and they should not lose her again until time should show the best way to settle the Queen's interests and their own. As for Bothwell since they had surrounded him it was to be supposed he would fall into their hands. With regard to the Prince I understood they had given very prudent replies both to the king of France and this Queen in refusing to give him up, and there was no more to say on the subject as they knew better than I how important it was to them to hold him tightly until they had someone to whom they could entrust him in all safety, and who would always be responsible to them. I could have gone further on this point, but I did not want to arouse his suspicion or appear surprised. He (Melvin) tells me he is sure Lethington will be here shortly, and he doubtless controls all this business of the lords. I send this letter to Don Francés de Alava that he may despatch it postwise to your Majesty in order that instructions may be given to me at once as to how I should act. Melvin's brother tells me that the French and English have both promised them great things if they will give up the child. I asked him if he believed Frenchmen, and he said no, and I then asked him whether he trusted English men, to which he gave the same answer. "Well, then," I said, "tell your brother what I asked you and what you answered." I have spoken to the Queen about the six ships that are being fitted out for Hawkins. She says she has had the merchants in her presence and made them swear that they are not going to any place prohibited by your Majesty. I have requested her not to allow it, seeing the trouble that may result therefrom
They give me to understand that the ships are being fitted out because the Portuguese sunk a ship of Vice-Admiral Winter's recently, and they are going in the direction of the Mina. Cecil also says they are not going to your Majesty's dominions but still I am doubtful, because what they seek in Guinea most are slaves to take to the West Indies. I will use all efforts to prevent their going, but the greed of these people is great and they are not only merchants who have shares in these adventures but secretly many of the Queen's Council. On the 23rd the Queen received news that the people of the island (whither John O'Neil had retired) had killed him, whereat there was rejoicing here as they are safe now against that enemy.
The earl of Sussex has left for Germany. He told me he carried very full instructions from the Queen to negotiate about the marriage with the Archduke which he assures me he is still desirous of bringing about. He begs me to incline the Emperor not to raise any great difficulty on two points, namely, with regard to the sum to be allowed to the Archduke here for his maintenance and the question of religion. He says with regard to the first point that when the Archduke is the husband of the Queen that will not matter much as she will not let him lack anything, and although the Queen knows that he is not well off she does not want her people to think she is marrying a husband so poor that he cannot provide for himself. As to the second point, although the Archduke may retain his own religion she wishes him when he is here to conform to the law of the land so as to avoid disturbance, and, as he has servants of both religions in his train, she desires that he should only be accompanied hither by those professing the same faith as is exercised here, and I am also told that they request that although the Archduke hear Mass in his chamber he should also accompany the Queen to divine service on grand occasions for the sake of appearance. Sussex told me that as he knew I desired the match greatly I ought to advise your Majesty to write warmly to the Queen about it as he hears from her that all that I have said about it to her has been only lukewarm when I have spoken in your Majesty's name, however warmly I may have pressed her when I spoke for myself. He says what moves him (Sussex) to say this is the fact that although the Archduke is a Prince of so great a family and brother of the Emperor these are not the principal attraction to the Queen (since the Emperor is far off and not rich enough to help them much) but the kinship with your Majesty and the strengthening of her friendship with you ; and the Queen was somewhat doubtful as to whether your Majesty really approved of the match. Your Majesty had not written to her about it, and I had not pressed her much in your name, and she was confidently informed that M. de Chantonnay had not even helped the matter on with the Emperor. All this together confirmed her suspicion and the opponents of the match made the most of it in order to prevent the marriage being arranged. I therefore, he said, should write to Chantonnay, asking him to help as it was so important to us all, and as he (Sussex) intended to send a person hither bringing the Emperor's ultimate decision before he left himself, he thought it would be well that I should be prepared at the same time to press the Queen earnestly on the subject which might be done without loss of dignity, she being a woman. I did not care to reply respecting the allowance and religion because I could only have said that the Queen was wrong on both points and this would probably strengthen their distrust. It is not just that the Archduke should bear the additional expenses incurred in his coming here to govern them, nor can it be expected that he, being the son of such ancestors as his, should adopt any other religion than that in which he was brought up, either publicly or privately. I answered however, as regards your Majesty's love and attachment to the Archduke and your desire for his promotion as well as your Majesty's wish for the maintenance of your friendship with the Queen and this country and satisfied Sussex that I had always done my best to forward the match in your Majesty's name. What I had done moreover, in my own name was so marked that the Queen might have been sure I had some warrant for what I did, but it was not meet that I should put myself too forward in an uncertain matter openly on behalf of your Majesty, in order to avoid any cause for offence on your part if the business fell through and illfeeling instead of cemented friendship being the result of my action. I said, if he dealt straightforwardly with me and assured me that the marriage was to take place to your Majesty's satisfaction and concurrence, I could entirely satisfy him as I had often told him and his friends. As to what he said about M. de Chantonnay I did not believe it, both because he was a good and loyal Minister and knew your Majesty's wishes and the love you bore to the Archduke. He understood better than anyone what was fitting to be done in the business, but it might well be that he considered the negotiations were not seriously undertaken with the object of coming to an agreement but only as pastime, as many people say they were, in which case he would not care to take any share in them, in the opinion that the Emperor and his brother ought not to be treated thus. He said that he (Chantonnay) was no doubt prompted by his brother the Cardinal, but I said he was equally mistaken in this as the Cardinal would certainly desire the Archduke's welfare. I said if they acted straightforwardly they would see the same good will on all sides that they recognised in me, but from what I heard from the Queen and him I believed that the match might be arranged, whilst those who were far away and did not know this were very doubtful about it. The Earl assured me that he had great hopes that the marriage would take place as he had a much wider discretion even than he liked. I did not understand what he meant by this unless that they might relax on the question of religion. I understand that the Earl belongs to the Augsburg creed although I used to think he was a Catholic, but I suspect that the most believing of these folk believes nothing. I have advised M. de Chantonnay of this conversation so that he may inform the Emperor so far as may be fitting. I also write to him that he will obtain intelligence of what Sussex does from one of the Queen's gentleman that accompanies him, a good Catholic and faithful servant of your Majesty named Pole, who was in the household of Count de Feria. Sussex takes with him a Latintranslation of the service these people perform in their churches and their confession of faith according to the law here, but it will be a difficult thing to reduce to one form the diversity of belief and teaching prevalent here, for in nearly every parish church a different service is held according to the bent of the minister.
The earl of Lennox has leave, and even orders, to go to Scotland. Melvin's brother tells me that the divorce of Bothwell and his wife was not for adultery, as was stated, but because they were related within the prohibited degree.
The lords are keeping the queen of Scotland in a castle on a lake belonging to the mother of the earl of Murray. Her sister the countess of Argyll is with her. The castle is in the county of Fife twenty miles from Edinburgh, and is called Lochleven.—London, 26th June 1567.
28 June. 429. The Same to the Same.
A base brother of Margaret has arrived here from Scotland, sent by the lords to her and her husband, the earl of Lennox, to inform them of events, and to press them to ask the Queen for help in their enterprise and in the punishment of those guilty of the murder of the King. They say that they do not need men, but only money to pay them. Bothwell is in the North Country in the land of the Hamiltons, who are the enemies of the Stuarts, and claim the crown failing the issue of the Queen. He is raising troops, an I has with him the earl of Huntly, the brother of his repudiated wife. He possesses all the Queen's money and jewels, and Dunbar is still in his favour and not surrounded as was thought.
Margaret went yesterday to Richmond to speak to the Queen on these matters, and ask her for her decision. She stopped all night, and this brother of hers has gone to-day to give the Queen a detailed relation of affairs in Scotland. It was said that the lords had the child in Edinburgh, but they have not taken him away from Stirling where he was in the possession of the earl of Mar, whose wife now has him in safe keeping, the Earl being with the other lords in Edinburgh.
This Queen is sending Throgmorton to Scotland, and has ordered the estates of Lennox and Margaret in this country to be restored to them. She seems to be very sorry for their troubles.—London, 28th June 1567.

Footnotes

  • 1. So in original, but probably Captain Patrick Blacater is referred to.