Spain: September 1530, 1-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

Citation:

'Spain: September 1530, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530, (London, 1879) pp. 702-718. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp702-718 [accessed 14 May 2024].

September 1530, 1-15



—Sept.	419. The Divorce.
S. E. Prat. c. Eng. L. 4,120. B. M. Add. 28,581,	Memorandum of letters to be written to different persons respecting the marriage of the queen of England.
f. 199.	The points to be written to Miçer Mai are as follows: 1. That in the original agreement made by the king of England [Henry VII.] with the Catholic King (Ferdinand) about the marriage of Henry with the queen Doña Catalina (Katharine) are two or three passages declaring that the marriage with Arthur was consummated, although in the dispensation brief this is not affirmed, unless it be understood "per verbum forsan." It must, therefore, be considered whether it will be beneficial for the cause to exhibit an attested copy of the said instrument that it may be got ready.
	A transcript of the brief of pope Julius [II.] to the king of England on his dispensation for the second marriage shall be sent by the first courier.
	The documents which it is important to procure and send to Rome, in the Queen's behalf, are as follows: 1. The agreement for the second marriage confirmed by the Catholic sovereigns [of Spain], 24th September 1503, enacted before notary Almazan at Saragossa. 2. A treaty of peace between the Catholic sovereigns [Ferdinand and Isabella] and Henry VII., as well as the contract for the Queen's first marriage, anno LXXXIX., with a set of instructions to the ambassador besides.
	The documents to be presented by virtue of the compulsory letters (compulsoriales) are these: 1. The second treaty between the Catholic sovereigns and the king of England, Henry VII., upon the marriage of his son Henry VIII.
	2. The power given by the Catholic sovereigns to Hernan Duque [de Estrada] to demand the 100,000 crs. dowry from the King, and to request him to let Doña Catalina come back to Spain with her household servants, &c.
	3. To search [in the Archives and elsewhere] for letters of the ambassador, saying how the King would not allow her to go, nor restore her property, and also for letters of Henry VII. on that very subject.
	4. A paper signed and sealed by Henry VIII. acknowledging the receipt of 500,000 crs. for the dower of the second marriage.
	5. A bond of certain Genoese bankers engaging to pay to Henry VIII. 45,000 crs. as part and portion of the said dower.
	6. A copy of another receipt of 100,000 crs. at the time of the first marriage; signed by a notary.
	7. An account of the expenditure of the 200,000 crs. on the first marriage. It is unsigned, and, therefore, it will be necessary, in order to ascertain in whose handwriting it is, that it be shewn to the notaries and their clerks.
	8. A letter of the Catholic king in the possession of the said Doctor [La Puebla] ought also to be presented, because he says in it that he will make war better than on the Turk; it is a copy. (fn. n1)
	9. The letter of Henry VIII. [after his marriage] stating that he was well satisfied, and describing his coronation, anno 1509.
	10. Two letters of Henry VII. asking for a respite of the terms of payment of the dower, and saying that he has forborne to accept some other proposals of marriage more advantageous in point of money, for the sake of preserving, &c.
	11. Also the letter written by the king of England to pope Alexander upon the dispensation for the second marriage, dated 28th November 1504.
	12. A letter which Dr. Beltran has in his possession, signed by the Catholic king [Ferdinand], which the archbishop of Toledo gave him. (fn. n2)
	Spanish. Original copy. pp. 4.
4 Sept.	420. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S.E.L.850, ff. 88-9. B.M, Add. 28,581, f. 76.	Wrote last on the 30th by a courier whom the Pope dispatched with "los actos para su causa y compromisal." I then mentioned how, according to letters from France of the 19th inst., the duke of Albany was coming here to Rome, and that I thought he came for the purpose of settling with the Pope about the property of his niece (Catherina), which the Duke holds, or perhaps to marry his own son to her, as he has tried to do at other times. Since then I have ascertained two facts, one is that he (Albany) has charge of negotiating the said marriage for the duke of Orleans, not for his own son for so Albany himself has confessed in France, with great secrecy.
	The other is that the English ambassadors, now here believing him to be no friend of their king, have complained much of his coming to Rome, at a time, too, when some harm might be done to their cause. That is the reason why cardinal de Tarbes has written home, and why the Pope believes that he will not ultimately start on his mission. I am of a contrary opinion; I think the Duke will come, and that the king of France will also be glad to have him here ready for what may come out of this [general] council, and that the Pope will also be pleased to see him (cipher:) and make us jealous of this contemplated marriage, because, although he is good and friendly towards Your Majesty, yet I see that he delights in these counterpoises (contrapesos), and it is almost impossible to detach him entirely either from France or England.
	(Common writing:) The duke of Milan, they say, has left Cremona for Pavia; he is to go from thence on a pilgrimage [to Loreto], and lastly to Venice.
	(Cipher:) I cannot help thinking it very strange that the duke Francesco should thus abandon his estate, and go to Venice at the present time, for certainly his health is anything but fit to encounter the fatigues of the road. I fancy that he goes thither for the purpose of selling or mortgaging some lands, by which means he may pay the remainder of what he owes Your Majesty, and li berate the castles of Milan and Como. I have written to the ambassador at Venice (Niño) to be on the look-out, and inform Your Majesty of whatever he may learn on that particular, and I fancy that he will have time enough for that purpose as the Venetians are not over quick in disbursing money at any time.
	I am also told that the Duke [of Albany] is pressing this marriage of the Pope's niece, and yet I have information from another quarter to the effect that he is trying for another one in Germany, and that the French King's councillors are divided in opinion on this point. I recollect that when I first came to Rome I had charge of speaking to His Holiness about a marriage of his niece either with Don Jorge de Austria, (fn. n3) or with his brother, Don Leopoldo, at the same time that I brought forward that of the most illustrious Duchess [of Camerino]; but as the Pope told me to speak only about the latter, and that the former could very well wait, I made no more observations. I wish for instructions on this particular, because the Pope readily owns that the duke of Orleans' proposal is only a hoax and a device to keep him in suspense.
	(Common writing:) Wrote to Your Majesty that Juan Perez de Nueros and another Spaniard had been assassinated near Velletri. Every possible inquiry has since been made by the Pope's commissary, and a "barachelo" sent to the spot; the result of which seems to be that some of the robbers, who now infest that district, must have committed the murder. Not satisfied with this, I have requested His Holiness to send down the governor [of Rome] to make further inquiries. At Naples it is suspected that the deed was committed by Neapolitans owing to Perez being the bearer of despatches concerning that kingdom; but as no proof is given, I am inclined to believe that the former suspicion is the more likely to be true. The Pope is very much hurt at cardinal Colonna having said in public that Perez was assassinated at his instigation merely because he was known to be bringing from Germany his brevet of viceroy of Naples, a thing which is very much against the Pope's interests. I have done my best to persuade the Pope that the report is utterly false, but he tells me that he knows it on good authority.
	(Cipher:) The people of Bracciano are still making forays into the Campagna. I speak about it incessantly to the Pope, who always says yes to any proposition of mine respecting the abbot of Farfa, but takes no decision whatever. He is a most timid and irresolute man, who wishes evidently to be on good terms with both parties. The Abbot, who as may be gathered from other facts, is under the protection of the French ambassador, attempted some time ago to go to Mantua, but the Duke said that he could not possibly receive him being, as he is, in disgrace both with Your Majesty and with the Pope.
	(Cipher:) Cardinal Colonna, in answer to a letter of mine concerning the marriage of his niece [Claudia], writes to say that he cares not to whom she is married. On the other hand, I hear that her marriage [to the Abbot] has already taken place, and although Julio Colonna denies it, the Abbot confirmed the fact when he last sent his powers to treat about the surrender of Bracciano. I am trying to ascertain the truth of the case.
	The Marquis [del Vasto] left Rome the other day with the intention, as he said, of preparing for the Hungarian expedition, though in my opinion not with such alacrity as might be desired. He passed first by Genençano, the residence of Ascanio Colonna, whom he visited; was there struck down by fever. I am told that he is going to Iscla (Ischia) next. What his further intentions may be I cannot say, for ever since the appointment of the duke of Mantua to the command of the forces he has been rather enigmatical; perhaps as he is young he wishes to make himself of request (rogado).
	On the 29th ult^o, as I am informed, there was a great affray between the Italians and Spaniards at the camp close to Florence. The Germans helped the latter, and many were slain on both sides. It was a miracle that Florence did not rise, but the city is now so completely at the Emperor's feet that there is no great fear of that. (Cipher:) The only drawback now is Malatesta [Baglione], whom we should wish to see further off, or else associated with some one who would act as a corrective and prevent his doing mischief, Muxetula has been sent thither for that purpose, but we have no news of him. A report of his (Baglione's) doings at Florence is anxiously expected, inasmuch as the king of France has lately charged the bishop of Tarbes and count Pontremoli to do their utmost in favour of the Florentines in the capitulation now being drawn up, which shews that they want to ensure their friendship for the future.
	The duke Alessandro will leave in four or five days [for Germany], and present for the Emperor's approval his project of constitution for Florence.
	The secretary of the duke of Ferrara and his overtures.
	Bishop of Burgos, cardinal Colonna and Naples.—Fabricio Marramaldo left his men at Lucca, and came here. Whilst the Pope was attending to the settlement of his claims, he went to Naples and fell dangerously ill there, so much so that he was on the point of death. He has since recovered, and is now in full convalescence.
	Siena is in danger of some new revolution.
	(Cipher:) The Pope said to me the other day that wishing to know on what terms the Venetians were with France, he made some inquiries, and has found that they are not very friendly together just now. The Doge, Andrea Gritti, had been heard to say: "That the French were generally bad friends; they only cared about themselves."
	When at Mantua Your Majesty gave the vicary of Naples to a nephew of cardinal Osma, Hernando de Loaysa by name. The prince of Orange, then viceroy of that kingdom, confirmed the appointment, and issued the letters patent (executomales). Cardinal Colonna did the same after him; yet it would appear that some doubts have been raised as to his official appointment. (fn. n4)
	Andrea Doria on the 21st ult^o was returning to Genoa, and Don Alvaro de Bazan prosecuting his voyage to reconnoitre the forts on the coast [of Barbary]. At Barcelona they expected the bishop of Siguenza [D. Alvaro de Portugal].—Borne, 4th September 1530.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original, pp. 14,
4 Sept.	421. Eustace Chapuys to Madame Margaret [of the Low Countries].
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-Staats Arch .Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 226, No. 37.	Informed Madame in his letters of the 20th ult^o of the arrival of the bishop of Bayonne (Jean du Bellay), who, accompanied by Jehan Jocquin, remained at Court from the 21st until yesterday, when they returned to London together about two in the afternoon. As soon as they had dined, they remounted their horses, and came to see me one league out of London, at a place to which I had retired, in consequence of the plague having broken out at my lodgings in town, and carried off my chaplain (prestre). On this occasion the Seigneur de Bayonne spoke very highly of the virtues and goodness of the queen of France (Eleanor), and of the pleasure which the King and the country at large felt in her, and then went on to say that the reason of his coming here was that the King, his master, after the great help and assistance which the King [of England] had rendered him in the recovery of his children and settlement of peace, wished to inform him fully and especially of the accomplishment of the said peace, and also to accept his acknowledgments and thanks for the rejoicings which the King had set on foot in London on the arrival of the news, and that he, the bishop of Bayonne, had been chosen for this office on account of his having come here before in more troubled times to treat of the same peace.
	I could not gain any further information from the Bishop, but I have since heard from some of the Queen's own people that he had persuaded this king to accomplish the marriage, and said that his master would engage to obtain afterwards from, the Pope all the provisions needful for such a step. It is added that some of the king of England's councillors would not trust to the ambassadors' words, but thought it wiser to be first put in possession of the said provisions. I think this very improbable, and yet the information coming from the quarter it does, I could not omit to let Madame know thereof. Will write again as soon as I can hear more about it.
	Three or four days ago the King issued an order that no foreigner should embark at Dover, or any of the adjacent ports, without a passport, which measure has caused general surprise. Some say the order is to prevent the escape of some merchants who are debtors to the King, or of some foreigners who have plundered (desrobbé) churches here; but I do not think either of these an adequate reason for the measure. Spoke of this to the French ambassadors, who denied all knowledge of it; thought, nevertheless, that they looked conscious, and indeed the order could hardly have been given without good cause.
	Will inquire most diligently, and inform Madame of all that I can learn.
	The Queen had lately a good deal of fever for two or three days, but by the help of bleeding and purgatives it soon passed away, and she is now quite well.
	There is no news abroad, which makes everyone more surprised at the closing of the ports as above.—London, 4th September 1530.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph, pp. 2.
5 Sept.	422. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-Staats Arch. Wien.Rep. P.Fasc., c. 226, No. 38.	In my letters of the 20th ult^o I advised Your Majesty of the arrival by post three days before of the bishop of Bayonne (Jean du Bellay), and that he was to go to Court on the following day, which he did, accompanied by Jehan Jocquin. Both remained there until yesterday, when they returned to town at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and when they had dined came to see me about a mile (fn. n5) out of town, whither I have come in consequence of the plague now prevalent in London, and of which my chaplain (prestre) has died. The said Bishop descanted at large on the virtues, goodness, and generosity of the queen of France, Your Majesty's sister, and of the inestimable love and affection which the King, his master, Madame the Regent, and the whole country bore her, which indeed (he said) she fully deserved. He also expressed his delight, and congratulated me on the news sent by Mr. de Morette, namely, that never on any previous occasion had you shewn the same pleasure as on hearing of the conclusion of this last treaty, and of the welcome reception made to the Queen (Eleanor). Then, after speaking on sundry other matters, the Bishop, without waiting for me to ask the question, began explaining the reason of his coming here at this present juncture, which was to bring to the King full and minute account of the successful way in which the treaty of peace [of Cambray] had been carried out. Such a grateful acknowledgment they (the French) considered was due to the King after the great pains he had taken to bring about the said peace, and the good feeling he had shewn towards the King, their master, in appointing public festivities in London to celebrate the restitution of his children. The Bishop added that the King [of England] had been exceedingly pleased to hear all these details, and more particularly of the said restitution. Could not get any further information from him, as night was approaching. If he does not leave to-day I will see him again, and try to learn more. Cannot tell whether the Bishop is satisfied or not with his reception here, as he said very little about it to me.
	I have been told by those who are about the Queen that the said ambassadors were very coldly received, and that at first some very sharp words passed between the King and them, though matters were afterwards set right. The ambassadors had made proposals to which the Council could not possibly assent, and had besides tried to persuade this king to accomplish his marriage at once, saying that their master engaged to obtain afterwards from the Pope the dispensations, licences, and other necessary provisions; but it appears that all the members of the Council, excepting the uncle and father of the Lady, rejected this advice, saying that this was no case which could be based on promises or engagements, and that before taking so important a step they must first be in possession of the said dispensations, licences, and all needful provisions. Some go as far as to say that the Duke [of Norfolk was one of those who most violently opposed the measure] (fn. n6)
	It is difficult to believe these things in view of the turn which affairs have taken in France, but I hope soon to obtain information which may throw more light upon the French negociations and their import.
	Four or five days ago an order was issued by the King's command for closing the port of Dover, and the two others nearest to it. No one is allowed to leave the kingdom excepting merchants from Calais, or who have some business there: an unprecedented measure since the time when these people wanted to get hold of the duke of Boquingnicy (Buckingham), and the more strange because just now there is no rumour of either war or revolt in the kingdom. Some say this is being done lest the Cardinal (Wolsey) should attempt to escape, or lest certain merchants who are in the King's debt, and thieves who have lately been plundering churches here should try to leave the country; but there is not much shew of probability in any of these conjectures. Others again say that there are some Englishmen, who under cover of forged letters of marque, are committing great depredations in the Dover channel, and that the Government wants to seize them, imagining that if the ports are closed, and no previous notice issued to put the said pirates on their guard, they will enter Dover, or the said ports and then be easily captured.
	One more report is that the bishop of Bayonne himself has asked for this order, that no one may leave the kingdom before him for certain considerations. I questioned Jehan Jocquin about this, but he declared that he had heard nothing whatever of such an order. I have since learnt that one of the Bishop's own suite, who was going to Boulongnie (Boulogne-sur-Mer) to bring over a vessel to convey his mother home, had not been allowed to quit. I will take every possible means to fathom this mysterious affair, and report at once to Your Majesty and to Madame that the necessary measures may be promptly taken. The Venetian ambassador is the greatest sufferer by the said measure; he had sent off a courier in the greatest possible haste with a promise of 30 crs. (fn. n7) for each day that he could save on his journey to Venice; but in spite of all this urgency he has been obliged to return from Dover. The said ambassador received, about eight days ago, letters from Venice and went immediately to Court. The French ambassadors being there at the time, I fancied that he would have been kept waiting some time, but not at all, he just went in, saw the King, and came back immediately. Perhaps he went thither to offer the Signory's excuses to the King for not allowing his divorce case to be debated within their territory, and also to find out whether the King's anger at their doings would induce him to prevent their trading for wool (la traytte de layne), fearing which they have as yet delayed sending over their galleasses, as they are in the habit of doing, to this country. I have since heard that the King has granted them letters patent, authorizing them to dispatch their galleasses here without further delay and buy wool. I think this and no other must have been the cause of the said Venetian ambassador sending off his messenger in such haste.
	The Queen has been suffering from high fever constantly during the last two or three days, according to the report of her physician, but is now, thank God, in good health. Were her indisposition to return I should think that the arrival of the Papal Nuncio, who landed at Dover two days ago, would soon restore her. She is treated as usual, excepting that the Lady has forbidden the gentlemen who were in the habit of visiting her, and from whom she could learn something of what is going on, to wait upon her any more, and has placed some women (femmes) about her to spy and report anything she may say or do, so that she can hear but few news and those with great difficulty.
	The King is still hunting and coming nearer to London every day. This year he has attended more to business and less to sport than for a long time previously; indeed, ever since the closing of the ports which coincided with Brian's (Sir Francis) arrival from France bearing news that Florence was on the point of surrending, he has been continually engaged in council.—London, 5th September 1530.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph, pp. 4.
12 Sept.	423. Muxetula to the Empebor. (fn. n8)
S. E. L. 851, f.15. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 5v^o.	The Pope is willing to pay the two months' contribution. Hopes that he will continue to do so.
	Well done. In anticipation of a Turkish war, he (Muxetula) has prevailed on the Pope to be prepared with treasure. Two hundred thousand ducats are to be levied on the lands of the Church.
	He is right. Respecting the French marriage, His Holiness is determined not to grant his niece's hand to the duke of Orleans; he knows the French too well.
	It is altogether a hoax. After all the duke of Albany's plan, as he himself explained in the presence of the Pope, was one for the future defence of Italy as proposed by the French.
	Letters of the Pope intercepted by the duke of Ferrara.
	The Imperial army has no place to go to for winter quarters except Aste (Asti).
	Spanish. Original, p. 1.
13 Sept.	424. Gio. Ant. Muscetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849, f. 51. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 113.	By Mr. de Pelus (Peloux), who left this immediately after the raising of the siege, the Emperor was duly informed of all particulars. Yesterday, however, the city was in danger of being sacked, for Malatesta's men having met the Italians of this army, who had been dismissed from the service though not yet paid, agreed secretly to mutiny and sack the place. Was able to prevent it by getting their colonel to go out to them. Malatesta and his men evacuated the city and went to Perugia, and count Ludovico Lodrone entered Florence with his Germans.
	Touar has arrived with instructions. They shall be attended to. The Germans will be dismissed as well as the Spanish infantry with the exception of 5,000 men.—Florence, 13th September 1530.
	Signed: "Jo. Ant. Muxetula."
	Addressed: "Sacre Ces.. et Cath. M^ti."
	Spanish. Original, pp. 2½.
14 Sept.	425. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haue- Hof-u.-Staats Arch. Wen.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 226, No. 39.	Since my last despatch I have been pursuing my inquiries into the reason for closing the ports, of which I lately wrote to Your Majesty, but I cannot, either from conjecture or otherwise, discover any other cause for it than that the King having spoken very bitterly and harshly to the French ambassadors, the governors [of this country], and especially the Lady, whose chief reliance and trust is on France, fearing lest the said ambassadors should write word to their king, closed the ports until matters should be smoothed down again.
	Some say that the cause of the quarrel was the King's asking for the duke of Orleans to come over here, on the plea that he is to marry the Princess. Others say that the King, wishing to marry the Princess in this kingdom to the son of the duke of Norfolk, desirses to be released from his engagements towards the most Christian King respecting the duke of Orleans, so that he may not incur the penalty stipulated between them in case of one of the two parties withdrawing from the engagement; and that the French ambassadors have replied that seeing how things have changed since the marriage of the Princess to the said Duke was first spoken of, and considering the prospect of the new marriage contemplated by the King, it is absolutely necessary to decide at once either for the observance or the infringement of the said treaty, but wait until the said duke of Orleans be of competent age.
	One can easily imagine that the King would uncommonly like to have the said Duke [of Orleans] with him, both as security for the French debt, and also to obtain a release from the said engagement, if it does really exist; and that in view of the new marriage he contemplates and also to avoid future mischief, he (the King) would prefer marrying the Princess in a different quarter, which he could never do without the consent of the king of France, who has already good security in his hands in the shape of a large sum of money which he owes him, and which he could retain with far greater reason than this king could demand of Your Majesty the 400,000 crs. for not having married the said Princess. And so by means of this debt the French have such a hold upon the King that he can hardly venture to act in this or other things without their acquiescence. He (the King) once told me of a plan he had to free himself from this bondage, as I have informed Your Majesty in one of my despatches, but he does not seem able to find his way to it now.
	The Papal Nuncio (fn. n9) arrived in London at noon on the day of the Nativity of Our Lady. There was no one to receive him in the King's name either on the road or here. I sent immediately on his arrival to inquire after him, and he sent word back that he was directed to communicate with me on the business for which he had come, but that as he could not well do that without arousing suspicion or giving offence, he would not call on me until he had been to the King; he would, however, send me on the morrow his most confidential attendant to confer with, which he did, so that both through him and through one of my own people the Nuncio has by this time been fully informed of everything relating to the Queen's case, to whom, as far as I can see, he seems much devoted. On Sunday the Nuncio went to Court, whither he was to have been conducted (as I reported) by the Chancellor, but the latter could not attend owing to a death which had taken place in his house from the plague, and thus the Nuncio had no other companion than an Italian, who is Latin secretary to the King. The Seigneur de Kochefort received him two miles from Court, and the King was also very gracious to him. They had a long conference together on Sunday, and, besides, the King has kept him two or three days at Court. After the Nuncio's return from thence I hope to be able to advise Your Majesty of what passed at the conferences. I heard from Court, before the arrival of the Nuncio, that the King had, at the request of his Council, determined to agree to his case being decided at Rome. I shall hear more about it from the Nuncio. It is also said that Parliament is to be prorogued till the 20th of October, but I do not know whether on account of the plague or because affairs are cooling down a little.—London, 14th September 1530.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph, pp. 3.
14 Sept.	426. Martin De Salinas to the High Commander of Leon.
M. Re.Ac. d.Hist., c. 71, f. 244.	After a somewhat fatiguing journey I arrived at my destination. On the 9th inst. I was at Monesterio de Rodilla, where I was overtaken by two gentlemen of the Imperial household, who, however, did not bring despatches either from His Majesty or from Your Lordship, as agreed between us before my departure. Consequently I decided to make all possible haste in my journey, and took post to this town (Madrid), where I arrived on Monday last soon after sunset. The town being strictly guarded, on account of the plague, no travellers are admitted, especially if they come from Burgos, where, as Your Lordship must know, people are dying in numbers. To judge from what happened to me at the gates, the people of this town must have guards posted on the road [to France], whose duty it is to take all those they meet coming from Germany, dressed and booted as they may happen to be, to Her Imperial Majesty's presence, without stopping at any other place. This they did with me, for wet and covered with mud as I was, and without giving me time to wash and dress, they took me to the Empress, who was up and reclining on a couch. After kissing her hands, I informed her that "her husband, the Emperor, was in excellent health at the time of my departure. Since then (I said) two gentlemen, whom my master, the King [of Hungary], had dispatched on the 29th of August, had brought news that he (the Emperor) was doing well. The cause of my coming [to Spain] I would next day relate to Her Imperial Majesty, when I had no doubt she would be much gratified and rejoiced." This I said because the Empress needs cheering in every possible way to support her during her husband's absence.
	As all the members of the Privy Council, with the one exception of the count of Miranda [D. Francisco de Zuñiga], were then in the Palace, I went to pay my respects to them, though the hour being late, I declined to say anything about my mission, notwithstanding the importunities of those who had relatives or friends in Italy or Germany. I therefore put them off till the next day, pleading as an excuse that I was exceedingly tired, and wanted time to select among my papers those that had reference to my charge. I waited next morning upon secretary Juan Vazquez, and after explaining the object of my mission, begged he would obtain an audience from the Empress, which he did for the same day at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. We both then went to the Palace, and were received by the Empress reclining on her couch as on the first day. I addressed her and said that I had come to Spain expressly all the way [from Insbruck] to inform her of the Em- peror' sentiments towards her. The campaign against the Turk being over the Emperor's presence was no longer required in Germany; he was only detained there by his wish to crown his brother as king of the Romans. The coronation would take place soon, at one of the towns in Flanders, in order to save time, and that the Emperor might then and there embark for Spain. He ardently wished to return home as soon as possible. Most likely, if nothing occurred to disarrange his plans, he would be back in April next. To ensure her husband's speedy return certain provisions and appointments were requisite, which I would immediately submit to her Privy Council, hoping that they would be executed without delay, &c. The Empress listened with great attention to my address, and seemed greatly comforted at what I said. She is not in good health just now owing to her husband's long absence, to the death of the Infante whom she has just lost, and to the delicate state of the Prince [Philip], her eldest son, all of which accounts for the state of dejection and lowness of spirits in which she seems to be. I beg Your Lordship to report all this to His Imperial Majesty.
	To this address of mine the Empress made a most gracious answer assuring me that her husband's commands and wishes should be punctually complied with. After which she herself introduced me to her Privy Council then sitting in an adjoining hall. After explaining to them the objects of my mission, I retired for some time to a closet; the Empress joined them, and the papers being read, I was again called to the hall, when the president of the Council [Tavera] informed me that the Emperor's orders should be attended to without delay. The Empress herself confirmed the statement, adding that nothing was so anxiously desired by herself and the whole of the Spanish nation as the Emperor's speedy return to his kingdom, and, therefore, that any order or appointment prescribed would be immediately complied with. After again begging Her Majesty and the Privy Councillors to consider the hest means of carrying the Emperor's wishes into execution with the greatest possible secrecy and speed, I took leave of her and retired to my apartments.
	I was not so lucky with the personages designated to me as having received orders to repair to Germany; for Don Antonio de Mendoça is unwilling to go, and tells me that he has already written to Your Lordship stating his reasons for not accepting the charge. I related to him what Your Lordship told me about him; but as I could not shew him any proofs, he was incredulous and paid no attention to my words. Pero Gonzalez de Mendoza says that the cause of his not having yet departed [for Germany], is that his wife is very delicate, and that he cannot travel at present. I have not delivered him his commission because the Empress and Privy Council were of opinion that I ought to wait until the messengers whom the king of Hungary announced on the 29th had arrived, as an arrangement might then be made with certain bankers for the payment in Germany of the 100,000 ducats with an annual interest of 8%, and that until it was known whether the proposition could be accepted, it was more prudent not to send him (Pero Gonçalez) and the rest to Germany. Don Pedro de Cordoba is not at Court now, the Empress has sent for him, and it is to be hoped he will be here on the arrival of the messengers. If so, I doubt not he will accept the commission.
	In consequence of the rumours here current among the courtiers respecting my mission, most of them thinking that I have come to receive the 50,000 ducats and for no other purpose, it has been agreed that the Empress and her Privy Councillors will give out that my object is only to visit Her Highness, and acquaint her with the state of affairs in Germany.
	As my stay at Court must necessarily be short, and I must go to Medina [del Campo], the town of Castille, where more bankers reside, I have decided to start as soon as possible for that city; but lest I should raise suspicion by staying too long there, I have made arrangements for leaving the whole affair in the hands of Ochoa de Landa, the treasurer, who, without being suspected, may reside as long as he pleases at Medina, and secretly negociate an affair of this sort, after consulting with Alvaro de Lugo, to whom I have also given my instructions. I may then stay at Tordesillas as a man who has business there, for as much fear prevails here, in Spain, as you have there, in Germany, of this matter being made public, and all wish it to be kept a secret. As far as I am concerned nothing shall be left undone to promote this affair with the 'greatest caution and secrecy, and the same may be said of these councillors, who are ready to execute the Emperor's commands.
	I beg Your Lordship to read to His Imperial Majesty those paragraphs of my letter which may be considered worthy of his inspection.
	As I have not yet seen the town itself, much less the Court, I can send no news from hence. All the kingdom, however, is perfectly quiet. Such is throughout the whole country the wish for His Imperial Majesty's presence that whoever will bring news of his speedy arrival will be most welcome, though the people perhaps will make him no better reception than by importuning him with questions as to how and when the Emperor's return is to take place, for both at Court and on the roads the only topic of conversation is inquiring where His Imperial Majesty is now residing, whether Luther has the command of an army, and whether the Turk has invaded Hungary, with other similar questions with which they ply all of us as men who have seen the world and are versed in the matters which they inquire about.—Madrid, 14th September 1530.
	Addressed: "To the High Commander of Leon."
	Spanish. Original draft, pp. 3.
14 Sept.	427. The Same to the King.
Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 71,f. 245.	Arrived on the frontiers of Spain on the 4th inst. Had still one-fourth of his journey to perform before reaching this town of Madrid, where Her Majesty is actually holding her Court. A touch of his old complaint prevented his travelling as fast as he wished. Had he, however, made more haste he would have been obliged to wait for Mercado and for the bastard of Horraix (Roeulx) who overtook him five leagues on the other side of Burgos, and brought him despatches.
	[Gives an account of his journey and the audience he had from the Empress, and then adds],—
	The question of the money being discussed in Council, he (Salinas) was assured that every measure should be taken to ensure payment, but that the thing was not so easy as it appeared at first. Money was scarce in Castille, and the rate of interest very high. Other means were proposed of raising the money in various commercial or maritime towns, but none being considered sufficiently advantageous, it was decided that the best plan was to treat with bankers. His (Salinas') reply was that everything had already been tried hy His Highness [the king of Hungary] and also by the High Commander of Leon (Covos); but that the interest demanded was so high that they had decided to try Medina del Campo. His Highness, in consequence, had procured bills on bankers of that town for 50,000 ducats, and was trying now to obtain other bills for the remainder, as appeared from his letter which he (Salinas) exhibited to the Empress and councillors. In case of the gentlemen appointed being ready to depart, his (Salinas') instructions were to have their journey suspended until it should be ascertained whether His Highness in the meantime had made any arrangement with the bankers. Should such be the case, he (Salinas) was to be immediately informed by His Highness' treasurer, Francisco de Salamanca.
	When he (Salinas) came here [to Madrid] he found that Don Enrrique de Rojas was about to take his departure that very night. Her Majesty accordingly suspended his journey till she heard what Salinas' mission was. The greater part of the day was taken up with giving an account of it. His Highness' orders to suspend the departure of the gentlemen until the arrival of Francisco de Salamanca were then exhibited as well as the Emperor's wish that all discussion on the subject should be postponed, and the greatest secrecy observed, notwithstanding that two of them, namely, Pedro Gonçalez de Mendoça and Don Antonio de Mendoça had given him certain reasons for not departing immediately, &c.
	Although Mercado and the bastard of Orrus (de Roeulx) had in reality no mission of their own, he (Salinas) bade them go to Medina del Campo to prevent any gossip during their stay at Court. He (Salinas) will wait here for the arrival of Francisco de Salamanca; when he comes the necessary despatches shall be made out for him and the others engaged in the affair, and he will speak to these gentlemen when the right time has come, and see whether among them and the councillors any other means can be devised.—Madrid, 14th September 1530.
	Addressed: "To the King, my Lord."
	Spanish. Original draft, pp. 2½.
15 Sept.	428. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 850, ff. 98-9. B.M. Add. 28,581, f. 120.	Wrote on the 11th by a courier coming from Naples, that cardinal Ancona had arrived in Rome. Visited him next day, and found him and his nephew, the cardinal of Ravenna, very willing to serve His Majesty. Spoke to him about the Romaricomonte case, which is to be tried next Saturday. To-morrow will see him again about the English business.
	(Cipher:) The Bracciano affair is settled, more to the pleasure and satisfaction of cardinal Tarbes than to the honour of the Pope or of the Apostolic See, because after all the Abbot obtains his pardon, and the "rocca" is sequestrated and placed in the hands of chevalier Casale, until it be decided between the brothers (Casale) to whom the "rocca" and the rest of the estate belongs.
	Since the quarrel between the Spaniards and Italians before Florence, there has been no security for the former on the roads or in the inns, and even here at Rome the insolence of Giovan Paolo Cherri (da Ceri) has made matters much worse. Luckily for us that "condottiero" will be sent out of Rome to-morrow, and Mr. de Tarbes himself is to return to France in five or six days.
	Gonzaga with his Spaniards and the rest of his force is at Figlino, but in such poor condition as to money and provisions that I have been told his men have lived for six days on grapes and figs, threatening to mutiny and even to march on Rome.
	The English molest the Pope continually, asking him to declare beforehand what sentence he intends giving in case of their coming, as they say, to plead at Rome, and although they have been frequently undeceived as to this, they still insist, as if it were a right and due (tan improbamente como si fuesse deuda deuida de juro). Meanwhile they keep saying that Rome is not a safe place for them to plead in, owing to its being so close to Naples. They also ask for prorogation of the terms, and the Pope has been informed thereof. Believes upon the whole that the King will ultimately come to judgment [by proxy], firstly, because he cannot legally avoid it; and secondly, because Decio, the counsel, has given him hopes by saying that, though the Pope has power to dispense, the cause of the dispensation was not a legitimate one.
	Mentioned some of this in his despatch of the llth. When Muscetula left for the camp he saw Decio at Siena, and they debated the case together. That lawyer ended by owning that if we could only prove our assertion, that the Queen's first marriage had not been consummated, reason was on our side. This is the only fear he (Mai) has, for otherwise right is decidedly in favour of the Queen. As to the fact itself, and the proofs thereof, fancies that none will come from England, and that if any are sent from Spain they will come too late, for he recollects having applied for the papers at Monçon the year before when Your Majesty wished him to go to England, and up to this day not one has been received.
	The duke Alessandro [de' Medici] left three days ago for the court of Your Majesty, some say to offer his services, others to prosecute the Florentine affair.
	Conferences with the Sienese envoy Mario Bandini.
	Was secretly informed yesterday of a marriage about to take place between the widow of Vespasiano Colonna and Giovan Paolo da Ceri; does not believe the report.
	Antonio de Leyva is much better after his baths and wormwood (polo de Indias).
	Capino, the gentleman-in-waiting to the duke of Mantua, the very same man who years ago went to France to take the relaxation of the King's oath, and the draft of the treaty which the confederates emphatically called "the Holy League," arrived here the day before yesterday. Having certain suspicions, he (Mai) inquired from a friend of his, a captain, what could have brought him to Rome, and he said he had come for the purpose of offering his master's excuses for not having taken sooner the command of the Imperial army. Met him afterwards and he made the same statement. Now as this formality had already been complied with, his (Mai's) suspicions naturally increased, and he, therefore, went to the Pope and asked him. His Holiness said that Capino had come for the purpose of representing that his marriage with the sister of the duke Don Hernando was invalid, owing to the dispensation being invalid, as the Pope could not dispense his first marriage with the marchioness of Monferrato, and though the sentence against that marriage had been given at his request, he pretends that it was not right. This, it is said, was the real cause of Malatesta's imprisonment.—Rome, 15th September 1530.
	P.S.—Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] sends word that he has seen a letter from one of the councillors of the duke of Ferrara, advising that his master has succeeded in having the term at which he has to pay his debt to Venice prorogued for three more months.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Spanish. Original, pp. 4.