Spain: October 1553, 6-10

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

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, 'Spain: October 1553, 6-10', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916) pp. 272-285. British History Online [accessed 20 May 2024].

. "Spain: October 1553, 6-10", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916) 272-285. British History Online, accessed May 20, 2024,

. "Spain: October 1553, 6-10", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916). 272-285. British History Online. Web. 20 May 2024,

October 1553, 6–10

Oct. 8. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E 21. The Emperor to Simon Renard.
We have received the letters written by you and your colleagues on the 19th, 20th, 23rd and 26th of last month, and have also seen the private letter you wrote to declare the necessity for your coming hither on the plea that certain private affairs of your own required your presence. Notwithstanding these, we shall accept it as a service most agreeable to us that you remain some time longer at your post; your absence would be far less convenient now at the beginning of your residence than later on, when with God's grace the affairs of the Queen, our good sister, are more firmly established and things generally in a quieter condition. In order to provide for any requirements of yours, we have commanded that the amount of your salary as ambassador for the current three months, until the last day of December, be sent to you. We have not increased the salary beyond the sum usually paid to ambassadors in England, not being as yet resolved whether you are to remain there for any length of time; but in the meantime as it will not be convenient to summon anyone else in Burgundy (i.e. the Franche-Comté) to fill your post there (fn. 1) we have determined that you shall receive both salaries concurrently. If we found it necessary to keep you in England for a longer time than we can foresee at present, and in such case if another were to fill your place in the management of your business in Burgundy, we would take into consideration the facts you represent to us in your letters concerning the dearness of living in England. Beyond what has just been said, we have ordered that a supplementary sum of 600 florins be paid to you, to second you in your requirements.
As we suppose that your colleagues, whose departure was delayed for the Queen's coronation, then so near, and which as we hope is now an accomplished fact, have departed already, we are addressing this letter to you alone and not to you all. We praise you warmly for having decided upon the course you adopted as to the stay of your colleagues at the Queen's request that they should be present and assist at the coronation on our behalf, as she expressed the wish. You may let her know that we were gratified to hear of it; indeed, we would have been pleased they should stay longer still if she had had any need of their services. The principal cause of their recall was a certain rumour that reached our ears that certain members of her Council took umbrage at their prolonged stay, which made us judge it to be suitable that they should withdraw. Their arrival is shortly expected, and we hope to hear from them a detailed account of the coronation, and what inclination the Queen has shown towards marriage, besides the turn affairs have taken since the coronation. We are of opinion that it was best for every reason that it should take place before the assembling of Parliament. The advice you and your colleagues together gave the Queen at her request was very pertinent, considering the fear you entertained that some trouble might arise. We also approve entirely the manner in which you disengaged yourselves from the cross-questioning to which you were submitted by one whom you suspected of having been put up by Courtenay to discover whether the Queen's decisions depended upon your counsels and advice. It is certainly a very good thing that she proceeded straight on without hesitating or entertaining scruples as to the titles and other questions on which some tried to adjourn the coronation, because that matter has been put right by the declaration of her intentions which she has made to the Pope, and the protestations which, acting on your advice, she was to make again, and which in our opinion it was much better she should make in your presence than with the Bishop of Winchester's countenance. The reason being that, even though the Queen's confidence in him be quite justified, yet if he eventually found her unwilling to submit to his direction in everything, in the matter of her marriage as well as the rest, he would have it in his power to do her harm and to hold her to him by the fear that he might make known the said protestation, which might be very much misinterpreted by the English, at least until the Holy Apostolic See has recovered some credit in the country. We approve entirely, in virtue of the protestation, of her nominating prelates and bishops who may assist her with the Parliament, and where matters of religion are concerned, especially such matters as can be remedied without fear of causing more trouble. We have taken in very good part, for the same reason, the recall of the Bishop of Norwich, to whom we have already granted leave to depart. But we have heard that he is waiting for the arrival of Councillor Mason, deputed by the Queen to fill his post during his absence while serving her in Parliament, after which she has decided to send him back. His return shall be welcome to us, particularly because by all appearances we have judged him to be entirely well - disposed towards the Queen.
We look upon the information on current events sent to us from time to time by you and your colleagues, as a service most agreeable to us, and we desire you to continue to do the same so that we may be aware of the development of those same affairs.
We wish especially to know what has been done concerning the more severe measures, referred to in your former letters, to be adopted against certain prisoners; what news there are of the plot against the Bishop of Winchester, after the discovery of which he had surrounded himself with a guard, of the exhibition made by Courtenay against Cardinal Pole's brother, and other similar matters. As you are without a clerk at present, we have commanded the forager of the archers to go to you and do as you shall desire him.
It is apparent from the contents of your last letters that the declaration by Parliament of the Queen's legitimacy, and consequently of the Lady Elizabeth's illegitimate birth, is well on the road to success. Your letters affirm that you hold that matter as one already settled and that will present no difficulties whatever, but that the Queen wishes, nevertheless, that the sentences pronounced in Rome by the Pope in Consistory in favour of the validity of the marriage of the late King Henry with the late Queen Catherine, our good aunt, and against the validity of the so-called divorce and the King's subsequent marriage with Anne Boleyn, may be recovered and sent to her. We have had a diligent search made for the documents, and the originals have been found, and shall go with this packet, so that if the Queen has need of them you may place them at her disposal, and afterwards recover them again, so that they may go back to their place among our papers, whence they have been taken. We wish you to forewarn the Queen not to allow herself to be outwitted by any attempt that may be made with the pretext of consciencious scruples, or to become involved in malicious arguments from which she would find it difficult to extricate herself. Her own conscience is set entirely at rest and well fortified by the Apostolic sentences as to her right of succession to the throne. It would therefore be better, without bringing the Apostolic sentences forward, that Parliament should make the requisite declaration in her favour. If Parliament were to seek the support of the Apostolic sentences, or in case she saw that the exhibition of the documents could serve her purpose, we have been pleased to send her the documents which we have found on inspection to be of the fullest authenticity, so that she may not find herself without them in case of need, when it might be too late to send to Rome for them. We desire her to use them whenever and in whatever manner she sees fit.
We hope to hear from your next letters the final answer that is given to you concerning the island of Sark; we do not doubt that you have followed our instructions in dealing with the captor of it. M. d'Eecke, moreover, has commanded that certain vessels of ours that have taken the same direction shall give him (Crole) all favour and assistance. He informed us at the same time that the island could not prove of very great use to these our countries nor increase the safety of navigation, but it would be very useful to the English, being so near to them. You will therefore do your best, when you ask for your answer, to persuade them to take it over, We do not intend to keep it ourselves, as we will explain with more detail when you send us the answer of the English.
Brussels, 8 October, 1553.
French. Minute. Printed with certain omissions by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol. IV, from the signed original at Besançon (Collection Granvelle, 73).
Oct. 8. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 21. The Queen Dowager to Simon Renard.
We sent an immediate answer to the letters written in common by you and your colleagues, and addressed it to you alone, on the assumption that they might well have left to return hither by the time the answer reached you.
We have given an account to his Majesty the Emperor of the contents of your letters touching the discourse made by the Venetian ambassador about the King of France's practice of encouraging the Turk to attack Christian countries, causing the potentates of Italy and, in particular, the Seignory of Venice, to incur excessive expenditure, whether the understanding with France be a definite one or not. If the Italian potentates understood matters rightly and set about remedying them in the right way for their own good, they would see that they had plenty of reasons for showing great resentment against the King of France, and joining together against him. But you are aware of their alternating fears of the might, now of one, now of the other of the two sovereigns, and the care they take in establishing a balance of their power. Nevertheless, it can only do good if you converse on the subject with the said ambassador whenever an opportunity presents itself and do your best to confirm him in the opinion he apparently holds, impressing upon him as much as possible the evil courses of the French King, that afford only too good a foundation; his representations at Venice may easily make some impression. One never can tell whether resentment may not lead them to accomplish that which reason would call for if they listened to it.
We recently gave leave to the English gentleman (Anthony Kempe), mentioned in your letters, to go and serve the Queen at her coronation or in any other way she may command him. Any service he may render her will be as agreeable in our sight as if it were done to us, and you may assure her of this, recommending her on our behalf to detain him as long as it may please her. He shall receive all the better welcome from us on his return, because of his zeal in the execution of her commands.
We ordered our veneur (lieutenant de venerie) in Flanders to hunt the boar with all diligence, as soon as we heard from you that the Queen wished to have some wild boar, of which she is very fond, served for the banquets to be held at her coronation, this kind of venison being scarce in England. We ordered him to go straight to England with the venison without losing any time in accounting to us for it. We trust he has fulfilled our commands, and we greatly desire to know if the Queen was pleased and satisfied.
Brussels, 8 October, 1553.
French. Minute. Printed by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol. IV, from the signed original at Besançon (Collection Granvelle, 73).
Oct. 9. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 20. The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor.
Sire: Last Friday my Lord Paget and the Lord Warden came to see us to declare on behalf of the Queen of England and her Council their decision concerning the island of Sark, in answer to our conversations on the subject. Their reply was as follows: It would be best, in their opinion, that your Majesty should order the fort to be demolished and the island abandoned. If they took the island over from your Majesty the French would resent it over much, and they did not wish to give them so good a cause for irritation. They said the island was part of the Queen's patrimony and belonged to her; and when once it was abandoned the English would be able to take possession of it with less offence and prevent the French from fortifying it again. The Queen would have better grounds to go upon in claiming her rights against the King of France, and maintaining them too. They thanked your Majesty for the goodwill you showed towards the Queen and her kingdom. They added that the island could not damage the English: it was wedged in between Jersey, Guernsey and Alderney, there was no harbour, it was a long way from your Majesty's territories and the cost of upkeep would be so much money wasted. We replied that we would inform your Majesty and learn your will and commands in the matter. But they ought to weigh two considerations: one, that if the fort were demolished the French might seize it again very easily; the other, that the captain who took it had had certain costs to bear in order to keep it, and that the fort could not be dismantled without further expense. We considered it reasonable that they should defray these items. It was not likely that the French would have fortified it unless they had certain plans and facilities in view, were it nothing more than the annoyance they could give their English neighbours. Before their arrival, we said, we had sent a messenger to the Lord Chancellor to ask for an audience on this matter and on certain other business. They replied that they would report our answer to the Council and that the point would be dealt with at the forthcoming audience, which was fixed for the next day. As no business of state was to be transacted, but only private matters, the Lieutenant of Amont went to Court and negotiated four points, according to the report he has made to us. First, concerning the island of Sark: the Council said and repeated what Lord Paget and the Lord Warden had declared to us all the day before. As to the expenses connected with the guarding of the island or the dismantling of the fort, no consideration in the world would make them shoulder them and by thus doing give away to the French the knowledge that they had entertained any negotiations on the subject. They estimated the cost at a sum so small that they did not believe your Majesty would hesitate about it, or forbear from accommodating the kingdom with the gift of the island, especially as it was taken with the approval and advice of the Lieutenant of Guernsey. They declared that they were considering the consequences, not the expense; they knew the French well enough to foresee that. Were it only a question of giving a hundred crowns or so, the captain and his soldiers must needs be aware of it. Moreover, the artillery, munition and plunder found upon the island were worth, one thing with the other, a considerable sum of money. They requested that we would write to your Majesty in accordance with what they had said. The Lieutenant of Amont replied that the expenses incurred did not concern your Majesty in any way, but the captain and his men; it seemed to you that they ought to be made good to them, and that the men deserved a reward over and above; this could be done underhand without it becoming known. However, we would write to your Majesty reporting the conversation, and ascertain your good pleasure. We insisted on the costs because Adrian Crole told us he had spent over three hundred crowns, and that if your Majesty had no use for the island he could come to terms with the French. He did not dare to go back to the island for fear his soldiers would shoot him, and he could not show himself in Guernsey because he owed money there for victuals he had ordered on credit. He could make nothing out of the artillery because he had no vessels large enough to carry it and no engines to take it off the island; and what was more, vessels could not approach the island in this season. He preferred to give up the whole business rather than return to Sark to demolish the fort, without money to pay his people. We warned him to do no such thing as to come to an understanding with the French, and said we would give him twenty or thirty crowns more besides the ten livres-de-gros he had received already, so that he might await your Majesty's commands. He must devise means to take the artillery away, and consider whether he could not take it to pieces and carry it across to Guernsey, as well as the shot. While these transactions were in progress Chamberlain, (fn. 2) who has been made Captain of Guernsey, sent for Captain Crole and had him told that he would buy the artillery and have him given something for his pains, and for the costs he had had to bear. Since then Crole has told us that Chamberlain would not give him more than six florins for the artillery, and that certain French merchants had offered him a thousand pounds sterling for the island and the artillery; but we told him to wait for your Majesty's reply and take care not to sell to the French. We found him so embittered, however, that it would be expedient if your Majesty came to some decision as soon as possible.
The second point consisted in a complaint because the French, a month ago, took a certain vessel called the Cerf Volant, from Ostend, in the very harbour of Rye, within the English jurisdiction, although the captain of the castle hoisted his flag and fired guns to signal to them that they were trespassing on English waters and must let the vessel go and withdraw. This constituted a violation of English privileges, a breach of the Queen's authority, and brought prejudice to the neutrality of England between the two belligerent sovereigns. A memoir from the captain of the said vessel, setting forth the reasons why they (i.e. the Council) should compel the French to return the vessel which, as it was understood, they had carried off to Dieppe, was presented to them.
The third point was to obtain licence and leave for (Sebastian) Cabot to repair to your Majesty's Court to confer on the sea-routes to the Indies and other subjects, in accordance with the contents of your Majesty's letters which were presented to the Queen.
The fourth point was a remonstrance because during the last fortnight French vessels have pillaged and cruised in the Narrow Seas and taken their goods from certain Portuguese and two men from the Low Countries, whom they wished to carry off as their prisoners, until they realised that their keep would cost more than the sum they could get for their ransom. The passage belonged to the Queen and the country; and it was reasonable, if they permitted the French to rob there, that the same license should be granted to your Majesty's subjects. We desired to tell them the facts so that they might be informed; it was not our intention to sue for the value of the goods.
The Council replied that the complaint concerning the vessel seized at Rye was a reasonable one. The captain of the castle had written to them about it and they would apply to the French for recovery of the vessel, and the satisfaction of claims according to the request. As to Cabot, they would find out from him if it were his wish to go to your Majesty's Court, and give us an answer accordingly; they had considered whether he would ever wish to return to England, although temporary leave was asked for him, to go and return.
As to the last point, they said they would mention it to the French ambassador. They would consider what means might best be devised to make the passage safe, and would afterwards inform us of their deliberation.
When the negotiation was over, the Queen asked the Lieutenant of Amont for news of your Majesty's health, and fell into conversation with him. If the King of France were to persist in his proposals that she should interpose herself between your two Majesties to secure a peace, as Cardinal de Tournon's conversations with Dr. Wotton implied, what did your Majesty wish her to do? What course should she follow? The Lieutenant replied that (God be praised!) your Majesty's health was very good, as he heard. If the French insisted that she should undertake to settle a quarrel of such magnitude, and they proposed reasonable conditions, your Majesty could find no arbiter more acceptable or nearer to your wishes. Were she to bring about a peace, she would accomplish a deed most becoming to her sex, and most salutary for the Christian republic, which could but bring glory, honour and advantage to her and to her kingdom. He would inform your Majesty and discover your intentions; but she must carefully consider the terms employed by the French, whether they spoke generally, or proposed particular means and reasonable conditions, giving proof thereby of the sincerity of their wish that the Queen should undertake the burden and labour of promoting the peace.
The Queen then told the Lieutenant of Amont that Cardinal Pole, hearing of the good progress of affairs in the kingdom, wished to go to Liége, and approach somewhat nearer. She asked the Lieutenant if it would be a wise step, or not. He replied that it seemed to him that it would not be suitable for the Cardinal to advance any nearer before the resolutions of Parliament were passed. His commission from the Holy Apostolic See as Legate to England was known everywhere, and it was universally odious here. The Pope's authority could not be restored or the matter even discussed without encountering great difficulty. The religious question, as it was understood at present, might be divided under three heads: ad cultum verœ religionis, the authority of the Pope, and the restitution of the ecclesiastical property. The first was the most important; as to the other two, with time, moderation, and perhaps the display of authority, some remedy might be found. But the Cardinal's approach would give rise to suspicion were it to take place during the session of Parliament, which opened on the fifth of this month. Ten or twelve personages have been deputed by the Estates to discuss the means that might best be adopted to ensure peace and tranquillity for the kingdom and the subjects of the Queen.
The Duchess of Northumberland is doing her utmost to secure a pardon for her children; so far we have not heard that the Queen has taken any resolve.
My Lady (Anne) of Cleves is taking steps to get her marriage to the late King Henry VIII declared legitimate, so that she may enjoy the dowry, treatment and prerogatives of a Queen Dowager of England, and also continue to enjoy her dowry even if absent from England. We hear that the case will be adjourned till later; when more urgent and important affairs have been settled and decided.
It is said that the King of France has given a bishopric worth fifteen thousand francs a year to Cardinal Farnese, (fn. 3) and an abbey worth four thousand livres revenue to the refugee (fuoruscito) who was formerly conservateur de Naples, (fn. 4) He is about to settle an income on the ex-Prince of Salerno, (fn. 5) who they say is entirely changed and has grown quite white since his retreat.
London, 9 October, 1553.
French. Entirely written in Simon Renard's hand. Signed by the four ambassadors.
Oct. 10. Besançon, C.G. 73. The Emperor to Mary I.
We have heard with the greatest pleasure, from our ambassadors' letters, of the happy accomplishment of your coronation and the great demonstrations of rejoicing shown by all your subjects, lords and commons alike. We have also heard that you have begun to hold your Parliament in order to debate certain questions concerning the proper government and administration of the realm; and we greatly praise your zeal in so doing. And as we believe that one of the greatest benefits that might foe conferred on the country would be that you should have posterity to succeed you, we are obliged by our brotherly affection to tell you that whatever determination you may have come to before you acceded, you must now consider accepting some aspirant who shall be agreeable to yourself and profitable to the kingdom; and the sooner you make up your mind the better, for many reasons. We would not have delayed so long in reminding you of this, had it not been that we considered you had enough to do to establish your government in this early season, and see to all matters requisite for your coronation; besides which we believed that your own Councillors would not omit to make some representation to you on the subject. And as we have instructed our ambassador to speak to you in detail, we will not be more prolix.
Brussels, 10 October, 1553.
Signed, Charles. French. Printed by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol IV.
Oct. 10. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 21. The Emperor to Simon Renard.
This letter shall be an answer to the packet sent on the 5th by you and your colleagues. It is addressed to you alone, on the assumption that your colleagues will be already on their way, as we wrote recently, and as the Queen's coronation, which at her request they stayed on to witness, is now over. In case they were still in London, the letter shall be for you all and is intended to be so received. We praise God that all went off as well as you say in all your letters, without any sign of opposition or any popular movement whatever, although some of your former letters showed that it was considered probable that such events might occur. We were very much pleased to receive particular accounts of the ceremonies held on the occasion, and we presume that you have already presented our congratulations to the Queen on her coronation. The session of Parliament must have begun by now, according to the information contained in your letters.
We desire you to send us reports of all you can discover concerning the affairs discussed, and their trend and progress, especially of the direction taken by religious matters. As you mention in your letters that signs of an understanding between the Lady Elizabeth and the French ambassador are open and clear to all, it is meet that you warn the Queen to beware, and to have the Lady Elizabeth watched so that she shall find no opportunity to intrigue or carry on secret practices with the ambassador or anyone else, to the disadvantage and prejudice of the Queen. It is possible that if a diligent and discreet enquiry were set on foot, such things might be discovered as would give just occasion to the Queen to seize the person of the Lady Elizabeth and put her in the Tower. This would in every respect contribute to the safety and firm establishment of the Queen's reign.
You will thank the Queen on our behalf for the confidence she has displayed towards us by communicating to you the letters written to her by Wotton. (fn. 6) Your letters contain a summary of their contents; but inasmuch as the letters mention, among other things, the King of France's expressed desire that the Queen should take a part in bringing about a peace between us and him, and also that the considerations which we proposed to the Cardinal of Imola, the Pope's legate, at his request, were considered by the French to be very unreasonable, we are sending you a copy of them, merely for the enlightenment of the Queen and your own, as we do not desire the copy to be circulated further. We approve entirely of the ambassador's reply, refusing a truce so as to come by a treaty of peace, and taking time to consult the Queen concerning the proposals made to him before giving a definite answer. As the Queen wishes to know how she shall conduct herself, especially if they advance so far as to entrust the arbitrage of our quarrels to her, you will tell her plainly and confidently, as it is meet that all matters should be treated between us, that by showing her wish for peace between us and the King of France, and for the tranquillity of Christendom, she will do what is most suitable and worthy of all praise; and even more so were she to offer to mediate between us, and do her utmost to procure a peace by her good offices towards both sides. She may feel assured that we should prefer her to handle this affair rather than anyone else. But as to her assuming the charge of arbitrating on our differences, it might prove a grievous burden to her, and she might find it difficult to discharge her task to the satisfaction of both parties, considering the state in which matters find themselves at present. It might lead her to contention and even to an open rupture with France; besides which the French King was for proposing that old differences, settled by former treaties, should be re-opened. We would never for anything in the world agree to any such proposal; because if former treaties were to be invalidated we could hope for no result in the future from any pact that might be made now, as we particularly said to the legate. We opine that she should answer her ambassador charging him to tell the King that she will undertake to do her best to bring about a peace, and ask him to put forward proposals of such a nature that there may be some hope of entering into negotiation concerning them; she will then transmit them to us, and will do her utmost to persuade us to agree to negotiate.
Brussels, 10 October, 1553.
French. Minute.
Oct. 10. Besançon, C.G. 73. The Emperor to Simon Renard.
We have received your letters of the 5th of this month, and seen the full account of your conversations with Lord Paget, and the causes that moved you to broach the subject of the marriage to him. One may conjecture from his own words to you that, finding but one personage in England who might be spoken of as a match, and that one not exempt from criticism, he would not feel himself averse from all foreign alliances. Moreover, as he examined and dwelt upon the judgment formed by the English concerning the various candidates, and spoke as you have reported to us at the end of your letter, especially about the Prince, our son, one may conjecture that he would not disapprove of some proposal about him. Time has passed since the accession of the Queen to the throne, and some astonishment seems to be felt because we have made no mention to her, as yet, of her marriage, especially because the Queen's confidence in us is well known. We judge that it is necessary she lose no more time now, because it is important that she have heirs, and still more that some one may be at her side to assist her in the conduct of her affairs; and these considerations, coupled with the assurance we receive from your letters that the coronation went off without incident, make us desirous of entering as soon as possible into communication with the Queen on the subject of her marriage, in conformity with the contents of the letters we sent to you from Valenciennes, written with our own hand. We suppose that henceforward, the coronation being now an accomplished fact, you will be able to obtain audience more easily from the Queen. You will be free of the restraint imposed by the presence of your colleagues, whom we believe to have left already, especially as they will gather from what we wrote to you yesterday (fn. 7) that we suppose them to have taken their leave and started on their return journey without waiting for fresh orders from us, as their departure was deferred on the occasion of the coronation in accordance with the Queen's wish. It is meet that, before entering into negotiations with the Queen, you first present our excuses for the delay that has occurred, in consequence of the impediments by which you perceived her to be surrounded in connection with her coronation, and which would by all appearance have prevented her from hearing you apart and in confidence. You will proceed from that point to conduct your negotiation in exact accordance with our letters referred to. You will then tell her simply and clearly what has passed between you and Paget, so that in case she did not feel the necessary confidence in him, we may, according to the letters referred to, devise some better means; you would consult her as to the best way of correcting the fault that might have been committed in going too far with him, if such were her good pleasure and she found that there had been a fault. If her opinion of him is such that she approves of using him to counterbalance the Bishop of Winchester's designs in favour of Courtenay, you will adopt the tone with Paget that the Queen shall approve of. You will take care to rid him of the idea he might possibly conceive that you are not dealing in good faith with him, as you flatly denied having any commission from us to treat with the Queen concerning her marriage. You will excuse yourself by saying that you could make no open statement without first learning the Queen's good pleasure, or in any other way which suggests itself to you as most appropriate, according to the trend of conversation. Keep in view your aim to remove all reasons for diffidence in him, so that he may not feel discouraged from lending his goodwill to the proper initiation of our designs.
You will inform the Queen that we have followed Paget's advice in addressing to her the letter which accompanies this one to you, as well as the others that will follow for the lords and councillors he named to you. We are sending a few more with the names left in blank, which you may fill in for the Lord Warden or any other whom it might seem suitable to the Queen that we should also approach in order to facilitate the business, if she really were inclined to accept the match with our son. You will tell her that these proposals are being made to her in confidence, as her desires in the matter are unknown to us. We have sent you the letters mentioned above with special orders to inform her of the steps it was proposed to take, to conduct yourself according to her good pleasure in the attainment of her own desires, whatever they may be, and to do what she considers likely to further her interests, for that is our chief object, and a duty we confess to be laid upon us by her own trustfulness. We have couched the letter to the Queen which accompanies this one in general terms, so that you may take your stand on the credence asked for in the last paragraph, and say in the presence of her Council, if circumstances demand it, whatever you and she may agree upon as being most suitable. It will be impossible for us to devise means and conditions to be proposed on our behalf until we hear from you what answer the Queen makes, and what information you may gather concerning the negotiation in this stage, after the first steps have been taken. But it is very important that you use the greatest diligence in sending us news of the progress of the affair, and that you continue to do so often, because as you well know it is essential to the conduct of so important a negotiation that every event be known immediately. We are sending two couriers so that you may be able better to fulfil our injunctions, and when you despatch these, more shall be sent.
Brussels, 10 October, 1553.
French. Signed, Charles; countersigned, Bave. Printed by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol. IV. The original minute is in Vienna (Imp. Arch. E. 21).
Oct. 10. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 21. The Emperor to several members of the Privy Council.
We have instructed our ambassador to make certain proposals to the Queen of England, our good sister and cousin, which we judge to be in the interest of the kingdom's repose and good government. And as we are aware of the credit you enjoy with her, and also believe you to have some friendship and affection for ourself, we have ordered him to inform you of his charge, praying you to believe what he shall say as if it were ourself, and to know that you shall always find in us a friend and that we appreciate the service you render the Queen and her kingdom (fn. 8) as much as if it were done to ourself, for we have as much regard for her affairs as for our own.
Brussels, 10 October, 1553.
This letter to be addressed to:
The Right Reverend Father in God, our dear and well-beloved Bishop of Winchester, Chancellor of England.
The Reverend Father in God, our dear and well-beloved Bishop of Durham, Councillor of State to the Queen of England.
My Cousin the Earl of Arundel, Knight of the Order and Lord Great Master of the Household to the Queen of England.
My Cousin the Earl of Shrewsbury, Councillor of State to the Queen of England.
Our dear and well-beloved Mr. Robert Rochester, Knight, Controller and Councillor of State to the Queen of England.
Our dear and well-beloved Lord Paget of Beaudesert, Knight of the Order and Councillor of State of the Queen of England.
Our dear and well-beloved Mr. William Petre, Knight, First Secretary to the Queen of England.
And six more with names left in blank: two to begin “My Cousin,” two “Dear and well-beloved,” and two “Right Reverend Father in God.”
Minute. French. Printed by Weiss from a copy at Besançon, (C.G. 73,) in Documents Inédits, Vol. IV.
Oct. 10. Besançon, C.G. 73. The Emperor to Lord Paget.
We have heard of the private and confidential talk that has passed between you and our ambassador touching the Queen of England, our good sister and cousin, and have been very happy to learn how devoted you are to her, to the kingdom of England and to ourself. We have instructed our ambassador to speak to you on our behalf, and we pray you to give him credence and know that we will show recognition of your goodwill and devotion as occasion shall offer.
Brussels, 10 October, 1553.
French. Signed, Charles; countersigned, Bave. Printed by Weiss in Documents Inédits, Vol. IV. The original minute is in Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 21.


  • 1. The post of Lieutenant of the bailliage of the Amont.
  • 2.
  • 3. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who followed the French army in September, 1553, and had his horse killed under him at Valenciennes. Henry II gave him, at that time, the bishopric of Cahors, vacant by the death of Paolo de Carretto, worth 18,000 livres a year.
  • 4. I have failed to identify the conservateur de Naples.
  • 5. Fernando di San Severino, Duke of Salerno, a celebrated Neapolitan refugee and conspirator.
  • 6. Ambassador in France.
  • 7. The letter referred to is dated the 8th.
  • 8. Marginal note: Add to Winchester's letter at this point: and the distinguished place your great qualities have won for you there, as we realise who have long known you to be favourably disposed towards us.