Simancas: October 1572 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.

'Simancas: October 1572', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579, (London, 1894) pp. 417-434. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp417-434 [accessed 26 April 2024]

October 1572



6 Oct.	350. The Same to the Same. Encloses other duplicates of the same, and copies of the Articles presented to the queen of Scotland.
6 Oct.	351. Antonio De Guaras to the Duke of Alba. I wrote to your Excellency on the 21st ultimo, as usual by Antonio de Tassis and enclose copy herewith as well as copy of the Articles presented to the queen of Scotland. I subsequently received, by the special courier I sent to your Excellency, your letter of the 25th together with your Excellency's letter for the Queen. I at once left for the Court, which is now away from here, and Lord Burleigh summoned me and told me that on that very day and other previous days the Queen had remarked to him that she wondered why Guaras did not come to Court with the reply to the message that was given to him. He said they were astonished they had received no reply to the offer made by the Queen and Council respecting the recall of the Englishmen from Flanders, who said they went there to resist the Frenchmen who might try to get a footing in the country. He told me all this without hearing from me what your Excellency had ordered me to say in yours of the 25th, but when I told him that I had a letter for the Queen he seemed greatly delighted thereat and asked me to show it to him. When he read the superscripture he said, "Although it comes tardily and the Queen is unwell, I will take it to her at once, because I know she will be pleased to learn that you have come with the message." He seemed especially pleased when I told him that I was instructed by your Excellency to say that the Queen might rest assured that your Excellency desired to settle the present differences in the interest of both crowns. I delivered all my message, and he, with great delight, said he hoped God would pardon those who had been the cause of this dissension, and that the Queen was most willing to come to a settlement. I also told him that her Majesty would be glad to hear of the King's prosperous successes in the capture of Mons, and the rain, shame, confusion, and flight of Orange, which I had been instructed to convey to her, but that he, Cecil, would no doubt do so. He told me that if it were not for the illness of the Queen he would at once have led me to her, that she might hear from me what your Excellency had instructed me to say, but he would inform her of it ; though she had received some intelligence to the same effect from less trustworthy sources. He displayed surprise at the success, especially seeing the contrary news which had been current here, and he was desirous of ascertaining whether it was true that Ludovic and his people had been conveyed under escort to Germany and the French similarly to Guise, as I had told him I had been informed by a friend. He said it had been nobly done and it was to be supposed that faith would be kept with them ; I told him it certainly would not be kept in the French fashion, as they in such case would have sacrificed everybody, but that your Excellency and his Majesty were very different. He admitted this and said more against the French than I did, speaking with great reverence of our King, and of so courageous a Prince, which were the words he applied to your Excellency. After this, although I told him I had company, he insisted upon my remaining to supper with him. As the earl of Sussex, the Lord Chamberlain, and other Councillors learnt that I was with Burleigh, they came to sup with him and to hear the intelligence I had brought, because, although events in Flanders had been heard of at Court, yet the Queen and Council could hardly believe the news. With the coming of these gentlemen Lord Burleigh thought that it would be better for me to say that I would come and speak to him in the morning, and not sup there, out of respect, particularly as the Councillors there would wish to discuss these matters without my presence. The next morning I was with Lord Burleigh for over an hour, and I should have been there for more than two if he had not been hastily summoned to the Queen. He told me that her Majesty had received the letter the previous evening and that she was much pleased therewith. He had also conveyed to her all the things which I had told him on behalf of your Excellency. He replied to me that, as regards your Excellency's assurance of the goodwill entertained by his Majesty that these differences should be made up, I was to be careful to advise the King and your Excellency that the Queen herself greatly desired it, and after the Queen, no one more than Lord Burleigh himself. The Lord Chamberlain and others in the Council were of a similar opinion, although there were others, whom he did not name, who were opposed thereto ; but, nevertheless, they would not stand in the way of this holy accord. These were his own words. He also said, "As the Queen greatly desires this accord as well as myself and others, as I say, I must tell you in a friendly way that the Queen and ourselves cannot help suspecting that your King is not moved by the same goodwill to a friendly "settlement, but rather leans towards dissension. If, however, your King should entertain good wishes, as you have already told us from the duke of Alba, the Queen and Councillors will be greatly rejoiced thereat, but we suspect that, although some agreement may now be arrived at, your King will not fulfil it." He displayed very great delight when I said, "What, my Lord! you cannot believe that my King will fail to fulfil a promise to which he pledges his word, or that he will do as Frenchmen do who never keep a promise ? Do you think that the duke of Alba would instruct me to assure the Queen of the goodwill of my King towards this agreement if he were not sincere ? It is well to recollect that my King is not a sovereign of whom such suspicions should be entertained, and he should be left in quiet possession of the States of Flanders, upon which depends entirely his friendly connection with this Crown." He, Burleigh, replied that, truly, such suspicion ought not to be entertained, and that the commerce of this country with Spain and Flanders should be to the advantage of all. He also said your Excellency did not write any reply to the offer made to recall the Englishmen from Flanders, and asked me whether I had any instructions upon that point, to which I replied that your Excellency had not written anything to me about it, whereupon he appeared sorry. After some little conversation upon other points I told him that, since these sovereigns were both well disposed, in accordance with what he had promised me at the beginning of the negotiations, it would be well to commence by drawing up some heads of agreement between the two parties. To this he replied that all could be arranged, and that the only difficulty he found was the continued complaints which the Queen and Council were receiving from Englishmen in Spain of the treatment they received from the Holy office. I told him that it was true that the said Englishmen came with false accusations, but there was no tribunal in existence more just and merciful than the Inquisition. By adducing this point as the most difficult one, Lord Burleigh seemed desirous that I should give him my simple opinion upon it, which I did in the following form. I said that, in case of any Englishman going to Spain with merchandise of his own or others, who should convey heretical books or papers or similar things, he should be punished by the Holy office as usual ; all his goods or those of his master being confiscated in order that such masters might not send bad servants. In case of any Englishman pronouncing any heretical words he should be for ever banished from Spain, and, if he should subsequently be found there, he should be proceeded against with all rigour. If he had any goods of his own they should be confiscated, but not those of his masters, excepting only in the case of his conveying thither any such books or papers as those mentioned. By this means Lord Burleigh thinks that the owners of property, to protect themselves from loss would take very good care not to send such bad servants with their goods, whilst the servants would avoid speaking heresy, so as not to lose their own property and incur perpetual banishment. The aforegoing is understood to refer to Englishmen going and coming between England and Spain, and not to those resident there, who shall be punished for heresy in the ordinary way. This was partly made up of my own simple opinion and partly of Lord Burleigh's suggestions, and as he had to hurry off to see the Queen, he told me that we would return to the discussion. I said that, with his leave, I had to return to London in order to send your Excellency information of all these points by the courier, who I understood was leaving. He replied, "Do so, and return here at once to Court, and, in the meanwhile, I will draft the heads of agreement as impartially as I can, and will show them to the Queen, and you can afterwards send them to his Excellency." On this understanding, therefore, I returned hither to London in order to send this off to your Excellency, and I will again start to-day on my return to the Court. We also discussed the point that, after the heads were agreed upon, it was hoped that both sovereigns would send persons to conclude the arrangement. Little has happened since, but with regard to Sir Thomas Gresham, it was true that he broke his leg although I have not heard whom they sent in his place. They are finishing the armament of five or six of the Queen's ships to send to Portsmouth for fear of the French. The earl of Leicester has been with two or three other Councillors to see the fortification of the place, and great rumours are current that the governors of the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth have been arrested, but that is not true. It is said that the rest of the Queen's ships will be made ready and sent to Portsmouth, and, as I have already written, the Vidame de Chartres and Montgomeri have arrived in this country from France. There is nothing really fresh from Scotland, notwithstanding rumours. People who come from the Court to-day say that the Queen is not so well. As she has an issue in the leg there is always some fear for her health. An official or sort of treasurer of the Antwerp mint has arrived here who, it is said, fled from there with a large sum of money which he has stolen. If this be true it will be known by your Excellency, and if representations are made to this Council they will bring him to account as a thief of his Majesty's treasure.—London, 6th October 1572. Postscript.—In view of recent events in France the people here with one accord are talking of a friendship with the house of Burgundy, and your Excellency may be assured that the Queen and Council are at the end of their tether and desire a friendly settlement more than ever. They have their ships and 8,000 men ready to call out on the coast in case Orange should prevail. Instead of Gresham going they have sent over 20,000l. by a servant of Giles Hofman of Antwerp called Rodensanger, in order, as they say, that Orange may not fail for want of money. But, as I have said, they are now at the end of their tether, and anything in his Majesty's interests which may tend to peace and concord may now be negotiated with them. Lord Burleigh asked me most urgently whether I thought that the King's letters for the Queen would soon arrive, which they are so anxiously looking for, particularly the reply to the Queen's letter of 15th ultimo. Since the French occurrences, everybody at Court looks upon me as the instrument for their welfare and the people at large say the same, although formerly they were ready to stone me. If the Pope and the Emperor were to take efficacious steps to' bring them to submission to the holy faith, there is every appearance that they would forsake their sects, not, it is true, from virtue, but out of fear of his Majesty the King. Whilst closing this I hear ... (fn. 1) French and English have brought to the Isle of Wight two Flemish ships loaded with salt and other like merchandise. A Spanish ship has been taken to Plymouth and a Portuguese vessel with dried fish to Southampton. I will speak to Lord Burleigh about it at Court and say that, as these ships have been brought hither by pirates, they ought to be released. I will ask him also to order that these pirates may not be victualled nor received in the ports, in accordance with the promise and proclamation of the Queen. Since the French event they say the channel is crowded with French, Walloon and English pirates.—London, 6th October 1572.
7 Oct. B. M. Cotton, Galba, C. IV. Original draft.	352. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the Duke Of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands. I wrote to your Excellency on the 20th ultimo, and have since been favoured by your Excellency's good news of your victory over Orange and the capture of Mons, for which God be thanked, and enable your Excellency to punish those wicked people and pacify the States. The dismay and distress of these people at the news cannot be exaggerated, nor can the rejoicing of the good Catholics. The seven Queen's ships which were being fitted are now ready for sea, but have been unable to get out of the river in consequence of contrary winds. These have now changed, so I expect they will sail, but I have been unable to discover their destination. When Pelham returned from Portsmouth the earl of Leicester and Sir Francis Knollys, a kinsman of the Queen and her treasurer of the household, went thither to take steps for its proper fortification. This they have done, and the place is now said to be in excellent order. On their return, Leicester went to the Court but Knollys came here to London to provide for the necessary things for the completion of the fortification, and has been ever since in the Tower, busy with his arrangements. All this activity arises from the distrust felt of French interference in Scotland and of the presence of Strozzi's fleet at Rochelle, which greatly alarms them. Sir Peter Carew and other heretic gentlemen are also busy in the Tower, seeing that everything is ready which may be needed. This distrust has caused the Queen to order a certain number of troops to be raised all over the country and held in readiness with their officers. They are divided into four commands under officers they call marshals. The reason of this is partly the fear they have of a rising in the country itself, as the Catholics have been so much encouraged by events in France, and this reason, and their suspicions picions of Scotch affairs, have caused them to muster 8,000 foot and 2,000 horse in the county of Chester, the people in the north being all Catholics. During the last week two French pirates, Sores and Jolis, who were formerly famous robbers, have brought into the Isle of Wight four prizes, two hulks, one loaded with salt, and the other with tar, one Portuguese ship with fish, without any Portuguese on board of her, and another little French boat with Brazil-wood. Every day English and other pirates come to this country as they used to do, and, when by God's grace your Excellency recovers the seaboard of Holland and Zealand, where many of these thieves go now, they will all come here as before, if God does not prevent them. I have informed your Excellency that, at the instigation of certain Spaniards here, the Council had authorised commissioners to recover the property of subjects of his Majesty which had been concealed or stolen, the value of which reaches a very large sum ; the intention being that the commissioners and others should divide it between them. By this means all this property (like much more besides) will never be recoverable, as it otherwise might have been, when an accord was arrived at. The better to carry out the plan these Spaniards sent specially to Antwerp and Burgos (Bruges) to obtain the powers of Attorney of the owners of the property, under the pretext that they would gain an advantage by it ; but the end of it will be that they will get nothing and these people will steal it all. This might be remedied by your Excellency ordering that no powers should be granted in the States for England. Four days since the Queen fell ill at Kingston and is still in bed.—London, 7th October 1572. Note.—Damaged by fire.
12 Oct.	353. Antonio De Guaras to the King. Encloses duplicate copies of his letter of 6th and 12th to the Duke of Alba, and a copy of heads of agreement as sent to the Duke on same date.—London, 12th October 1572.
12 Oct.	354. Antonio De Guaras to Zayas. Has sent letters for his Majesty under cover to Zayas on 6th and to-day (12th).
28 Oct.	Duplicate of above with copy of the following letter to the Duke of Alba, dated 28th October 1572.
12 Oct.	355. Antonio De Guaras to the Duke of Alba. I wrote to your Excellency on the 6th, copy enclosed, since when I have received no letters from your Excellency. I have been at Court every day since the 6th, in accordance with my arrangement with Lord Burleigh, respecting the articles which he was to draw up respecting our business. When I told him that I had returned to Court, according to promise, he said he would be glad if I would give him a written memorandum of my opinion on the drafting of these articles. This I did, and send herewith a copy of my memorandum. He told me that he would take note of my suggestions and discuss them with me, I have been with him several times and he has now finished drafting the heads ; copy of his draft is sent enclosed. As he drafted them he read them over to me, and, on my saying to him on several occasions that many of the points contained in them would be better omitted from the draft and left to be discussed by commissioners, he always replied that it was desirable in the interests of the Queen and the States that they should be set forth in the draft, and afterwards commissioners might consider them, when, if they were not found satisfactory, they might be amended or otherwise. No doubt Lord Burleigh has drawn up these heads thus roughly in order to keep in view the royal equality of his Queen, as a point of honour. He told me many times that your Excellency would have these heads revised and would amend anything you objected to. Lord Burleigh presents these draft clauses in order that their claims may be understood therefrom, and that the business may therefore not be long drawn out by pros and cons. Another document is also enclosed herewith, which Lord Burleigh hopes his Majesty will graciously sign with his own hand (and not with a stamp) and have sealed with the royal seal. If his Majesty will do this, the Queen will also sign and seal another copy thereof, after which both copies will be mutually interchanged, and, on a day to be agreed upon, the ports and trade on both sides shall be opened for the term of two years in conformity with the draft agreement I can only believe, most assuredly, that the Queen is very desirous of carrying through these agreements and the ratification of former treaties, this being of so great an importance to the tranquillity of her country and the advantage and welfare of her people, as well as tending, as your Excellency well knows, to the quietude of the States. It is undoubted that there is a great amount of hidden dissension in the Council, as some are friendly to our side and others lean towards the French ; but the best councillor of all of them is Lord Burleigh, as he follows the will and tendency of the Queen, which is towards concord. As he is supreme in the country and in the Queen's estimation, in all the important Councils which were held during the days that I was at Court, he with his great eloquence, having right on his side, was able to persuade those of the councillors who were opposed to him. He assured me privately that he had gained over the great majority of his opponents, and especially the earl of Leicester, who has always been openly in every affair, public or private, on the side of the French ; following in this the example of his father, who strongly attached to that side. He also told me that, since the occurrence that had happened in France to the admiral and the other Huguenots, the French were pressing more than ever for a continuance of the alliance with England, and not only this, but the Queen-mother of France was suggesting that she herself should come over here to see the Queen, for the purpose of confirming the alliance, and also to enter into fresh treaties between this country and those noisy Frenchmen and Italians. Lord Burleigh told me this very secretly whilst he was assuring me of the Queen's desire to arrange the differences with us, and confirm for ever the connection with the House of Burgundy, notwithstanding the pressure of the French for a continuance of their alliance. Whilst I was at Court the French ambassador came about it, and it was very evident that the Queen and Council placed but small reliance upon the negotiation, because they treated him very coolly, and are casting their eyes entirely upon us, turning their backs upon him and his promises. From what I have said it will be seen that these people here are now well disposed, for time has shown them how desirable is our friendship to them, and we also see that they are fitting friends for us. Lord Burleigh is most pressing on the point of the liberty to be enjoyed by Englishmen in Spain and Flanders. I believe that this point is brought to the front by him for the purpose of establishing the royal equality of his Queen as a point of honour, and he doubtless understands that, when commissioners come to discuss the point, our people will not listen to it, and that his Englishman will have to put up with the same treatment in this respect as they always have before. The Queen has been unwell, and her illness turned out to be small-pox. She is now much better. Lord Burleigh thinks it would be of great advantage to the world that his Majesty should graciously sign the document enclosed, so that in Spain and here the proclamation opening the ports might be made on the 29th of December, in the first place because, that day having been the date upon which the seizures were made in Flanders in reprisal for similar seizures here, it might be fittingly made a day of general reconciliation. For this reason Lord Burleigh chose that date, if your Excellency and his Majesty are pleased to approve. The first night I spoke with Burleigh I was with him for more than an hour, and, discussing with him the measures which might be taken with regard to the English who go to Flanders and Spain, I told him that it was waste of time to think of imposing any fresh law or condition in the affairs of the holy office. As he does not get angry when I give my simple opinion, I also told him that it was to be hoped that by means of a general council, or national council ordered by the Queen at the instance of the Pope or the princes, some sort of arrangement might be made in order that gradually, with all consideration for the Queen and her country, they should be again reconciled to the obedience of the supreme Pontiff. He repeated the ordinary malicious things which their heretic ministers usually preach about the life and of the Pope and the Cardinals, whereupon I told him that any weakness in them was at once noticed, but nothing was said about the holiness of the doctrine, or about the overt and secret virtue of the sacred college. At last, when I said that King Henry shortly before his death, was determined to accept a reformation, he said that the Queen had not the same religious opinions as those in Geneva or the Huguenots of France. She thought that the Church must have a head, and hinted that, if the sacred college mended its way of life, the Queen would receive their doctrine, persuaded by some such council as I had suggested. There are signs that all this is not feigned, although it may well arise from the necessity in which they find themselves, as a consequence of French events and the successes to be hoped for in Flanders. If the ports are once open, almost anything which is asked of them, either in religion or other matters, will probably be accepted by them in the negotiation, which God grant may be so. 12th October (in London).—I have brought this letter with me from the Court, having just arrived, in order to send it off by this courier, and I now have to add that, when the draft heads of agreement were quite ready for Lord Burleigh to give to me, many people arrived from London, and news from France and Flanders, which caused him to decide not to hand me the draft. He only said the following words :—"You may well go to London now, where I shall shortly arrive, and will tell you more. At present I only say that I do not hand you the heads of agreement, nor the other document for your King's signature, as we have received news that your King, the King of France, and other princes are determined to kill all those who do not belong to their religion, that they possibly can, and that any Englishmen who go to Spain or Flanders will be murdered." He said he was very sorry to hear such news, because it entirely prevented an agreement. This he said so shortly that I was only able to reply that I would obey his orders, and go to his house to see him when he arrived in London. I will do this, and advise your Excellency of what passes with him. It may be concluded that these people are bent on ruin, as God deprives them of all grace to do what is best for them. In sight of this news which arises from their indignation at the punishment of the Malines and other people in Flanders, they have decided to take some measures to counteract it. They at once sent for the Englishmen who had come from Flushing and Tregus, and we shall see shortly whether they are going to send fresh support thither. I suspect that they are going to attempt something, as they have learned that the duke of Guise killed the people who came out of Mons, which they say he did by agreement with your Excellency. This, with the news now received, and other news of a similar sort, all of which they believe, have rendered them indignant. The draft articles which I have mentioned contained a great preamble safeguarding the honour and dignity of the Queen, the rest of it consisting of variations of my suggestions, in the main confirmatory, but on religious points changing them, and adding other heads regarding religious exiles on both sides and traitors from all parts, as he calls them. Burleigh had decided to send a document apart that his Majesty might be pleased to sign it. The Queen herself was to have read it and handed it to me personally, promising me on her word of honour that, when it was returned to her signed by the King, she would sign another similar document in my presence. This paper was only to contain points upon which agreement existed, in accord ance with the contents of my draft heads, and all mention of religious points was avoided ; but the whole thing is now at an end for the reasons I have set forth. Since my last, I learn that many Frenchmen have gone to Flushing, and more than a thousand French refugees have arrived here. Much artillery and ammunition is being taken by land and sea to Portsmouth, which they are strongly fortifying, the evil-minded say to protect themselves against us. The Queen has five ships ready in the river, and it is said that six more are to be fitted out. I also hear that there are nine boats off Dover full of property which our rebels have plundered from Ostend and elsewhere, but they have not yet been allowed to discharge it. I saw the Vidame and Schonvall at Court. I spoke to Lord Burleigh about certain ships of ours they had captured, as I have written, but he told me that he could not discuss the question as the commissioners would deal with it, but that the pirates would not be received in these ports.—London, 12th October 1572.
26 Oct. B. M. Cotton, Galba, C. IV. Original draft.	356. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the Duke of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands. I last wrote on the 7th instant. The French ambassador has been to Court at Kingston to take a letter from his King to the Queen, assuring her most affectionately that she has no reason whatever to entertain any doubt of him or his friendship, and that Englishmen shall be in future received and treated in France as they have hitherto been. He, he says, is King, and is determined that his vassals shall not rule him as they have done, often abominably and shamefully ; by God's help a good many of them had been got rid of, and he was resolved to serve the rest in the same way, being sure she would not allow them to find refuge in her country. He said he had ordered his galleys to release three English ships they had taken, and begged her to take steps to stop the piracy on her coasts and prevent the pirates from entering her ports to sell their booty. They used to receive this ambassador at Court with much affection, and feast him and make much of him, but now it is all changed, and no one dares to look at or speak, to him since the Paris affair. They have recently taken a packet of letters he was sending on from the ambassador in Scotland to the King. On the other hand, the English ambassador in France writes that the King is greatly caressing him and assures him that he is now more confident than ever that the good friendship between him and the Queen will be preserved. No foreigners, he says, shall be molested in France, and especially no Englishmen. The ambassador says, however, that this is nothing but deceit and temporising, until they have taken Rochelle, which could not hold out, as it was short of supplies and surrounded by land and sea. He thinks that, when Rochelle falls, all the Government will be changed and many innovations will be seen. Foix, who was here with Montmorenci, was much cast down, and the King had twice sent to summon Montmorenci, but he had not come which makes people think that his affairs are not going well. whilst Birago was much favoured. The ambassador writes that all the Guises, particularly the Duke, were highly favoured by the King, his brothers, and the Queen-Mother, and that the two ships which were being equipped for the duke of Guise had sailed for Scotland with large quantities of artillery, money, and stores, and 300 soldiers, well seasoned to war and vassals of the Duke, commanded by a gentleman of his house. There had arrived in France from Scotland a gentleman, a kinsman of the earl of Huntly, who is in favour of the Queen. He came on some grand secret errand to the duke of Guise, but I have not been able to discover what. The ambassador concludes by saying that all this will show the Queen how things are really going, and that it will be unwise to believe any of their fair words, which are only so much deceit to gain time. He says Navarre and Condé went to mass every day, whereat everybody was pleased and satisfied. Some time ago a certain Ferdinand Pointz, an Englishman, formerly resident at Middleburg, arrived here from Flushing. He was married at Middleburg some two years ago, but now lives in this city and is very rich, and a great heretic. Since Flushing rebelled he has been thither several times for this Court, and now comes to ask, on behalf of the town, for 2,000 men with victuals and stores, with which aid they will be able to hold out. He has been to the Court about it many times, and the end of it is that they will not let him have the men but will grant him the victuals and stores. Five smacks have been loaded, in all haste, here with powder, pikes, corselets, beer, vinegar, and other things needed, as well as things wanted for fortification, all with great secrecy ; and for greater dissimulation, these five smacks will sail in company with other vessels bound for Hamburg. Five other smacks have been sent from here to Suffolk to load wheat there for Flushing. Another vessel of 60 tons left here on the 11th instant for the same place, which this fellow Philip Aselier had loaded with beer and other stores. Benedict Spinola got him the license. On the 10th instant the rebel heretic Schonvall with nine ships arrived at Dover from Ostend. He is a famous pirate and is accompanied by about 800 rebel soldiers from Orange's forces at Ondenarde. When they arrived at Ostend they plundered all they could, and, amongst other things, stole these ships with the intention of going to Flushing, but, the wind being against them, they were driven into Dover. Schonvall at once sent to Court and obtained a passport for himself and his people, and permission to raise 200 or 300 more men from the rebels in this country. He is also to be allowed to buy whatever stores and munitions he may desire to take to Flushing. Your Excellency will see by all this how things are going here. I understand for certain that the negotiations that are being carried on by these people with Antonio de Guaras are nothing but deceit on their part, and they think the same is the case on the part of your Excellency, until you have obtained possession of Flushing and the coast towns. They have therefore taken very little serious notice of his negotiations so far, but, as Guaras himself will doubtless write to your Excellency on the subject, there is no reason for me to enlarge upon it. It is true that, if these people thought his Majesty would grant them peace on the terms they desire, namely, the settlement of all past differences and free intercourse with Spain and Flanders as formerly, they would be very glad to accept it, as they desire it extremely. Some days since a deputation of persons from various parts of the kingdom conferred with the Council privately, and informed them of the great distress and want existing in the country, by reason of the lack of demand for their wools and cloths, owing to the differences with his Catholic Majesty. They are begging for some remedy as the people are murmuring and putting their heads together, and disturbance is feared. Killigrew left here on the 24th ultimo, taking with him credits for 200,000 (ducats?) for Orange, and arrived in Holland on the 26th, where he received news that Mons had been taken and Orange had retired from there. Killigrew is very clever, and when he saw how things were going, he concealed his errand and pre tended he had come for another purpose. The news of the surrender of Mons reached the Court on the 26th, and they immediately sent a swift messenger to Killigrew telling him, on no account, to write or speak to Orange, or to let him know of his coming, but return directly to England. He was instructed not to land at the Downs or other place on the coast, but to come to the port in the river where he had embarked, and he accordingly arrived here very secretly on the 9th instant. They at once sent him again to reside in Scotland as before, and recalled the earl of Shrewsbury's nephew, who had replaced him, whom they made colonel of 600 men of the 2,000 which this Queen is to lend to her friends in Scotland. In this way Killigrew's visit to Holland has been concealed ; 150,000 ducats of the money taken by Killigrew were to pay the confederates in Germany, and, on his return, this sum was handed to the consul of the Easterlings here, in order that he might have it paid in Germany ; the Queen's contract with them being that she is to pay the money at her option in either place. Weston (?), of whom I wrote on the 28th ultimo, went on at once from Holland to Brabant where Orange was. He wrote to the Queen telling her of the great peril and risk he had run in reaching there, and saying that he had handed to the Prince the letters and the 20,000l, and this latter had saved Orange's troops from mutiny, they not having been paid as they were promised, on their arrival at Mons. Weston (?) was instructed to accompany Orange, that the confederates of Germany might see that the Queen was fulfilling her engagement to help him. The Queen has now written to the duke of Saxony and other confederates, expressing her great sorrow at the loss of Mons and the sudden retreat of Orange, as she is afraid that all the trouble will fall upon her, but she is quite confident that they will fulfil their obligations, in conformity with treaties and old friendship and alliance. She says she is the more sure of this as she looks with deep distrust upon France, which, she thinks, may join the Pope, the king of Spain, and the king of Portugal against her and the other protestant powers. They will thus, if they can, hold matters in suspense until they see the outcome of it all, and then, if necessary, will take the step I have mentioned in getting the duke of Saxony to intercede with the Emperor for a general peace. The Queen has been very ill and the malady proved to be smallpox. Before the eruption declared itself the earl of Leicester, the Treasurer, and the earl of Bedford were closeted together several times to arrange, in case the Queen died, to proclaim as king one of the two sons of the earl of Hertford by Lady Catharine ; this being the intention of the three lords in question and all their party. The two boys are being brought up by their paternal grandmother, the duchess of Somerset. The four Queen's ships—the largest she has — are awaiting at the mouth of the river for a fair wind to take them to Portsmouth which is the best port on the coast to sail from. This place (Portsmouth) is being well fortified and 600 men have gone thither for the purpose. They have sent from the Tower thither 1,500 corselets, 4,000 harquebusses, and 5,000 pikes. The other seven private ships, which I said were in the Downs, have already left on their voyages. The Vidame de Chartres has fled hither and is often in the company of the earl of Leicester and the Treasurer, by whom he is much caressed. Montgomeri is at Guernesey again, after having made a journey to this Court in disguise. They say that some great plots are being hatched but I do not know what they are. I have just heard that a French gentleman, a relative of the duke of Longueville, has arrived on the coast of Sussex, having escaped from France in a small boat with sheets for sails. He will be welcomed, as they all are, but the daily influx of Frenchmen, added to the great number of Flemings already here, has had the effect of raising the price of food to such an extent that complaints have been made to the Queen. If some remedy be not found disturbance may result. The 26 Scotsmen who were arrested here have been released and are to be escorted to the Scotch frontier. The Council has again ordered a general muster of men all over the country, and they will choose the troops from the places they think best. They are to select 20,000 infantry and 5,000 horse, the cattle being already bespoke, but your Excellency knows what poor things the English horses are. Such is the alarm of Spain and France that new orders are given every day. Quite recently they have brought over 400 brood mares from Holland to improve the breed of their horses. As that country is now attached to them they have taken the opportunity of getting these mares, which they have never been able to do before, and they think a great deal of it. There are a great many French, Flemish, and even English pirates cruising in the channel bearing licenses from the prince of Orange, and one Englishman named Fenner, who has such a license, has recently captured 15 Flemish sloops coming from Portugal to Flanders with salt and bullion. He had to fight two days for them, but at last brought them into Falmouth where they now are. Fenner at once travelled post to the Court to give an account of the matter to the Council. They have referred the question to the principal lawyers here, to say whether the prince of Orange's license against subjects of the Catholic King, with whom he is at war, is valid and the prizes legal. If the lawyers decree in his, Fenner's, favour the piracies will greatly increase. These affairs are much helped by a gentleman of the prince of Orange, who is here to represent him. The prizes brought in by the Frenchmen to the Isle of Wight, which I mentioned on the 7th instant, are now being publicly sold. They have sent 600 more men-at-arms to the Isle of Wight besides the 2,400 they had raised in the country. All this alarm arises from the fleet before Rochelle. Just as I was about to close this letter, I heard that the four great ships of the Queen, which are at the mouth of the river bound for Portsmouth, have been ordered to return and discharge their crews, as the winter is coming on and they are too large for bad weather. Parliament which was summoned for the 2nd November, has now been prorogued until January next year. Important matters are to be discussed, and it will be the greatest gathering that has been seen in England for many years. I have just heard that a person of great importance is to be sent presently to Germany vid France to plan some new evil combinations with the Protestants. These people are so dismayed at the way in which things are going in Flanders and France, that some new determination is taken every day, in order that they may make the best of matters for themselves. I shall know when the person leaves, and will advise the ambassador in Paris, Don Diego de Zuñiga, and, if your Excellency thinks desirable for his despatches to be secretly taken from him in France, and will promptly inform me by a letter under cover to the French ambassador here, I will send full particulars to Don Diego de Zuñiga of the person who is to go, the route he is to take, and the hour of his departure.— London, 26th October 1572. Note.—Much damaged by fire.
27 Oct. B. M. Cotton, Galba, C.IV. Original draft.	357. Letter of Intelligence from London (unsigned) to the Duke of Alba, Governor of the Netherlands. After closing the letter I wrote yesterday, which accompanies this, I learnt that the going of Killigrew to Scotland, as soon as he arrived from Holland, was not only to reside there as before, but also to endeavour to persuade the earl of Morton, the Governor, who has the child-king in his power, to give him up to this Queen to be brought up here and adopted as her heir and successor to the crown. Killigrew has been fully instructed as to how he is to proceed in this mission. He is a very clever man for such negotiations and a brother-in-law of the treasurer, who consequently employs him in delicate matters like this. To bring Morton to consent to the surrender of the King, Killigrew is to offer him 300,000 (crowns?), and, furthermore, to convince him and his friends that the Queen will carry out her promise to make the King her successor, she is willing to give him as hostages some of the principal people here. These negotiations could not be so secretly dealt with as not to come to the ears of M. de Croc, the French Ambassador in Scotland, and he at once tried to frustrate the business, aided by the duke of Chatelherault and the earl of Huntly, who is now in Edinburgh with other friends of their Queen. The Chancellor, the earl of Rothes, who has gone over to the Queen's side, is also helping them elsewhere in Scotland, accompanied by some of the king of France's men. Croc sent immediate advice to France by sea, and he himself came post hither on his way to France six days ago. He is asking for a license to cross over. The Queen has received news from Killigrew that the negotiation has been upset for the present, and was rendered impossible by the action of Croc. This has caused much annoyance at Court, as your Excellency may imagine, and when Croc presented himself before the Queen he found a very cold welcome. She said a very few words to him, but told him she knew perfectly well the plots he had been hatching in Scotland, whereupon he replied that probably her Majesty had been ill-informed, as he had only been sent to Scotland by his King to endeavour to obtain a cessation of civil discord. Very little more was said, and he took leave and departed for France two days ago. At the same time there arrived here a secretary of the English ambassador in Paris, who had travelled post and had only taken three days and a half on the journey, bringing letters to the Queen and instructions to convey to her verbally some very important communications that could not fittingly be written. They are understood to be to the effect that the Pope is sending to Paris Cardinal Ursino, a person who will be very acceptable to the King. The pretext for his coming was simply that he was making a pleasure voyage, and desired to thank the King for what he had done for the faith against the heretics and to arrange for a holy league against the Turk, but the real object was to endeavour to obtain the release of the queen of Scotland and her return to her own country. He also hoped to bring about the utilisation of present opportunities for the extirpation of heresy there and the return of the city of Geneva to obedience to the Holy Church. This is all I have been able to learn from a sure source, but, no doubt, the Secretary also brings some new treaties with the French heretics. I will report all I hear.—London, 27th October 1572. Note.—Damaged by fire.
28 Oct.	358. Antonio de Guaras to the Duke of Alba. I wrote to your Excellency on the 12th (copy enclosed) and have received no letter since. As I wrote, I had agreed with Lord Burleigh that when he returned to his house in London I would go to hear more from him respecting the last reply he gave me about our business. I have accordingly been three times in his house since then, and although he has seen me, he passed me by without noticing or saying anything at all to me, with an appearance of much dryness and hauteur. The last time, I was there until past five o'clock, and after he had despatched all his suitors, his men told him that I was there waiting, but still he would not receive me, and since then I have not troubled him, as it is clear that he and his companions have changed their minds. It is perfectly wonderful that they should have altered like this in a moment, believing the silly rumours which he repeated to me. This is not the first time he has treated me in this fickle way, as frequently he displays great goodwill towards the business in hand and then, in a few days, becomes quite a different man both in words and actions. As I wrote to your Excellency, they are very busy fortifying Portsmouth and have undertaken to place Southampton in a position for defence. It is said that they will make Portsmouth into an island and they have over 600 men at work there every day. Rebels and heretics continue to fly here from France. A hundred and fifty from Normandy have landed at Southampton, many of them being gentlemen of position. The Vidame is at Court and Montgomeri is in the isle of Guernsey with other French gentlemen. Schonvall, our rebel and his friends, to the number of 600, who had robbed Oudenarde and Ostend, put into Dover, after Schonvall himself had been to this Court. He afterwards left for Flushing where the French refugees are arriving constantly. One Aselier, who has a brother in Antwerp, as I have written, has sent to Flushing a ship loaded with salt meat, beer, and other victuals, with two thousand harquebusses and a large quantity of powder. I learn from a person arriving from Flushing that the rebels there are determined to hold out to the last, and, when they can do no more, will plunder the place, set fire to it and come to this country. All the channel is full of armed ships, some of them English, bearing patents from the prince of Orange. One of them chased seven sloops loaded with salt which were forced to take shelter in Falmouth where they are detained. The question has been submitted to civil lawyers as to whether it will be licit to receive in these ports the armed ships of the prince of Orange, allowing them to sell their prizes here, in consideration of the prince of Orange having been unduly (as they falsely say) deprived of his States. It may well be supposed what decision they will arrive at. It may therefore be concluded that if, with the blessing of God, his Majesty, by the hand of your Excellency, shall expel from Flanders all the rebels, they will fly from Holland, Tregus, and Zealand to this country, and that many of their armed ships will infest these seas, and not only be well received here and supplied with stores, but will here fit and reinforce to start on voyages of robbery to the coast of Galicia and other parts, even if they cannot disturb Flanders itself. Being desperate, they will run any risk and there certainly will be a great flock of thieves and corsairs. M. de Croc, the French ambassador in Scotland, has passed through here on his way to France, leaving the Scots with a suspension of hostilities. They would not let him speak to the queen of Scotland, whom they guard closely, as also they do her ambassador, the bishop of Ross. Montgomeri has since arrived here, and is made much of by the earl of Leicester, who is also very kind to the Vidame. Time will show whether they mean ill to France, or help to Orange. The Queen's ships have been taken out of commission and the troops and sailors dismissed, although the vessels are still lying at the mouth of the river, and not with the rest of the fleet at Rochester. Parliament was to have met on All Saints' Day, but it has been postponed until the 12th January. The object of it is not known. As I wrote to your Excellency on the 12th, the Queen and Council have certainly in hand some evil designs against his Majesty's interests, because, in one moment, they decided that their false news was of more importance to them than our friendship. Doubtless they are encouraged by Orange and his friends, the Palatine and other Germans, as well as by the Vidame, Montgomeri and the Frenchmen, and believe that this Channel will be well guarded by the armed ships and by our rebels. They think that, with the help of these and the open and secret support afforded here to rebels in Flanders and France, to escape the punishment which they fear would fall upon them from his Majesty. Whilst this Government exists, no good arrangement will be made with them about peace, as the Queen herself only desires concord out of fear, and the rest of them will oppose an arrangement for religious reasons. Things are, however, changing now that the Queen and Council hear of the defeat of Orange, our success at Tregus and the shameful return of their Englishmen, the whole talk being that the Flushing people will abandon the place and that Brille and Holland will soon be brought into subjection. They have received, too, the news of our fleet having conquered the Turk (which please God may be true) and they learn that his Holiness will send a legate to the king of France to persuade him to join the League ; and in addition to this, advice comes that his Holiness had conceded a jubilee to beseech God to root out the heretics all over the world. For these reasons the Government sees that their evil deeds are of no avail and that shortly they will find themselves ruined and confounded. Last Sunday a man of high position preached in the great church of London before the whole city, and his sole burden was to persuade the people to be constant in their defence, and he used these words : "You Papists, stick closely to us Protestants, for otherwise both you and we shall go together to row in the galleys of King Philip." The Queen sent Killigrew to Scotland on this account, and the preachers there have exhorted the people to be firm in their defence, as Killigrew had informed them that the council of Trent had agreed upon the events which had happened in France, and that the Catholic princes are in league to murder all Protestants. It has been frequently stated in the Council and is public talk everywhere, that his Majesty will keep the peace with them for a short time, whilst he punishes Orange and the other rebels ; but as soon as he had finished with them, he will break his word, and at a time to suit himself, will turn upon this country, and either conquer it or force it to be Catholic when these people are without friends. For the last two days, therefore, the Court has been in suspense and confusion. When Burleigh left here for the Court he sent word for me to go and see him on his return, which will be in a day or two. I will duly inform your Excellency of the outome, but, with these daily fluctuations, intentions are changed from day to day. On the 10th instant, when Burleigh and I were discussing the heads of agreement, the Queen and Council were desirous of peace, on the 12th they changed their minds in consequence of the killing of the French who left Mons, and the sacking of Malines ; saying that all Catholic princes were in accord to treat Englishmen in the same way and heretics everywhere. Since the 20th again they have once more changed their views, in consequence of the various news which I have already mentioned, and are now at the end of their resources. The third person tells me that Lord Burleigh says that, as they have no reply from his Majesty to the Queen's letters, they were afraid that our King was animated by the intentions to which I have referred. Since then I am assured that they have ordered the doctors of civil law to keep silent with regard to the prizes brought in by the ships licensed by the prince of Orange, or, at all events, not to give an opinion favourable to them.—London, 28th October 1872. I have just been informed that Doctor Herbert, a doctor of civil law, and a brother of the earl of Pembroke, who usually lives at Louvain, and is a Catholic in his heart, although he gives important advice to the Council, is going to Spain in order to write from the Court there news which may interest people here.