Simancas: November 1586, 16-30

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

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'Simancas: November 1586, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp656-669 [accessed 4 December 2024].

'Simancas: November 1586, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Edited by Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online, accessed December 4, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp656-669.

"Simancas: November 1586, 16-30". Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Ed. Martin A S Hume(London, 1896), , British History Online. Web. 4 December 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp656-669.

November 1586, 16-30

18 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1448, 84.
506. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza.
[Extract.]
I note what you say about the fleet that Hawkins took out, which was fallen in with not far from the Portuguese coast. No intelligence has been received of him since then, so you will let me know what you can learn of his movements. Perhaps he returned home, as you say he was not victualled for a long voyage, in which all advices concur. You will report at the same time whether Drake's armament is going forward, the number of ships and men, the quantity of stores he has collected, and the time for his sailing, so that we may form some idea of his design. You will also send your own opinion upon the subject. As you are so short of news from England, which it is of the greatest importance that I should receive, I approve of your employing Trielle and Hugo Frion. You may promise them that if they act in this as they propose, I will pardon them and duly keep their services in mind. (fn. 1)
I approve of all you have written to the duke of Parma about that Scotch affair, and hope you will send me his reply thereto in due course. Let me know whither they have moved the queen of Scotland to. Her troubles and the Catholic blood that has been shed lately in England naturally grieve me much.—Madrid, 18th November 1586.
18 Nov. 507. The King to Count De Olivares.
Letter of 9th September received, and I highly approve of your having prevailed upon them to bind themselves in writing so that they may not escape from their engagement.
The reply given to you by his Holiness is worthy of him, and you will accordingly thank and praise him highly from me for it in general terms, and in such soft words as you can find and his condition demands. You will impress upon him that, in accordance with his persuasion and desire, I have resolved not to listen to the suggestions for a settlement which are being made to me from various quarters by the English, but you will divert the prevailing idea there (in Rome) that I am forced to undertake the enterprise, because, although as you say they look upon the law of vengeance as a perfectly natural thing, they are nevertheless so well versed in State exigencies that they cannot fail to recognise, if you point it out, that if I make myself master of the sea, and am able to ensure the safety of the flotillas from the Indies, I may very well avoid undertaking so difficult an enterprise, whilst I shall be perfectly safe and unattackable myself. This is what must be pressed upon the Pope, and that if I undertake it with proper support, I shall be moved by no other obligation than that of pity at seeing the church suffering such persecution, and the desire we all ought to feel to serve our Lord. This you will say in general terms and proceed as follows on points of detail. I do not despise the offer of 700,000 crowns, but as so very much larger a sum will be needed for the prosecution of this costly enterprise, whilst I am very short of money and overburdened with obligations, it is most desirable that the contribution from the Pope's treasury should reach a million, which is not so very large an increase, and cannot be considered as badly employed, seeing the object to which it is to be applied. I am satisfied as to the periods arranged for the payment, and you need not try to shorten them ; the first instalment being payable, as you say, immediately the army has landed in England, or the Armada may have arrived there, (fn. 2) the other two payments being made at intervals of six months. The 300,000 additional now requested should be paid at the same periods, 100,000 being added to the second instalment which would then reach 200,000, and 200,000 added to the third instalment, which would consequently amount to 300,000. There are two points, especially, which you will bear in mind. First, that it is more important for the amount to be increased than for the periods for payment to be shortened, so that if the Pope refuses to add the additional 300,000 crowns to the two instalments mentioned, your first care must be to get the promise of the money, even if the payment be deferred. I should be satisfied with this, but you must do your best in the matter. The second point is that you must be quite sure of the credit of the Lisbon merchants who are to pay the money, so that I may be able to avail myself of it beforehand. The point of getting this amount in advance was very important, and you did well in pressing it. (fn. 3)
Without pledging me to any time for the execution of the enterprise you may say that it will be as soon as possible, and you must again insist upon secrecy above all things.
It might have been better, on some considerations, to have deferred the bestowal of the hat on Allen until the moment of the enterprise, but if it suits his Holiness better, let it be given in December. If he be made a cardinal I will allow him 2,000 crowns a year for his maintenance, and if the giving of the hat be deferred he shall have 1,000 crowns from time to time as he needs it.— 18th November 1586.
19 Nov. 508. Document headed "Summary of what my master the King writes to me on the 19th November, to say to his Holiness, in reply to the message which his Beatitude ordered me to write on the 8th September 1586, respecting the submission of England."
1. That His Majesty is very glad that his Holiness recognises the spirit which really moves the King to undertake this business.
2. He highly appreciates the pious counsels and paternal admonitions of his Holiness, and in accordance therewith he intends to shut his eyes to the approaches made to him, through various channels by the queen of England for a settlement on favourable conditions. The authority of the Pope in this respect has greater weight with the King, together with the earnestness with which he embraces the cause, than the advice of faithful and godly persons who urge him strongly that the adoption of a contrary course would ensure a firm and advantageous settlement of his own affairs and the establishment of religion in his States.
3. His Majesty will be satisfied not to receive any of the money aids the Pope is to give him until the armada shall have arrived in England, and takes careful note of the points treated by the Pope in the document abovementioned.
4. The offer made by the Pope is very great and unexampled, as those of so great a Pope should be when the honour of our Lord is attacked, but, when His Majesty turns his eyes once more to the well-known state of his own affairs and his many obligations, he is constrained to supplicate his Beatitude to extend the aid promised in the measure which His Majesty hopes from his zeal, inasmuch as, however large may be the Pope's contribution, His Majesty will have to spend vast sums in excess of his revenues for the purpose of ensuring, so far as humanly can be done, the success of the enterprise, as is fitting considering its quality, and the fact that it is the first to which his Holiness has set his hand. It is necessary to be so fully prepared at all other points that no diversion which may be attempted will oblige us to abandon the enterprise, and this it is which will render it so costly.
As soon as his Holiness decides this point in accordance with the King's hopes, and the necessary despatches setting forth the whole matter on both sides have been received, the King, with the help of God and the blessing of his Holiness, will accept and undertake the enterprise, and will use every effort so to arrange it that no delay may occur in its execution, whilst at the same time using the care and phlegm necessaryto avoid the risk of over haste.
The King is obliged to impress upon all parties again the need for secrecy, seeing the risk which will otherwise be incurred, and the large additional expense in many ways if the affair be known.
This statement was made to his Holiness on the 13th December 1586, and the document by his order was handed to Cardinal Carrafa.
The following declaration by Cardinal Carrafa in Italian is appended to the aforegoing document :—
"His Holiness, desirous of aiding with all his strength this holy enterprise, to which God has stimulated his Catholic Majesty, is willing to employ in it a sum not exceeding one million in gold ; that is to say, he will give five hundred thousand crowns in one sum as soon as the armada shall have arrived in England, in accordance with the document signed with my hand of 8th September of this year, and subsequently, at the end of each four months, he will pay 100,000 crowns until the full sum of a million shall have been paid, the rest of the clauses agreed to in the documents of 24th February and 8th September standing unchanged. Signed Antonius Cardinal Carrafa, by orders of his Holiness."—Rome, 22nd December 1586.
In the letter enclosing the above documents Count de Olivares writes as follows :—
I have heen unable to obtain an engagement ensuring the payment of the money in case of the death of his Holiness, but Carrafa tells me that your Majesty could in such case, with a clear conscience, pay yourself out of the property of the apostolic see by the most seemly, or by any, methods you might find, and that the "collections" in Spain and Naples would in the meanwhile be some sort of pledge, as well as what was granted of the "crusade" tithe, and other grants which may be given (i.e., in Spain, &c.) towards the fabric of St. Peters, particularly after the 500,000 crowns were received.
The Pope promises to be most secret, but when it comes before the Consistory the question of the succession to the crown of England after the queen of Scotland will have to be considered.
This Father Robert and Allen are not only of opinion that the Pope should give the investure to the person who should be nominated by your Majesty, but say that the succession rightly belongs to your Majesty yourself by reason of the heresy of the king of Scotland, and, even apart from this, through your descent from the house of Lancaster. This is one of the reasons for my wish that Allen should have the hat as soon as possible, and it will be very advantageous for him to be a cardinal before they deal with the point of the investure in any case. There is no talk here about your Majesty's having moved in the elevation of Allen, which is attributed to the action of the duke of Parma alone. Father Robert assures me that this is by far the most important step that can be taken in order to sustain the spirit of the English Catholics.
It is asserted in Paris that the queen of Scotland has made a will constituting your Majesty her heir.
There is an English prior in Venice who is desirous to go to England in order to endeavour to convert the Queen, with whom it seems he has had some communication. It might be well to let him go as it may help to throw her off her guard. (fn. 4) —Rome, 23rd December 1586.
19 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 224.
509. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extract.]
The English ambassadors saw the King on the 10th, and their interview with him lasted nearly two hours. The whole burden was to read to the King a copy of the case against the queen of Scotland, and the various letters and papers which had been seized, the substance of which I detailed in my last. The King replied that he had decided to send M. de Belièvre to England, and when he had seen the papers, an answer should be given. Belièvre has already gone, taking many documents with him, which may serve to oppose the claim of the queen of England to have jurisdiction over the queen of Scotland. Notwithstanding all this, and the desire expressed by Belièvre to do his best for the queen of Scotland, many people believe that the least reason for his going to England is this affair of the Queen's. It is believed rather that this is a mere pretext, and the real desire is to get the queen of England to incline the princes of Bearn and Condé to peace, that being the King's greatest wish. Viscount Turenne, with whom the Englishwoman is especially intimate, appears to be particularly hard in the question of peace, and shows no sign whatever of becoming a Catholic if it be concluded.
19 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 225.
510. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
In the company of Harry Wotton, the ambassador who came hither from England, there arrived a son of Lord Cobham, Warden of the Cinque Ports, and he asserts that he has advice from his father of the return of Captain Hawkins to England (fn. 5) with some of his ships in bad condition. He says he found that the flotilla from the Portuguese Indies, which he went to meet, had arrived. Other intelligence confirms Hawkins' return, although some accounts say he brought in four ships he had captured, loaded with sugar from the coast of Brazil. As, however, the day of his arrival is not mentioned, I cannot be sure of the news, not having received any letters from London myself. The contrary winds prevent our having fresh news from England, but I hear that Raleigh, the Queen's favourite, has taken and is holding as a prisoner, Pedro Sarmiento, whom your Majesty sent to the Straits of Magellan as Governor of a territory, and who was captured by English ships fitted out by Raleigh, whilst on his voyage home in a small Portuguese vessel. They will not permit him to speak with any foreigner, and he is always attended by a guard, although he is allowed to walk out freely.
The queen of England's Councillors and nobles who went to see the queen of Scotland have returned (according to the Scots ambassador here), she having refused to reply, except to say that the queen of England had no jurisdiction over her. When the queen of England learnt this she wrote her a letter, saying that if she did not answer the charges within four hours every string of her heart should feel it, which is an English threat, as it is usual at executions for such crimes (as treason) to tear the heart out. The queen of Scotland was so frightened that she confessed to have sent to the Christian Princes, saying that as prayers and persuasion were fruitless to move the queen of England, she begged them to release her by force of arms or other means ; but she said that she had never attempted anything against the Queen's life. These words have been much disapproved of here, particularly by Belièvre, who says that the queen of Scotland's cause has been greatly injured by them. All this only means that they (the French) do not want to help her, further than to keep her in prison in the power of the queen of England, whilst the latter shows every intention of executing her, in order to sell her to France at as high a price as she can.
The Master of Grey has raised the 3,000 Scotsmen, and was in Scotland on the 1st instant, having sent over (to Holland) in batches 1,500 of them. Advices of 1st instant say that a ship with 300 soldiers and two captains, bound for Zeeland, anchored off the coast of Scotland at night for fear of the rocks which surrounded them, and an English ship during the night under sail fouled the anchor cable of the Scotsman, which foundered and every soul on board was drowned. This occurrence proves that, although we have not recognized it everywhere, God is pleased to fight on your Majesty's side at all times.
They write from Scotland that the robberies which usually take place on the English border have now reached such a pitch that they are really the beginning of a war, as whole villages are burnt and numbers of men killed. The earl of Arran has left Scotland to come hither. He was formerly Lord Chancellor, and was forced to go by the English faction. (fn. 6)
At this moment a Fleming who gives me the reports which I send to your Majesty from Deventer came to see me. He came by way of England and left London on the 13th ; he says that it was expected they would shortly bring the queen of Scotland to the Tower of London, but as he was only there for one day he cannot tell me whether the news of Hawkins' return is true.—Paris, 19th November 1586.
Note.—In a letter to Idiaquez of same date as the aforegoing, Mendoza again explains the difficulty and danger of obtaining news from England, and defends himself, apparently against the King's complaints, for not sending fuller and more frequent intelligence. He learns from Tassis at Namur that the Englishman, Antony Pointz, has arrived there. Will follow the course commanded by His Majesty. Frequent reference had been made in letters to Idiaquez (who also suffered from cataract) of the various operations on Mendoza's eyes. In this letter he gives fervent thanks that at last all blemish has been removed, and he can once more see the light of the sun by day and the lamplight at night.
21 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 228.
511. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
After writing the despatch that goes herewith I have received advices from England dated 13th instant, which confirm my fears that the news of Hawkins' return was untrue. It arose from the fact that one of his largest ships put into Falmouth much damaged by a storm, which had separated her from the rest. There was no rumour of fitting out other ships.
Don Antonio had been to London on the 28th ultimo, and had remained in conference with the Council at the Lord Treasurer's house for nearly an hour and a half, all the Councillors being present. My informant promises to send me particulars of what passed. They expected the queen of Scotland would be brought to the Tower of London. The duke of Parma sent hither (to Paris) M. de Luseaos, a gentleman of Artois, an officer and loyal subject of your Majesty, to beg for license from the King to send salt from Spain to Calais, and thence overland to Flanders, although the King had flatly refused me such permission. This was very unjust as the articles of the treaty of peace expressly stipulate for the free transit of merchandise on both sides. The need was so great in Flanders that the Duke was forced to ask again. The King has again refused. The ships may put into Calais but must not discharge cargo or men. This is a pure act of enmity, and a violation of international rights.—Paris, 21st November 1586.
23 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1565. 2. French.
512. Document in the handwriting of Mendoza's secretary, headed, "Copy of the Letter which the queen of Scotland wrote to me in her own hand after they had told her she was condemned to death ;" and docketed, "To Don Bernardino De Mendoza from the Queen of Scotland."
My very dear friend,—As I have always found you zealous in God's cause and devoted to my welfare and deliverance from captivity, I have continued to communicate to you all my intentions in the same cause, in order that you might convey what I said to the King, my good brother, and I therefore desire to devote such small leisure as I have to wishing you this last farewell, being resigned to receive the death blow which was pronounced upon me last Saturday. I know not when or in what guise it is to come, but at least you may be assured and may praise God for me, who by His grace has given me courage to accept cheerfully this very unjust sentence from the heretics, because of the happiness I feel at shedding my blood at the bidding of the enemies of the church, who do me the honour of saying they cannot continue without disturbance whilst I live. The other point is that their Queen cannot reign in security in the same case. I gladly accept the honour on both points without contradiction as a very zealous member of the Catholic religion, for which I have publicly offered my life. As for the rest I said, I had made no attempt to oust her who was in possession, but they called my right into question, and seeing it acknowledged by all Catholics, sought to oppose it. I did not choose to contradict them but left the matter to their own judgment. They were angry at this, and said that in any case I should not die for religion's sake, but for having tried to murder their Queen, which I denied as a great falsehood, for I had never attempted such a thing, but have left it in the hands of God and the church to order in this island matters concerning religion. The bearer of this promises to give you an account of the rigorous treatment that has been dealt out to me by these people, and how ill I have been served by others, who I wish had not shown so openly their fear to die in so just a cause, or given way to their own disordered passions. But, withal, they have been able to get nothing out of me except that I am a free Catholic princess and an obedient daughter of the church, and that I was in duty bound to seek my deliverance, since I had tried fair means unsuccessfully, and was obliged therefore to listen to other proposals made to me with the same object. Nau has confessed everything, Curle a great deal, following his example, and all is on my shoulders. I am threatened if I do not plead for pardon, but I reply that they have already condemned me to death—they cannot go beyond that,— and my hope is that God may reward me for it in another world. Out of spite, because I would not speak, they came yesterday and took away my dais, saying that henceforward I was only a dead woman without any rank. They are at work in my saloon now, I suppose they are putting up a stage whereupon I am to play the last act of the tragedy. I die in a good cause, satisfied that I have done my duty. I have informed the King your master that if my son do not return to the standard of the church I consider him (Philip) the most worthy prince to succeed, and the most advantageous one for the protection of this island, and I have written to his Holiness to the same effect. I pray you to assure the King that I die in the same good intention as I wrote to you, and also to him whom you know, his close and old friend, (fn. 7) and to a fourth person. (fn. 8) For them I am confident of the King's protection in God's cause. You will beseech him not to abandon them, and I enjoin them to continue to serve him in my stead. I cannot write to them but please greet them for me, and all of you pray for my soul. I have asked for a priest but I do not know whether I shall get one. They offered me one of their bishops, but I flatly refused to receive him. Believe what the bearer will tell you, and these two poor girls who have been nearest to me, they, too, will tell you the truth. (fn. 9) I pray you to spread it abroad for I fear these people may make things appear different from what they are. For the relief of my conscience please have the money you know of paid, (fn. 10) and let the churches in Spain remember me in their prayers. Keep the bearer secretly, he has been a faithful fellow to me. (fn. 11) God give you a long and happy life. You will receive a token from me, a diamond which I held dear as being the one upon which the late duke of Norfolk pledged his troth to me, and I have worn it ever since. Keep it, then, for my sake. I do not know whether I shall be allowed to make a will. I have asked for permission to do so, but they have taken all my money. Pray excuse me, I am writing in pain and trouble, and have no one to help me even to scribble my drafts, so I have to write them myself. If you cannot decipher my writing the bearer will read it to you, or my ambassador, who knows it. Amongst other accusations against me there is one about Creighton, of which I know nothing. I greatly fear that Nau and Pasquier have much promoted my death as they kept papers, and if (?) they are people who are willing to live anywhere so long as they are comfortable. Would to God that Fontenay had been here. He is a young man of resolution and knowledge. Farewell once more. I commend to you my poor destitute servants. Pray for my soul. From Fotheringay, this Wednesday, 23rd November. I commend to you the poor bishop of Ross, who will be quite destitute. Your very obliged and perfect friend, Marie, R.—Received in Paris on the 15th October 1587.
23 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 230.
513. Bernardino De Mendoza to the Duke of Parma.
George Vibrant Birnstra, a native of Brille, captain of 300 footmen there, and sergeant-major of the town, has come with proposals to betray the place to us (full particulars of which are given). The sum required to bribe sailors and others will be 3,000 or 4,000 crowns. Several other proposals with similar ends are made. The third proposal is to raise a mutiny against the English in favour of His Majesty amongst the company of sailors, the same amount of money being paid to them in exchange for hostages. He offers to deliver Brille by either of these methods, whichever your Excellency thinks best. The English are thoroughly hated by the Hollanders, and the latter are anxious for a change of government. Both robbery and commerce have now failed them, and they are forced to pay the tributes to maintain the war. Besides which neither the queen of England nor the rebels have remunerated this captain, who has been so long with them that he should have been handsomely paid, instead of which he cannot get a groat of what they owe him.—Paris, 23rd November 1586.
27 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 232.
514. The Duke Of Parma to Bernardino De Mendoza.
As I have been so far from this place I only received your letter of 15th September with some delay, and at a time when I was just setting out, which has caused me not to reply to it so quickly as I could have wished. Both in the conduct of so important a negotiation as that proposed by the Scottish nobles to its present advanced stage, and in the discourse by which you point out the desirability of taking advantage of so carefully prepared an opportunity, your own great diligence, care, prudence, and experience are clearly demonstrated, and to His Majesty's satisfaction at this signal service must be added my own personal acknowledgment.
There is no doubt that for our aims here such a rising in Scotland as that suggested, or any other diversion, would be most opportune, and the sooner it is effected the better, because the more the Englishwoman is harassed and kept busy the better in every respect will it be, and especially here where we suffer more directly from the evil. It must be borne well in mind, however, that if the affair is not solidly based, it will turn out as former attempts have done, and worse, because it must not be forgotten that, even if they have the King in their hands, the greater part of the country is heretical, and the heretics aided, as they will be by the queen of England, will always remain the stronger party. This makes me think that the attempt would fail, and badly, so that on another occasion, when there were more solid grounds for hope, nothing could be done. Apart from this the failure of the plan would add greatly to the prestige of the queen of England with the heretics, whilst that of His Majesty would correspondingly suffer if, after letting them (the nobles) move under his protection, he allows them to be beaten, and this would be very unfortunate for affairs here and elsewhere. In order to be able to arrive at a wise decision in the matter, it will be advisable to understand thoroughly the designs which His Majesty has in his royal breast, and it appears to me that no resolution can be taken here until such knowledge be obtained. If he thinks of making some national effort or great enterprise it might be injurious to push these matters on until the time for this had arrived, and it would be better to defer the execution of this rising in Scotland until then, when the blow might be struck before precautions were taken. If, on the contrary, there is no intention of using force (towards England), it is obvious that the sooner the affair is carried through the better, but always with due regard for the preservation of the good Catholics who are to be employed in the business ; unless, indeed, the only thing that is wanted of them is to get them to rush on at their own risk in any case for the sole purpose of giving us the benefit of the diversion whilst it may last. To my poor judgment, therefore, it appears better that we should await His Majesty's reply informing us of his intentions and wishes, and in the meanwhile keep the Scots in hand with fair words, and in the discussion of the questions you point out as desirable to have answered. They (the Scots) should be dealt with, as you say, in a way which will not alienate them or give them any cause for complaint, as it is most important that their goodwill should be fostered. You understand these matters so well that you will be able to keep them friendly with your usual dexterity. I am not in the least apprehensive about the delay. I am writing to His Majesty to the same effect, advising him of my reply to you. His Majesty's prudence and experience are so great that we may be sure he will decide for the best.—Brussels, 27th November 1586.
28 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 233.
515. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extract.]
Wotton, the English ambassador, has taken leave of the King who told him, in reply to his mission, that Belièvre, whom he had sent to England, would answer the Queen's message and the various documents read to him. He gave Wotton a chain of 600 crowns. M. de la Chatre has come hither, leaving the fleet at Havre-de-Grace. He complains greatly of the robberies committed by the English on the coast of Normandy, and urges the King to fit out some ships to prevent them, which he (de la Chatre) in such case promises to effect.—Paris, 28th November 1586.
28 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 234.
516. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
Following the ships of Hawkins' fleet, which I said had been driven storm-beaten into port, Hawkins himself arrived, with the rest of the vessels much damaged. This has caused great annoyance in England, as nothing but loss has come of the expedition, besides which they have recently had wrecked seven or eight of the finest ships which the Admiral and Walter Raleigh, the Queen's favourite, had fitted out for plunder, with which also were lost the prizes they had taken, two ships loaded with sugar, and another full of negroes (fn. 12) coming from Lisbon. This is confirmed by Pedro Sarmiento, Governor of Magellan, who I said the other day was in England a prisoner of Walter Raleigh, but who had been set at liberty in the manner I will relate to your Majesty. He has brought me a letter from England, a copy of which I enclose, as the man who sends it is well versed in English business affairs. (fn. 13) I hear that five English merchant ships only are now out after plunder, and there is no talk of further armaments. Drake went to Holland to get the rebel States to fit out some ships to help Don Antonio, in company with others which would be furnished by the Queen, but these are machinations which do not appear to rest upon much foundation, and are not likely to result in anything serious. The French ambassador in England has advised his King that the queen of England is making great efforts to arrange peace with your Majesty, and as the Queen and the Lord Treasurer had spoken to Pedro de Sarmiento, he understood that they had entrusted him with some mission on the subject. The moment the King heard of this he despatched a courier to Belièvre.
Reports from England say that all over the country, and especially in Norfolk and Norwich, they are deploring the loss caused to them by the war in Holland. They also say that many men of noble families have been killed in the war.
The affair of the queen of Scotland was being discussed in Parliament, but she had not been brought to London up to the 14th.—Paris, 28th November 1586.
28 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 235.
517. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extract.]
All reports agree that Belièvre was instructed to take the steps I mentioned with the queen of England, offering her a new confirmation of the offensive and defensive alliance, with the addition of clauses if necessary. The object of this is to divert her from her desire to come to an agreement with your Majesty, which desire is now confirmed on all sides. Whilst I am writing this Sampson tells me that inquiries have been made of him, by order of Secretary Villeroy, as to the person and parts of Miguel de Mora, your Majesty's Secretary of State for Portugal, through whom, and an Englishman named Botolph Holder living in Lisbon, the Queen was trying to come to an agreement with your Majesty, Botolph Holder having secretly sent a nephew of his twice to England about it, as the king of France had been informed.—Paris, 28th November 1586.
28 Nov.
Paris Archives, K. 1564. 236.
518. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
[Extract.]
Robert Bruce, the Scottish gentleman who went to your Majesty, has letters from Scotland, dated 31st October, written by Claude Hamilton and the two other earls, who say that they have been tempted by the queen of England to become her pensioners, and as they rejected her advances, she was endeavouring to get the other lords of the English faction to expel them from the country. They therefore feared that they would be forced to appeal to arms before they received your Majesty's reply, which they were expecting most anxiously, because although they were strong enough to deal with the Scots themselves, they were afraid of the aid that the queen of England would afford their enemies, and they could hardly hope to withstand her also. I told Robert Bruce to answer them encouraging them in their good resolution, and to point out to them the reasons which should lead them to avoid taking up arms prematurely, and the causes which render it unadvisable to send back the gentleman with the reply so quickly as they wished.
They also inform Bruce that three of the greatest lords in Scotland have been again reconciled to the church by the members of the Society of Jesus, who have already converted more than 20,000 souls, a large proportion of them being gentlemen. They say the conversion of these three earls is of the greatest importance for the reduction of the whole country to the faith by force of arms, in consequence of the great following they possess.
I have no letters from the duke of Parma since the 1st September, nor has he replied hitherto to the letter I wrote to him about the Scotch affair. I suspect he will have deferred dealing with this and other matters, respecting which I have written to him, until his return to Brussels. I have again written to him in the terms your Majesty will see by the copy I enclose. So far as I can judge from here the matter seems perfectly feasible, in the first place, because the English and rebels there (i.e., at Brille) are off their guard, and, secondly, because the man who proposes the matter, has done everything in his power to prove that he is acting seriously and straightforwardly. For a matter of so much importance, the sum to be risked is a mere nothing, even if it were double as much as he asks. It is also of great moment that the Hollanders (whose principal business is seafaring) should be encouraged with the little help they want to rise against the English, whom they hate, now that the profits of the robberies and contracts are failing them. As this captain truly says, the guild (of mariners) forced the towns to hand themselves over to Orange, and will now influence them to rise on the other side and submit to your Majesty.
Pedro de Sarmiento was a prisoner in England, as I wrote to your Majesty, and Walter Raleigh has granted him his liberty, in the manner which he will explain to you. He arrived here as poor and destitute as was natural under the circumstances, after having been plundered by Englishmen, and as his person was of importance to your Majesty's service in the government of the Magellan territory, and he had served your Majesty well in the Indies, I received and entertained him to the best of my ability, and have given him a credit of 300 sun-crowns, which he requested, to enable him to proceed on his journey to Spain. He has given me an account of the state of affairs in England worthy of a man of his understanding, because although he was a prisoner he took notice of everything. He also repeated to me what had been communicated to him by the Queen, the Lord Treasurer, and Walter Raleigh. It will be advisable for your Majesty to grant to the latter the favour he requests, thanking him for the willingness he expresses to be of service to your Majesty, as he entirely possesses the Queen's heart, and can consequently divert the fitting out of pirates, the machinations of Don Antonio, and other things that are constantly causing expense to your Majesty and delaying your designs.—Paris, 28th November 1586.

Footnotes

  • 1. In the King's hand, "I am not sure whether this is exactly what we had decided. I think it was to depend upon the duke of Parma's seeing no objection to their employment. Look whether this be so, as it will not be well to take a step which is unadvisable and which may displease the Duke." This remark is embodied in a letter of the same date from Secretary Idiaquez to Mendoza. See letter Mendoza to the King 20th October and note thereto, page 642.
  • 2. In the original draft is the following note in the King's hand :— "Consider whether it will not be better to omit this about the Armada in view of what we were discussing the other day ; substituting words that will bind the Pope to his promise, even though there may be no Armada in the matter. If it be not mentioned further on, it will be well to ensure the subsidy, even in the case of the Pope's death, as otherwise his successor might refuse to pay. I forgot this point the other day, and as it seems to be important, if it be not mentioned in this letter another might be written about it. We must make sure of this or we may find ourselves tricked."
  • 3. This refers to the first instalment (500,000 crowns) of the Pope's subsidy, which, under certain conditions, was to take the form of bills on merchants in Lisbon which could be discounted.
  • 4. An account of the intrigues of the Pope and the anti-Spanish Catholic party with Elizabeth will be found in Gregorio Leti's history of the reign of Elizabeth.
  • 5. In the King's hand : "He took his course as we thought he would here. It was very well done."
  • 6. In the King's hand : "I do not recollect whether this man is a Catholic or not." This is not to be wondered at, as James Stewart (now stripped of all his usurped honours) had been "everything by turn and nothing long."
  • 7. The duke of Guise.
  • 8. The archbishop of Glasgow.
  • 9. Misses Curle and Kennedy.
  • 10. The money owing by Queen Mary to Arundel and Paget.
  • 11. The apothecary Gorion (?)
  • 12. Note in the King's hand : "This was not lost according to what I heard the other day."
  • 13. See document dated 10th November, page 651.