Simancas: April 1572

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.

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'Simancas: April 1572', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1894), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp379-386 [accessed 10 October 2024].

'Simancas: April 1572', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Edited by Martin A S Hume( London, 1894), British History Online, accessed October 10, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp379-386.

"Simancas: April 1572". Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Ed. Martin A S Hume(London, 1894), , British History Online. Web. 10 October 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp379-386.

April 1572

3 April. 316. Guerau de Spes to the King.
Since my last letter advices have come from England that the Queen is raising 10,000 men, and is pushing forward the arming of the 12 ships. These preparations are announced there to be for the defence of England and Ireland, and it may be that an alliance with France has been concluded, although the duke of Alba and Aguilon tell me that, though they suspect it, there is no certainty. The fleet being fitted out in France is in my opinion rather to molest the Indies than anything else, as the French have had the project of troubling you in those parts for a long time past. I do not know whether they will attempt anything here with the help of English and Danish ships, encouraged somewhat by the uneasiness in these places. The French have already done much harm here by the placard, of which I send a copy enclosed, although doubtless your Majesty will have received it through other channels. It would appear advisable to counteract this by other placards, or to have this revoked, as it is instrumental in ruining this country.
As regards the restitution of the money, it looks as if the Queen, was playing with Thomas Fiesco, when she asks for three years' time, without binding herself by deed or surety. As to the wools, they will allow them to be brought hither, but only to be sold at a high price for cash, and they are giving themselves great airs about their riches, as the duke of Alba will write fully to your Majesty. I gave the Duke the agreement that Hawkins had arranged with Feria, and he thought the cost was very heavy. As it is important in your Majesty's interests, I told the Duke that the Captain might be utilised, when your Majesty wished to undertake English affairs, on services of less onerous cost, and would serve against the pirates, or against the Queen's fleet, or for the capture of some port, as might be desired. When the Duke decides I will send and ask Hawkins in what way he can best serve your Majesty.—Brussels, 3rd April 1572.
7, 8, and 11 April. 317. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alba.
By Tusan, the special courier whom I sent to your Excellency, I received your reply of 26th ultimo yesterday, the first day of Easter, and, immediately on receiving it, in conformity with the arrangement made with Burleigh, to let him know when the reply was received, I at once went to the Court to inform him, and to learn when he wished to see me. As Burleigh was very ill, I could not speak with him, but the third person went after midday, and I myself waited at Court so as to be near at hand if there was a possibility of an interview, but the third person was unable to see him, in consequence of his serious illness. It was said yesterday that he was in great danger, and the Queen had been to visit him with most of the Councillors. I have heard that last night he was with somewhat better hopes of recovery, but as his state has been so perilous it has been impossible to communicate to him what your Excellency orders. If he gets better I will do it to the best of my ability, and certainly, if this man dies, it will be very unfortunate for the purpose which he declared to me, as I advised your Excellency in my letter of the 26th ultimo. It is true that hitherto he has undoubtedly been the enemy of peace and tranquillity for his own bad ends, but I am convinced, as I wrote to your Excellency, he is now well disposed, which means that the Queen and Council are so, because he and no one else rules the whole of the affairs of State. God grant that if it be for His service he may live. I will advise your Excellency if he does so.
8 April. 318.
This courier has been delayed, and I therefore write that, in order to lose no opportunity, I have been at Court all day to-day, in case Lord Burleigh should be better able to speak to me, and although, in consequence of his illness, he is not attending to any business, as soon as he heard that I was in his lodgings, he sent out word that I was not to go as he would receive me. He did so, and I, to the best of my ability, informed him of the things your Excellency ordered me to tell him. He was very weak and feverish, but seemed to take it all in good part, and to be greatly pleased at the goodwill of his Majesty and your Excellency towards a friendly agreement, although he said in reply to your Excellency's remarks that, from the beginning of the dissension, they had been receiving advices which led them to believe that preparations were being made to the injury of the Queen and Council, and, indeed, that letters from the English rebels (as he calls them) in Spain had been captured, saying that his Majesty and your Excellency were certainly intending to conquer England. These letters particularly mentioned that the Marquis Chapin Viteli was to land in this country with a strong force. I told him that any such thing written by the people he said, could be nothing but a joke, because, as your Excellency says, there was never any other wish on our side but for quietude and peace, and that it is not safe to found opinions upon mere reports and suspicions. He said that it was not desirable to spend time in discussing the causes of past dissensions, but it would be better to embrace with much affection and goodwill everything which tended to peace and amity, and again repeated his assurance that this was the Queen's wish, as she regarded his Majesty with so much reverence that she was annoyed with what had passed, regarding him, as she did, in the light of her true ally and elder brother. All this he told me with such an appearance of affection and kindness that I am sure he and the Queen are sincere, as I hope they will prove later on. As Lord Burleigh did not appear to be unwilling to hear my humble opinion, I told him it was clear that the preservation of the Queen's old friendship with his Majesty would assure her against all her rebels, as he calls them, who are now abroad, and their friends here, as it would also against the French and Scots, to their great dismay, and that of others who were anxiously hoping that these negotiations for friendship would fall through, which God forbid. On our side, too, we recognise that England was potent for her defence, and that the French and Scots and others in case of a rupture would be on their side, for their own ends and out of no friendship for them, although I could assure him that neither his Majesty nor your Excellency ever thought of anything but concord. He replied that it was certainly quite natural for friendship to exist between England, Spain, and Flanders, and, entering more into detail on the question of the origin of the dissension and the remedies therefor, we spoke of this, much to be desired, concord being established after the most just possible restitution had been made, the rebels from Flanders cast out from this country and from off the seas, the English rebels, as he called them, expelled from Spain and Flanders, or after a general pardon on all sides, the re-opening of trade, and the restitution of all things to their previous position, with the confirmation of all old treaties mutually. I made some of these suggestions, and Lord Burleigh others, and on my informing him of what your Excellency says with regard to pro ceeding as Lord Burleigh thinks best, he appeared greatly pleased and gratified, saying generally to this and the rest of my discourse that, after they had heard M. de Zweveghem, I was to send the third person to him, Cecil, by whom he would let me know when he wanted to see me. I told him very emphatically, as your Excellency orders, that the answer to be given to Zweveghem would prove in a great measure their goodwill and desire for an agreement. I will advise your Excellency of whatever else happens. This is in substance what passed with Lord Burleigh.
When I had left his room and was going in a boat with the third person to my house, I saw the Queen approaching the landing-place of the palace in her barge, in which, the day being fine, she had been taking the air in company with Lord Leicester and many other gentlemen, and followed by a great number of boats filled with people, who were anxious to see her Majesty. We, being amongst the other people, stayed our boat to see her, and when I made my bow like all the rest, the Queen as usual saluted the people, and noticing me, either because she knew me, or because some one told her my name and that I was a foreigner, to the surprise of every one, I being such a humble person, called out to me in Italian, my boat being somewhat distant out of respect for her, and asked me very gaily and graciously if I was coming from the Court, and if I had seen Lord Burleigh. I knelt, as was my duty, and replied, "Yes, my Lady, at your Majesty's service." As the boats approached the landing-place her Majesty's barge was delayed a moment, when she smilingly seemed to desire to say something more to me, whereupon I endeavouring to bring my boat alongside the Queen's barge, she turned to me and said, "When were you with Lord Burleigh?" To which I replied, "My Lady, I have just left him ;" whereupon she said, waving her hand several times, and apparently with great pleasure, "That is all right," and her barge then proceeded, she bidding me farewell with so many signs of pleasure and favour that people noticed it much, and I most of all, surprised to receive these favours from the Queen, to whom I had never rendered any service. All this confirmed the certainty that the Queen and Lord Burleigh are in accord in their desire for an amicable settlement, and her behaviour on this unpremeditated occasion is a further proof of her good intentions. She very often visits Lord Burleigh, and no doubt has communicated with him on this affair, and has been informed that I had conveyed to Lord Burleigh by your Excellency orders the assurance of your good offices and efforts to preserve the old friendship between the two sovereigns, which has always been the desire of our King. No doubt every day will also strengthen the good purposes of these people, which God grant, until we see the much desired and looked for result of a firm and faithful friendship.— London, 11th April 1572.
11 April. 319.
The courier who is to take this has again been detained, and I now have to add that, in accordance with my understanding with Burleigh, when I heard that M. de Zweveghem had been with the Queen yesterday I sent the third person to Burleigh to ask him whether he wished to see me. The third person came back in great sorrow, saying that Burleigh had told him that he had been much annoyed because the Queen, after her interview with Zweveghem, had told him (Burleigh) that she was greatly astonished at the indiscreet way in which these matters, that had been communicated to me, had been managed. Zweveghem, she said, had told her in the course of conversation that she (the Queen) and Burleigh were those who were so anxious for peace, adding that he knew Burleigh had sent for me as if to beg and solicit it. Burleigh also told the third person that he heard that Zweveghem said that he had in his possession copies of the letter which I wrote to your Excellency, and of your Excellency's reply to me. Burleigh also said to the third person, as if he were annoyed with him : "If Antonio de Guaras wants to come and see me, let him come, or do as he likes." He also said : "If the duke of Alba on the one hand pretends to be willing for peace and concord, as Guaras told me ; whilst on the other hand, through Zweveghem, he treats the matter in an entirely different spirit, it is clear that, however good our intentions may be, theirs are not so." He said, moreover, "I was just drafting the clauses of an agreement in the most impartial way I could, in accordance with the message that Guaras brought to the effect that the duke of Alba would leave the bases of agreement to me, which I had looked upon as a compliment ; but now I see that the whole business is spoilt." This happened yesterday, the 10th, in the afternoon, and when I heard, to my surprise, what had been said, I decided to go this morning to speak to Burleigh, which I did, and he repeated to me verbally, almost word for word, what he had said to the third person, although he did not mention anything about drafting the clauses, nor did I. He said that, knowing the willingness of the Queen for peace, and his own desire, they had treated the matter in all sincerity, after they had heard from me that his Majesty and your Excellency were also favourable, and he felt certain that if any persons were trying to obstruct the good objects in view, they were doing it with a sinister intent. He also said : "If you think well to persevere in your representations to the King and the Duke as to the willingness of the Queen and myself for concord in the interests of God and the common welfare, I think you will be right in doing so." All this he said as if he had been grieved with what had passed. As your Excellency had not directed me to communicate with M. de Zweveghem anything of this I have not done so, nor has Zweveghem mentioned the matter to me. I therefore supposed that it was not your Excellency's wish that I should communicate the matter to him, and I can only believe that Zweveghem must have said what he did for some good reason, of which I am ignorant, and which, no doubt, he will be able to satisfactorily explain.
As your Excellency will learn, Parliament is to be opened here on the 12th of May, it is believed, for the sole purpose of appointing a successor in case of the Queen's death without children. It is believed that they will choose the son of the earl of Hertford, who is ten years old, and is the son of Catharine, the daughter of Frances, and grand-daughter of the queen of France, second sister of Henry VIII. This Catharine was the sister of Jane who was beheaded in the time of our lady, Queen Mary of glorious memory.
It is to be supposed also that they will discuss the alliance which they are now arranging with the French, in order that Parliament may confirm the same, and will persuade the people to adopt defensive measures in case they are attacked by enemies from abroad, especially pointing to his Majesty. It is presumed for certain that they will make such preparations in consequence of their suspicion of us, it being sure that if they could be satisfied of our friendship, they would not take any such steps as these, since there is nothing the Queen hates more than to appoint a successor, to ally herself to France excepting under pressing need, and especially to undertake a war, above all against our King.
In order not to waste time, which I might pass at Court in the interests of affairs, I do not write this with my own hand, but it is written by my man, who is faithful and true, in the hope that your Excellency will not be offended thereat. There was an intention to-day to carry out the execution of the duke of Norfolk, the officers of justice and the people being already collected. But the Queen sent an order to suspend it, which is the third time she has done so.
The last time I was with Lord Burleigh he told me, with great apparent desire for secrecy, not so much by expressed words as by indirect hints, that there were some members of the Council who were opposed to the desires of the Queen and himself on this matter of concord, and almost said that it was in consequence of their affection for the French. He said that there was a suspicion that some of such Councillors secretly received pensions from the king of France, which he deprecated, and justified himself by saying that his only desire was duly to serve the Queen. In this connection I said that the earl of Leicester was publicly noted for his tendency towards the French, whereupon he smiled but said nothing ; and afterwards, continuing the conversation said, that although it would be troublesome to persuade some of the Councillors who were of this way of thinking, he believed nevertheless that he should be able to do it, as the Queen was entirely of the same opinion as himself, and added : "I and the others shall be strong enough." Of the 12 persons who ordinarily meet in Council, five of them, namely, the Chancellor, Burleigh, the earl of Sussex, the Lord Chamberlain, and Sir James Crofts, the Controller, will be of the Queen's opinion, whilst the earl of Leicester, the earl of Bedford, the Admiral, Sadler, Knollys, and another (fn. 1) will be on the other side, and friendly to France. When I was with Burleigh subsequently he was told that Knollys was coming up to speak to him, and he said to me, "Go out by that secret door so that Knollys may not see you, for he is of the other way of thinking, which I was mentioning, but I expect we shall be quite strong enough to have our way, as I have said." He said this as if he had forgotten his previous aunoyance.—London, 11th April 1572.
320. Antonio De Guaras to the King.
On the 26th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty in cipher, and I now write this openly, as I am told from Flanders that I may do, as my letters are entrusted to safe hands. My object is to enclose for your Majesty's information, copies of my letters to the duke of Alba. In order not to lose the time that otherwise I might pass at Court in the interests of these affairs, I do not write this with my own hand, but it is written by my man, who is faithful and true, whereat I hope your Majesty will not be offended.—London, 11th April 1572.
29 April. 321.
The above is a copy of my note appended to the copies of my letters to the duke of Alba of 7th, 8th, and 11th, and I now enclose another copy thereof, writing all subsequent intelligence to the duke of Alba.
15 April. 322. Guerau De Spes to the King.
After receiving your Majesty's letter of the 17th ultimo, I consulted the duke of Alba as to whether I should stay here or go to salute your Majesty. He told me that it would be better that I should go as soon as I could, in order to inform your Majesty in detail of events in England and here, for which purpose, he said, he would provide me with the necessary means. In accordance with your Majesty's orders and those of the Duke, therefore, I shall leave as soon as possible. I have now to say that since the coming of these few Gueux, who have fortified themselves in Brille, on the island of Voorn, the disturbed state of feeling among people here is becoming manifest. In Flushing, which was very obedient during the last troubles, people are obstinate in refusing to allow a fortress to be established, and they have badly wounded, without any provocation, Captain Isidro Pacheco. They are howling out that if they are pressed very hardly they will spoil the rest of the island, and all the townsmen will go over to England. The same thing has been attempted at Bergen-op-Zoom, although it did not succeed ; nor did the people at Rotterdam, thanks to the industry of Count Bossu. The Gueux have already received some punishment at Delfthaven, which they attempted to occupy and fortify with the intention of attacking Delft. They have about 26 ships, mostly small, and many of the rebels are wearing their collars hung with the new coins, in which they say the tenth is not to be found. At Vera (Voorn?) and adjoining islets they have seized all the victuals and ruined the churches, many of the good people being obliged to fly. It is true that many of the people of the country are helping willingly, as they are Anabaptist heretics. This is the island which I learnt in England they were about to take, and had reconnoitred with that object, particularly the town of Brille. This was done by a Gascon captain, who is probably the man who is now with them (the Gueux). There are about fourteen hundred of the rebels English, French, and Flemings, and it is said that M. de Lumay and Frelon, whose father was formerly governor of Brille, are the leaders.
News from England is that the Queen has entirely recovered her health, and that the troops which have been raised are being divided into regiments so as to be ready when wanted, they remaining at present at their own homes learning to shoot their harquebusses. Only three ships have been armed hitherto, and the merchandise was being sold. The duke of Alba informs me that he has heard through a Spanish merchant that they have played a trick upon me and have no treaties afoot. This is no doubt to sound the Duke, and perhaps to put him off his guard, for I believe, as also does Secretary Aguilon, that the league between the English and French is concluded and Marshal Montmorenci is expected from (in?) London for the final settlement. I have learnt here that M. de Refuge, a servant of the duke of Longueville, and M. de Premorus, a servant of the duchess of Vendome, come frequently to these States to sell the timber from their masters' woods, or at least that is their ostensible object. I am advising the duke of Alba of this.
The preparations which are being talked about for great festivals near St. Quintin, for the marriage of the prince of Vendome, are being looked upon here with much suspicion, as so much armed cavalry with Hans Casimir will be there.—Brussels, 15th April 1572.
26 April. 323. Guerau De Spes to the King.
I gave your Majesty information that the rebels had taken possession of Brille, and that help had come to them from Embden and England. Many men are flocking to them and their numbers are increasing. The Flushing people have joined them and raised the banners of the prince of Orange. All this is of the greatest importance, particularly in view of the detestation of these people to the tenths, and if their turbulence be not allayed great evil may result to your Majesty's interests.
I write this openly as it is highly necessary that your Majesty should be informed of it in order that steps may be taken. I hope shortly to speak to your Majesty personally upon the subject, as the duke of Alba tells me that I had better go to give your Majesty an account of English and Flemish affairs. I will therefore leave for the purpose without reporting my passage through France.
From England letters, dated the 17th instant, report that the Queen had four thousand foot soldiers near London and some others, ready to join these Gueux, with the determination of helping them in any case. The sale of the merchandise was proceeding. The league with the French is said to be not entirely concluded, although, seeing the preparations on both sides, it may well be believed that it is.
The fleet from Rochelle was always believed to be destined for the Indies if the present events in Zealand do not tempt them to come and amuse themselves here. The English Parliament opens on the 8th instant ; the earl of Leicester and Burleigh would like to get the duke of Norfolk executed before that date. The Queen has ordered the execution three times, but has always countermanded it.—Brussels, 26th April 1572.

Footnotes

  • 1. Sir Walter Mildmay.