Spain: January 1534, 1-20

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: January 1534, 1-20', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1886), British History Online [accessed 13 July 2024].

'Spain: January 1534, 1-20', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1886), British History Online, accessed July 13, 2024,

"Spain: January 1534, 1-20". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1886), , British History Online. Web. 13 July 2024.

January 1534, 1-20

3 Jan. 1. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien., Rep. P.C.
Fasc. 229, No. 1.
The small tract (livret) published by this King's Privy Councillors, a copy of which I lately forwarded to Your Majesty, is nothing but a long preamble and introduction to other more important treatises now being printed, among which is the one entitled Defensorium pacis, once written in support of the emperor Louis of Bavaria against Apostolic authority; which book no one here formerly dared have in his possession or read, on pain of death by fire, whereas now it has been translated into English that all people may see and understand its contents. Another book is that bearing the title, as I am told, "Of the Royal and Sacerdotal Authority;" in which the author maintains that, putting aside all privilege of precedence and rank in the Church, the bishops are on equal footing with the rest of the priesthood, and that kings and princes are to exercise sovereignty over priests according to the ancient law, which is, after all, the point to which this King adheres most, and the object he has been for some time back aiming at, (fn. n1) as likewise to have the administration of the temporalities himself so as to spend the revenues of the Church just as he pleases, and according to the position and wants of the persons he chooses to favour. Which point, it is to be feared, this King will do his utmost to carry out, considering his hatred of the Clergy, his own covetousness, and the pressing requests of his mistress and of most of his privy councillors. With regard to the first article, and in order that he may the better establish his sovereignty over the clergy [of his dominions], a plan has been proposed, which is to give the archbishop of Canterbury the seals of the Chancery, that he may, under those seals, pass bulls, dispensations, and ecclesiastical provisions of any nature whatsoever. Had the Pope been as wary as these people have been in playing him this trick, there would have been no occasion for the disorderly acts that we are now witnessing. Your Majesty may consider and believe that since God has so abandoned these people as to allow them to commit such execrable misdeeds, and that He has, as it were, taken away their senses, it is to be feared that the Queen and Princess may suddenly be in danger of their lives, under the impression their persecutors have that, once dead, they themselves will be safe from all molestation on the part of Your Majesty. (fn. n2) Everyone here is of the same opinion, so much so, that, seeing no other remedy, I was seriously thinking of letting Cremuel (Cromwell), the duke of Norfolk, and some of the Privy Councillors, know through a third person, or by some other suitable means, that although Your Majesty might be pressed by your Spanish subjects to declare war against England, (of which, however, there is no question at present,) there could be no doubt that, as long as queen Katharine lived, Your Majesty would not adopt any such measures. That the Queen herself was continually sending me messages to request you in her name for God's sake not to make war on her account, for she would rather suffer death than be the cause of such misery. This much I intend telling them through the means above alluded to, as well as intimating my suspicions and fears of danger threatening the Queen and her daughter, the Princess. I have not yet carried my project into execution, for want of an opportunity, principally too that I may hear first the Queen's advice, pleasure, and will on so important a step.
The King's chief purpose in having the said tract written and published is that he may the better justify himself in the eyes of his people, and gain their favour; but, if so, he is very much mistaken, for, instead of conciliating them, he has stirred up even those among his subjects who were a little contaminated by Lutheranism. Cremuel gave one copy of the said tract to the Scottish ambassador here, who declared to him, after he had read it, that, had his master's councillors done as much, they would inevitably have been burnt alive, and for good cause. Three great personages from Scotland, two bishops and one count, are shortly expected here as ambassadors to treat for peace. And it is thought that they will bring a commission to ask for the hand of the Princess [Mary] for their King. However, if the Scots intend making that condition the foundation of the peace they wish to conclude, they will find themselves much mistaken, for that is a thing to which this King will never agree. The ambassador, who resides here, must have already heard something to this effect, for he says that even if she were a bastard daughter of this King, as they wish her to appear, she is so virtuous, and of such high descent, that Kings would make no further inquiries into the affair.
The bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) has not stayed here as long as was expected at first. He left [for France] the day after the Innocents. His business cannot have been very important; he has only had at parting, as I am told, half the present which the King at first thought of giving him; which, in my opinion, is a proof that either he brought not the good news the latter expected, or else has spoken too freely against the above-mentioned tract.
The Doctor (fn. n3) about whom I wrote last to Your Majesty has not yet departed on his mission. They say that he is to leave to-morrow for the continent; but I have been unable yet to learn anything about his errand; indeed, the only conjecture I can make about it is that expressed in my last despatch. I have, however, been told that this King is about to send another doctor into Germany for the purpose of creating disturbances there, promoting dissension and quarrels between the princes and cities who have adopted Lutheran doctrines and those who remain faithful to the Church, and giving Your Majesty and your allies so much to do in those parts that you will be unable at any time to come down on him;—which is the thing he fears most, (fn. n4) knowing very well that when that comes to pass he will no longer be absolute master of his subjects' lives and property, as he is at present. For this reason the King will never cease plotting against Tour Majesty.
I have lately heard a piece of intelligence, which, though it may seem improbable and without foundation, I cannot omit referring to, inasmuch as it comes from one of my informers, a man of worth and trust. It appears that this King is wishing to stir up against the Pope the Lutheran princes and cities of Germany, and make their armies go down into Italy. Hearing of this, the king of France, on the plea of defending the Pope and protecting the Church, would also send his army thither, and at the very first opportunity join his forces to those of the invaders, and attack that part of Italy where he could best play out his game. There is also a rumour afloat that this King has been secretly negotiating with the duke of Ferrara and other princes, who are by no means on good terms with the Pope. I do really believe that anything this King can do without much expenditure of money he will most certainly attempt, for he is not generally fond of spending his substance, and has now become more stingy than ever, though they say he will not be able, as it is, to pay the cost of a war, unless he seizes the property of the Church, and increases taxation.
I have, moreover, been told that he is thinking of again sending a deputation to the Queen for the purpose of having her removed from where she is now, to the house which, as I said in a former despatch, (fn. n5) had been chosen for her future residence. The Queen's advice, however, is for me not to speak to the King on the subject; for, were I to make any sharp remark about it, the King might be offended, whereas, if I spoke moderately and in mild terms, he might perhaps take courage and relent in his persecution; and if luck would have it that the personage whom Your Majesty is about to send came soon, it would be a regular Godsend, not only to obviate in some measure the ill treatment of the Queen, but also to confirm the subjects in their good-will towards her, since, as I hear from various quarters, they are very much astonished at the delay in the coming of some personage or other as extraordinary ambassador from Your Majesty.
The Princess, as I have lately written to Your Majesty, has only with her one chamber-maid (chambelliere), and occupies the very worst room in the house. It is indeed the most pitiful thing to see how badly both mother and daughter are treated, to the great regret of the people, who seem so incensed at it that the least help and favour from abroad will make them rise in rebellion, (fn. n6) as the majority of them say in public to whomsoever will listen to them. And there is no man of judgment here, at court or elsewhere, who does not consider himself as good as lost. (fn. n7)
The King's Vice-chancellor (Sir John Gage), who was also a member of the Privy Council, and one of the wisest and most experienced men in this kingdom as regards military affairs, has lately resigned his office, and retired to a Carthusian convent, where he intends (previously to the consent of his wife) to take the frock, and become a Carthusian friar. The Bishop of Lincoln, who was from the very beginning one of the principal promoters and agents of this divorce, has many a time since last Christmas declared to a worthy man who repeated it to me, that he would rather be the poorest man in the world than be a Privy Councillor and King's confessor.—London, 3rd January 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original. Partly in cipher. pp. 6.
12 Jan. 2. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
E. Rom., L. 861.
f. 28.
M. Add. 28,586,
f. 107.
Wrote last on the 13th ult., and also on the 19th, to the High Commander [of Leon], respecting the affairs of Switzerland. His Holiness has ordered the Verulan (Ennio Filonardo) to go immediately thither, and work in common with the Imperial agents.
Antonio de Leyva writes that the Papal Commissioner, abbot Nero, was threatening to quit and come to Rome, and that he was doing all he could to retain him. At Leyva's request he (Sylva) called on His Holiness, and represented the case to him. His answer was that he had not recalled Nero; he would forthwith write and tell him to remain at his post.
The duke of Milan (writes prothonotary Caracciolo) had already collected 13,000 crs., and hoped to make up soon the 15,000 of his principal deposit. His own share in the 25,000 he could not pay at present, owing to his expenses in Switzerland for the raising of troops, &c.
The Sienese excuse themselves (as the duke of Amalfi says) on account of a promise which they say the Emperor made to them at Bologna, exempting them from all payment. He (Sylva) has written to say that if the Emperor really made them such a promise he himself has no knowledge of it.
(Cipher:) Resuming the other day a conversation with the Pope on German affairs and the Diet to be held at Augusta (Augsburgh), His Holiness told him (Sylva) that the German Lutherans were in secret intelligence with the King of France, and that, with a view to secure their services, the latter had lately sent to them Langes; (fn. n8) the brother of the bishop of Paris, with a large sum of money to distribute among them, so that they might raise troops for him, &c.
The Pope says that, according to letters of Micer Filippo Strozzi from the court of France, king Francis is now seeking an interview with the duke of Lorraine (Antoine), which is upon the whole considered a very bad sign. The same Strozzi (they say) had written to the Pope that among other commissions of the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) one was to bring about an interview somewhere between his master and the king of England. A Venetian secretary in that country confirms the statement, and says that the place of meeting is already appointed; but on his (Sylva's) calling on the Pope to ascertain the truth of the report, his answer was that he knew nothing about it.
The archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) said the other day to a friend that in a conversation with His Holiness respecting the marriage of the duchess of Florence (Margaret) and the duke Alessandro, his nephew, the Pope inquired of him (Schomberg) whether he (Sylva) had any powers or mandate from the Emperor to have the wedding effected, as the Duchess had already attained her twelfth year, which was the age stipulated in the treaty. "Perhaps (said the Pope to him) the Emperor is in no hurry about it, for the French at Marseilles said they knew for certain that after king Francis had married his son, the duke of Orleans, to my niece (Caterina), he would not consent to his daughter (Margaret) marrying the duke Allessandro. That, in consequence of this, king Francis had sent to offer one of his own daughters as a wife to the duke [Alessandro]. The archbishop [of Capua], moreover, adds that the Pope soon after that sent one don Tristan de Beamonte to visit the Duchess, and that he brought very good accounts of her, &c. He also relates that in conversation with His Holiness on the subject of the daughter of the duchess of Camarino, and of her marriage, he (Schomberg) happened to mention the name of the son of the duke of Urbino as a suitable husband for the girl (Giulia). The Pope, however, would not hear of that; but on the Capuan mentioning other names he stopped short at that of Don Leopoldo de Austria, and therefore he (Sylva) has reasons to think that, if proposed, the Pope would not object to him.
Respecting the Nuncio, who is to go to Spain, the Pope said to him (Sylva) that he thought at first of appointing the archbishop of Manfredonia, (fn. n9) a nephew of cardinal Monte, but then Carniseca came in and recommended Poggio, the collector, who, it appears, is a friend and relative of his. Wishes to know whether the son of cardinal Campeggio, now bishop of Bologna, would not be acceptable, because in that case he (Sylva) would speak to His Holiness and propose him.
Letters from Germany of the 5th Dec. state that a son of the duke of Vitemberg (Wurtenberg) had arrived at Augsburgh, accompanied by four ambassadors of the Lutheran princes, but had been forestalled by the ambassadors of France, England, and Gheldres. The Diet was to take into consideration the restitution to the duke of Gheldres of all his estates, though his partisans were very much afraid that many of his nobles, who had been much oppressed and illtreated by his father, the Duke, would oppose the measure. If so, as the estate is heavily mortgaged, it is thought that the Duke will not succeed, but will turn Lutheran, and seize at once five or six churches or monasteries in his estate, and with that, and the help of France, England, and the Lutherans, give some, annoyance to the king of the Romans.
Heard that the doge of Venice moved lately in the Senate that Cannaletto should be put in irons, and sent to the Turk, as a sort of hostage. Most of the elders, however, opposed the motion, on the plea that he (Andrea Gritti) was somewhat influenced by the fact of his two sons being at Constantinople. They alleged that it was not just to punish him (Cannaletto) for what he had done, and the victory he had gained over a vessel believed to be a privateer; for, after all, the subjects of the Signory could at all times, and without infringing the treaties with Turkey, fight a corsair.
The Sienese write that Pirro de Xippiçano (Cippiçano) was molesting them, and that he had intelligences with the cardinal de' Medici. The report must be true; for, since his arrival in Rome, Pirro frequents so much the Cardinal's palace that people say there must be some secret understanding between them.
In proof of this, Gianpaolo da Ceri, the son of Renzo (Lorenço), sent him (Sylva) word the other day that, although he had a "condotta" under His Holiness, henceforwards he would no longer serve him, but the Emperor, inasmuch as he found that those who followed his banners got easy promotion and riches; and that, the better to carry out his purpose and offer security for his fidelity, he intended to marry in Naples. Gianpaolo further said that he would try to attach his father Renzo to Your Majesty's service. His (Sylva's) answer was that he would write home and ascertain the Emperor's pleasure, but that on no account would his services and those of his father be accepted unless His Holiness agreed to it first.
Four or five cardinals, among those who profess to be friends of the Empire, have called at the embassy, and asked for permission to export corn from Sicily to the amount of 500 salmas, (fn. n10) on condition of their paying the duties, &c. As they ask for nothing more, I beg that letters for the viceroy of Sicily be sent in favour of each of the cardinals, who have made the. application, among whom are Minerva, Anquifort (Enckvoërt), and Sanctiquatro.
Enclosed is the copy of the letter, which His Holiness caused to be written to Luigi Gherardi at Constantinople in answer to his.
(Cipher:) He (Sylva) knows from a very good source that Carniseca has in his possession the copy of a letter written, as it is said, by the Papal Nuncio in Germany to His Holiness, purporting that the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) had lately received one from His Imperial Majesty, stating the conferences of Marseilles to have been held decidedly against the Emperor and against the King, his brother. As a proof thereof the Pope had recalled the Verulan (Ennio Filonardo) from Switzerland, and an agreement had been entered into both by Pope and King to oppose the meeting of the General Council. Many other resolutions, all to His Imperial Majesty's prejudice, had been taken at the interview. The Nuncio added that he had seen and read the letter, &c. Will take no notice of this until he hears from His Imperial Majesty.
In consequence of His Holiness' often-repeated assurances that he is desirous of pronouncing sentence in the English matrimonial cause, he (Sylva) has summoned all the Imperial lawyers and advocates to a meeting at the embassy, for the purpose of deliberating as to the best means of obtaining justice for Her Highness, the queen of England. It was resolved to petition His Holiness to have sentence given in the principal cause at once, without any previous reference [to the Rota], because as Capisucci remains at Avignon, and will not return to Rome until after the winter season, and the process is already in the hands of Simonetta, some time would be lost, and the Queen's case admits of no delay. Went, therefore, to His Holiness, and begged him to issue orders to that effect. His answer was, that he would, with great pleasure, and believed that all the cardinals would also agree. He (Sylva) visited them all, one by one, and most of them said that in their opinion there was no necessity of again referring the process in Consistory. (Cipher:) Must, however, observe that since this step His Holiness seems to have relapsed into his habitual coldness and hesitation, so much so that he (Sylva) begins to be afraid that a new delay is being prepared; for he said, the other day: "Now it is urgent for His Imperial Majesty to decide what steps he is to take in view of the execution of the sentence."
On the eve of the Epiphany His Holiness did not go to vespers, as he is in the habit of doing. Inquired the reason of it, and was told that he had had a fit of gout. Since then he (Sylva) has heard from a good source that it was not gout that caused the Pope's illness, but the Nuncio's letter above alluded to; for on the very day that the missive was received, His Holiness was taken ill, and was in very bad humour the rest of that day and the two following. Possessed of this information, he (Sylva) called on him on the 6th, and again besought him to order the determination of the cause. Found him colder than he ever recollects having seen him, for he answered: "It is needful to appoint a person on behalf of the king of England, who may answer in his name in order that the proceedings in the principal suit be continued according to law. "I am no lawyer," was his (Sylva's) reply, "but it strikes me that it is neither customary nor requisite to do so in a case of this sort, especially when there has been so much disputation on the subject, and when it has been over and over resolved that the King's excusator could not be heard. I confess that I marvel much that your Holiness intends to introduce such an innovation." After carefully consulting over the matter with lawyers, concludes from all they tell him (Sylva) that, judicially speaking, the appointment of such a person is quite unnecessary.
On the following Friday there was a Consistory, and it appears that not only no resolution whatever was taken as to the sentencing of the case without reference to the Rota, but His Holiness moved whether it would not be desirable to appoint some person to answer for the King. As the cardinal of Jaen (Merino), who was present, cannot fail to inform his Imperial Majesty with more detail concerning what passed in that assembly, he (Sylva) will drop this disagreeable subject, and pass on to another.—Rome, 12 January 1534.
P.S.—Has just heard that it has been resolved in Consistory not to pass sentence in the cause of Her Highness, the queen of England, without first referring it again [to the Rota]. Will most certainly complain to His Holiness of this breach of promise, but will not insist upon the decision of the College being amended or revoked, for, in his opinion, it would be time lost. Since the justice due to the Queen and the King's appeal to the future Council, are not sufficient motives to urge the Pope to action, another tack must be tried. All he (Sylva) can do is to request the auditor (Simonetta) to make all possible haste in again abstracting the process and referring [to the Rota]. Happening some days ago to complain to Carniseca about this, he answered inadvertently that His Holiness was well disposed to forward the suit, and to have it sentenced at once, but that he was waiting for the bishop of Pains (Du Bellay) to find some means of bringing back the king of England to the obedience of the Church, and that he had great hopes of his being able to accomplish that. Perceiving, however, that these are only pretences to delay the sentence, and that no good can come out of such delays and shuffling, he (Sylva) made him a suitable answer, telling him all his mind about it.
At this moment His Holiness sends a verbal message to say that he never dreamt of having a person appointed to answer for the king of England: he (Sylva) had misunderstood him; he never said so, nor did it ever cross his mind. His (Sylva's) answer was, that he was delighted to hear he had not thought of it.—Rome, ut supra.
Signed: Conde de Cifuentes.
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet. pp. 16.
12 Jan. 3. Paragraphs of a Letter from the Same to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 1.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 97.
In my despatch to the Emperor I mentioned the fact of the Sienese having refused to deposit their share of the 25,000 cr. on the plea that the Emperor at Bologna had relieved them of all payments. I have written to the duke of Amalfi, who now resides there for the Emperor, to say that I have no orders to that effect. (fn. n11)
I also advised that Filippo Strozzi had written to His Holiness about the interview which king Francis was seeking with the duke of Lorraine, &c., (fn. n12) and related what Capua (Schomberg) said to me with respect to the Duchess (Margaret), the Emperor's daughter. As the matter is of importance, I request your Lordship to forward me instructions as soon as convenient. (fn. n13) Would likewise like to hear how I am to act, and what to say in the Camarino business, (fn. n14) and what is to be done respecting the Papal Nuncio about to be sent to Spain, or with regard to the German affair and the Diet. (fn. n15) —Rome, 12 January 1534.
P.S.—The Pope, no doubt out of spite at my not answering him as he would wish, has attempted, and is still attempting, to conduct certain negotiations with his Imperial Majesty, by means of the viceroy of Naples (Don Pedro de Toledo, marquis de Villafranca). The Viceroy himself, through Don Francisco de Toledo, who is now here, is equally negotiating State business with him. Don Pedro not being present, and Don Francisco not knowing in most instances what the Emperor's wishes are, it follows, as Your Lordship may well imagine, that our master's affairs do not improve through their interference. Your Lordship should try and put a stop to this without letting the Viceroy suspect that the information comes from me. Many laugh at what is going here on every day, and His Holiness is pleased at my discomfiture. I have hitherto dissembled, and will go on dissembling, as I am in duty bound to do, having no other aim but the Emperor's service. At the same time I wish to keep on good terms with the Viceroy, who is my personal friend. Those who witness this peculiar state of things, fancy that he and I disagree, and that we are at daggers drawn, and therefore it is important to dissipate the rumours spread by our enemies For this purpose I have asked and obtained the Emperor's leave to go to Naples, see Don Pedro there, and come to an understanding; but I will not move from hence until I hear from Your Lordship, for, perhaps, seeing the Viceroy and me together, people might become alarmed.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
17 Jan. 4. Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 6.
This King went a few days ago to see his bastard daughter, who is at a house 20 miles from hence, the Princess (Mary) being also with her, as I have already written to Your Majesty; and although one of the principal causes for the King's visit was evidently to persuade or force the said Princess to renounce her title, yet the Lady (dame Anne), (fn. n16) considering the King's weakness or instability (who would dare say this?), and that the great beauty, virtue, and wisdom of the Princess might lead her father to forget his anger, and out of pity be induced to treat her better than heretofore, and allow her to bear her title, sent hastily to the King, first of all, Cremuel (Cromwell), and after him other messengers, to prevent him from speaking to or seeing the Princess. For which reason the King, before arriving at the house occupied by the Princess and by his bastard daughter, sent orders that the former should not be allowed to come to the room where he was, or appear before him. While at the house, and in the apartments of his bastard daughter, the King sent to the Princess, Cremuel, the treasurer and the captain of his body guard, (fn. n17) the three chief people he then had with him, again to press (la represser) and solicit her to renounce her title of Princess. Her answer was that she had already on a previous occasion declared her resolution as to that, and that it was mere waste of time to come again and press her to do that in which she would never acquiesce. They were very much mistaken (she said), if they thought that ill-treatment, rudeness, or even death, could change her determination; and she went on telling them many things to the same purpose, all equally wise and discreet.
Whilst the King was in the apartments of his bastard daughter, the Princess sent to beg and entreat to be allowed to kiss her father's hand; but the permission was refused, upon which, just as the King was about to mount his horse, and go away, she went up to a terrace at the top of the house to see him off. The King having been told so, or perhaps by a mere chance, turned his head towards the terrace, and saw her on her knees, with her hands clasped together by way of supplication. The King, however, took no notice, except that he nodded his head, and put his hand to his hat; upon which all those who stood by, and who before that time would hardly have dared lift their heads to look at her, glad and rejoiced, as well as encouraged, by what the King had done, bowed to her reverently, expressing as well as they could their good will and sympathy for her.
Since the King has not said a word, that I know of, to the Princess about marriage, I conclude that the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) could not bring, as was supposed, the proposition of having her married to the marquis de Saluzzo (François (fn. n18) ), nor is it to be believed that the King, her father, will marry her to him, or to any one else out of his kingdom, unless he first has a reconciliation with the Queen, her mother; for he knows very well that, were he to marry her out of England, he might be considerably annoyed afterwards; whereas, having her by him, prisoner as it were, she cannot raise her head or go against his will. Besides which the King is sure to put off any decision of that kind in the hope of temporizing with the pretenders to her hand, and seeing how his own affairs will turn out in the meantime.
Parliament commenced its sittings the day before yesterday, and, as far as I hear, no measures of any importance have yet been submitted to its deliberations; for, before bringing under discussion those against the Pope, the Queen, or the Princess, as well as those relating to the supplies of money, it is necessary to win the votes of its principal members; for which the King and his Lady are straining every nerve. Nothing, indeed, can surpass the affability, graciousness, and cordiality with which both are treating just now the lords of this realm. The better to obtain his aim, the King has countermanded the greater part of those who might oppose him, and I hear that many of those who are now here are of opinion that, should any high personage come here as your Majesty's ambassador, things would not come off so easily as the King thinks, for when the English see that Your Majesty takes this affair of the Queen and Princess to heart they will immediately take the bit between their teeth. (fn. n19)
Bad weather has hitherto prevented the English ships sailing for Belguez (Berghes). The merchants to whom the ships and cargo belong curse those who hindered them from sailing at the beginning of December last, that is to say the Privy Councillors, who would not let them risk the 400 or 500,000 ducats, which may be the value of the whole cargo. Some fancy that God has delayed the sailing of these ships in order to give time for the executory letters to be issued at Rome, and the property of Englishmen to be sequestered in consequence. In that case, the value of the merchandise would make it worth while for your Majesty to lay your hands on the goods, and employ the amount for your own wants, giving, however, your imperial word to the merchants to repay them with interest in time. This would encourage the merchants to put their good will into execution. This much I am actually obliged to represent to Your Majesty, at the instigation of many here, without having seen the wording of the executory letters, which have not yet been forwarded to me, and without knowing whether the seizure of property belonging to this King's subjects is comprised in them or not, as it has always been in other similar letters.
I have just been told that the day before yesterday the Lady, after hearing of the Princess's wise and discreet answer [to the King's deputies], complained most bitterly to the King of his not holding the Princess tight enough to prevent her from getting counsel and advice from outside, as she had hitherto done; for (said she) it could not be believed that such answers as she had given really originated with her: they were, no doubt, suggested by other people. The King promised Anne to see to this, and that in future no one should see the Princess, or speak to her, without his knowing who he was. Indeed, about xx. days ago the King said to the Marquis [of Dorset?] that it was only the trust the Princess placed in Your Majesty that made her obstinate and, difficult to manage, but that he would soon bring her to book; he was not at all afraid of Your Majesty, nor of any other prince in the world. He (the Marquis) and other high vassals of his Crown had better take care what they were about, and be loyal, as he had no doubt they would be; for if they hesitated or wavered in the least, they would all lose their heads. He would keep such a guard on the Princess and her servants that no letters should be written to her or received from beyond the sea without his being previously informed of it.
Besides the hope the King has of his subjects remaining faithful to him, he has undoubtedly that of the Queen's death in the meantime; for he said, the other day, to the French ambassador, that she could not possibly live long, as she had dropsy. Now, as the Queen, to the best of my knowledge, never complained of such a disease, I have my doubts, as I have already written to Your Majesty, whether such rumours are not spread for the purpose of producing in her, one of these days, some artificial dropsy, of which she may die (God preserve her!). (fn. n20) It is Sir Gregory de Cassel (Casale) who has related to me the King's words to the French ambassador. He (Casale) has likewise told me that before his leaving England he intended renouncing the Kings service, and setting up the white banner. (fn. n21)
Another piece of intelligence, received this very morning, though proceeding from a quarter not quite so authentic, is that the earl of Quildra (Kildare), the governor of Hirlande (Ireland), has gone to Scotland; which, if true, would be a great blow (bastonnade) for this King, since the Earl happens to be the subject from whom he could receive greater service or annoyance at times than from any other, as I am given to understand. We shall soon hear the exact truth of the whole affair, and I will let Your Majesty know by the next post.
During the last two days the King has sent to the Tower a large number of bows (arcs), and I am told that he has ordered as many as 30,000 more to be made. He is likewise attending to the rest of the ammunition, and provisioning of that fortress, and has given orders, to what purpose it is not known, for certain pieces of ordnance to be placed on the very top of it I must add that, as the guns are pointed towards this city, it has become a matter for serious thought among the citizens.
As no opportunity has occurred for some days of returning the Scotch ambassador's visit by a person in my confidence, I have deferred until this morning sending one of my secretaries to him. His return message has been that he was here for the purpose of negotiating a peace, of which these people seemed very desirous, if their fair words and the general good treatment he has had till now received at Court are to be believed. Yet it seemed as if God, or some other obstacle, stood in the way of that peace; for during the last ten days the English had made several raids into Scotland, and not later than yesterday the King sent Cremuel to him (the ambassador) to say that he was exceedingly sorry and angry at what had happened, and that he would make such an example of the trespassers (entrepreneurs) that king James should be content. That, however, said the message, would be no impediment to the negotiations being carried on, nor would it retard the peace in the least The Scottish ambassador also sent me word that, although this King and his Council will certainly not be pleased at his visiting me, he wished to come whenever I should be disengaged and ready to receive him. I wonder how he (the ambassador) dares do such a thing; but since the offer comes from him, and I myself am not to be blamed for it, I will try that the interview take place as soon as possible, for fear he should repent Of what I may learn at the conference which is to take place I will not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
The Doctor, who was to have gone to Lubeck, as I informed Your Majesty by my despatch of the 3rd, thinking that he might make a shorter and surer journey to that town by sea than if he went by land, has remained in town until to-day; but perceiving that the weather is foul, and the wind unpropitious for sailing, has at last decided to take the land route in three or four days. I am told that he is to leave at the same time with other agents of this King for various parts of Germany, and that the reason which he (the King) had for wishing the Doctor to go by sea rather than by land is that he carries a large sum of money with him.
Ever since the duke of Suffolk called on her, the Queen has not left her bedroom, except for the purpose of hearing mass in a gallery close to her apartments. She has refused to eat or drink anything that her new servants bring her. The little food she takes in this time of tribulation is prepared by her maids-in-waiting within her own bedroom; so that, in point of fact, her sitting-room, bed-chamber, and kitchen are all in one;—so poorly lodged is she. Lest Your Majesty should be inclined to think that the above account is somewhat exaggerated, and that she is not so ill-treated as she imagines, the Queen proposes, as she informs me, to write to Your Majesty concerning her present position and the treatment she receives.—London, xvii. January xv. xxxiiii.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 7.


  • n1. The words in italics are in cipher.
  • n2. "Et peut vostre majeste considerer et croyre que puisque Dieu a tant habandonne ceulx-cy que de leur permetre fere si execrables choses, et quil leur a oste le sens, quil est a craindre de la salut de la reine et de la princesse, pensant mesmement leur persecuteurs que icelles mortes, il[s] seroient delivres do toutes molestes de vostre maieste."
  • n3. Perhaps Montaborinus, or Vaughan, though more likely Dr. Thomas Leigh. See vol. iv., part ii., pp. 818, 823.
  • n4. "Pour brasser quelque facherie et broillis (sic) avec les princes et citez Lutheriennes, afin de donner tant daffaire a vostre maieste et allieurs que icelle nayt moyen de luy courrir sus, quest la chose du monde quil craint le plus." The Doctor alluded is Nicholas Heath. See Gairdner, vol. vii. p. 7.
  • n5. Je crois que tout ce quil pourra faire sans gaster beaucoup argent il le fera, mais pour despendre ce dit roy nen a grand tallant, pour estre devenu plus estroit quil ne soullait, aussi a ce que lon dit il na pas bonnement de quoy le fere, si les biens de leglise et les impotz quil veult mectre ne luy aydent."
  • n6. "Au grant regret du peuple le quel semble estre a lescharguet (Pœil au guêt?), pour soy remuer a la monidre faveur que pourroit luy survenir."
  • n7. "Et ny a home de iugement, ny a la court ni allieurs, quil ne se tienne esperda."
  • n8. Guillaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeais, brother of Jean bishop of Bayonne (1525–29), and afterwards of Paris till his death in 1560.
  • n9. Giovan Maria Monte.
  • n10. Salma is an Italian, or rather Sicilian measure, equivalent to about a ton weight.
  • n11. The Count was right. The Emperor made no promise. He only said that, should war break out again in Italy, he would try that the expence should not fall upon them. That is a different thing; and the Count, therefore, is to insist upon the Sienese depositing their share.—Note by Covos.
  • n12. Should the interview take place, no harm can come of it. The Duke is wise and prudent, and not likely to mix himself up in matters that do not concern him individually, and thereby receive injury, his own estates being close upon the lands of the Empire, of which he himself is a vassal. Though the Duke's brethren have resided in France until now, be himself has always remained faithful, and professed obedience to the Emperor. Should, however, count de Cifuentes hear anything to the contrary, he had better let us know as soon as possible.—Note by Covos.
  • n13. Let the negotiation be suspended until he hears from His Imperial Majesty.
  • n14. On this point the Count will soon receive instructions.
  • n15. According to information here received, the Imperial Commissioners are now discussing the affair pending between the king [of the Romans] and the duke of Würtemberg. As soon as the Diet ends, and we know what has been decided, the Count shall hear from us.
  • n16. "Toutesfois considerant la dame la facillite du roy ou ligierete (qui losseroit dire), et que par la grande beautte, vertu et prudence de la dite princesse." &c.
  • n17. That is, Cromwell, Fitzwilliam, and Sir William Kingston.
  • n18. Francesco, brother of the late Marquis (Michel Antoine), who died in 1528; unless it be Giovan Luigi, who, after the usurpation of his estate by Francesco, retired to France, where he was still acknowledged as such marquis.
  • n19. "Ils prendront le frain au dens."
  • n20. "Il a aussi grant [espoir] sur la mort de la royne, laquelle il a dit encoires de nouveaul a lambassadeur de France ne pouvoir viure longuement a cause quelle est ydropique, de la quelle maladic elle ne fut oncques attaincte; dont est a doubter, comme jai çi deuant escript a vostre maieste, quilz sement telles choses pour luy fere venir une ydropisie artificielle."
  • n21. "Quil pensoit auant que partyr dyçi, de renuncer au seruice de ce roy, et dresse[r] la banniere blanche."