Spain: April 1534, 11-20

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: April 1534, 11-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 110-124. British History Online [accessed 23 June 2024].

. "Spain: April 1534, 11-20", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 110-124. British History Online, accessed June 23, 2024,

. "Spain: April 1534, 11-20", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 110-124. British History Online. Web. 23 June 2024,

April 1534, 11-20

12 Apr. 39. The Points discussed by the Emperor's Council at Toledo respecting the answer to be made to the Pope. (fn. n1)
S. E. L. 862, f. 96.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 223.
Since our most Holy Father, the Pope, in his sacred consistory of cardinals, has pronounced sentence in favour of Her Highness, the queen of England, formally declaring her marriage to king Henry to be perfectly valid, and the progeny born, or which may be born hereafter, to be legitimate; binding also the said King to the observance of the said marriage and conjugal duties, as contained in the sentence, it is necessary to deliberate as to the course of action to be pursued in this matter, inasmuch as His Holiness will most likely, and justly, insist upon knowing His Imperial Majesty's true intentions with regard to the execution of the said sentence. Should His Holiness not do so, the delay will, undoubtedly, be attributed to the Queen, or to her party, besides which, should the execution be delayed one way or other, the king of England is sure to become more and more insolent; his subjects, out of despair, more pliant; his allies will lose all shame, and malignant people, namely, those who keep aloof from the true faith, (fn. n2) and with whom the said King is now trying to confederate himself, will be emboldened. Attention, on the other hand, should be paid to what His Majesty, the Emperor, has always said and declared, "namely, that he will not fail in that which may be required for the execution of the sentence."
On this last point one thing is to be considered, that is, whether it will be suitable and expedient to defer writing to Rome on the subject until more express and reliable information be obtained from that capital, as well as from England and France, in order the better to calculate how the sentence will be taken in those countries, and likewise how far the affair is considered urgent; or whether it will be more advisable to take at once a resolution, since on the part of Rome His Holiness has sufficiently declared that his own share is done, and persists in knowing how far His Imperial Majesty is ready to perform his. On the side of France nothing else can be expected but dissembling and deceit; nothing from England save a greater show of insolence, especially if, as aforesaid, the sentence is delayed. Or whether His Imperial Majesty ought at once to write to His Holiness and to his cardinals, thanking them greatly for what they have already done, and urging them to do the rest, at the same time declaring to them in the said letters, or by means of credentials to the ambassador at Rome [Count of Cifuentes] that His Imperial Majesty fully, intends "employing himself in all that may be found expedient for the said execution." (fn. n3)
Considering the above declaration to be exactly the same which His Imperial Majesty has constantly made on previous occasions; considering also that, whatever may be the issue of this affair, it is necessary first to proceed in this business according to right, and, secondly, by the terms of law customary in such cases,—as, for instance, the King's excommunication and interdict of his kingdom, deprivation of authority and royal dignity, with such delays as are generally and must be granted in similar suits,—during which delays one will be able more clearly to see and consider what had better be done with regard to the said execution, according to time and circumstances; considering also that the aforesaid form is absolutely indispensable as regards the Queen, and for the purpose of proceeding juridically to the execution of the said sentence of excommunication, interdict, and deprivation of authority, it is important that His Imperial Majesty be first released and dispensed from the fulfilment of all previous treaties and stipulations entered into with the king of England for himself, his subjects and vassals.
It will also be a matter for deliberation whether it will be expedient under present circumstances to send to England some personage to inform the King of the sentence, and in a friendly spirit try to persuade him to conform to it. Although it is to be feared that the King's passionate love for Anna de Bolans, her own instigations, and those of her relatives and adherents,—as well as of many others, who for their own particular purposes desire the continuation of the present differences, such as the king of France, &c.,—will most likely prevent him from returning to the path of honour and duty, yet it is considered that the mission of such a personage will most powerfully contribute to the Queen's justification in the eyes of God and the world, as well as to render the same more acceptable to the English themselves. It will be also a satisfactory course for the Queen herself, the more so that if the said complimentary step be taken, some time may be gained through it. Or whether it is preferable to communicate first with His Holiness on the subject after declaring to him the Emperor's good wishes and intentions respecting the execution of the sentence; for if this be done, as above, after previous consultation with His Holiness, it would seem as if it were the means of showing him and his cardinals that his Imperial Majesty has trust in them, and will render them more grateful and obliged with regard to the said execution, whereas, if done suddenly, and without previous consultation, suspicion might rise in their minds; they might think that the Emperor preferred conducting the affair himself rather than concerting it with them, especially now that so many things have been said and written to the utter contempt of the Apostolic See and the authority and dignity of His Holiness, the present Pope.
Whether any steps should be taken with the king of France through a proper person deputed to that effect, or through the Imperial ambassador in that country; or whether it will be better to wait until His Holiness's advice on the matter comes, the better and more peaceably to persuade the king of England to do his duty towards the Queen, as His Holiness and his cardinals may advise, and then take resolution on the whole. (fn. n4)
Whether, after ascertaining His Holiness's views on the subject, and those of his cardinals, the count of Cifuentes ought to insist in the Emperor's name upon their sending to England special envoys of their own; and whether, in case of their sending one or more envoys to that country, the Count ought to insist, or not, upon His Holiness and his cardinals informing him (the Emperor) of the steps they intend taking in case of the above-mentioned complimentary and courtly admonitions failing altogether. Whether they intend addressing and making to the King, the said Anne, their estates and subjects, any intimations, interpellations, requisitions, and other acts respecting the execution of the said sentence in a juridical form. (fn. n5)
Lastly, whether the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) and the king of Portugal ought not to be written to, in order that they, being so closely related to the Emperor, should each address a letter to the Pope and to the College of Cardinals, thanking them for the justice they have already done, and sending also deputies and envoys of their own to join those of the Pope and Emperor in their representations.
It will be besides well worthy of consideration to decide concerning what Andrea Doria writes respecting La Mirandola, especially since the recovery of that fortress can be more easily accomplished before than after the harvest. Also whether any change is to be made in the instructions to Antonio de Leyva and others respecting that point, and whether the opinion of that captain ought to be asked for previously and before taking a final resolution; or whether it will be better to wait for that captain's answer, since most likely it cannot tarry long, and the harvest cannot be reaped before the two next months. Meanwhile an answer might come from His Holiness respecting this affair of Novi and La Mirandola; the ambassador of the Duke (fn. n6) of Mantua might also hear from his master; matters in France and Germany might become more clear and distinct, or whether Antonio De Leyva is to be written to at once, and ordered to proceed in the matter according to his instructions, after taking Doria's advice.
This latter captain ought also to be written to respecting his own galleys [at Genoa], and those of Naples and Sicily. It is, however, well worthy of consideration to decide whether it will be sufficient to refer Doria to his former instructions, and let him employ his galleys, and those the Pope may give him, as he thinks best, or whether any change is to be introduced in the letter of his instructions, especially in case of the French attacking Genoa by sea, &c.
Also with regard to the pay and maintenance of the 1,000 Spaniards stationed on the frontiers of the marquisate of Saluzzo. As the wheat and provisions which Andrea Doria asked for have already been delivered, it is important to deliberate, whether any sum of money, however inconsiderable, could not be furnished by Genoa for the pay and support of those Spaniards.
Equally worthy of consideration is the point of the Spanish infantry now in Naples and Sicily, about whom Andrea Doria writes. Being considered indispensable for the, defence of those kingdoms against the Turk, and for the upholding of the Emperor's reputation—especially if regard be had to the report of Barbarroja and the Jew having sent their spies to the coast to ascertain if it was fortified or not—they ought to be first attended to, &c. To recall that infantry might make people suspect that we had warlike intentions; on the other hand, to bring them, as Doria proposes, to the frontiers of the marquisate of Sāluzzo, might afford the French king an excuse to declare war. If wanted, they might go by sea to any part of Italy, and even to France, if required.
With regard to the Algiers expedition, it is worth considering, whether it will be sufficient to thank Andrea Doria for his good intentions and advice, or whether any special engagement is to be taken with him for the future.
Spanish. Original. pp. 10.
12 April. 40. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229,
No. 28.
As far as I can perceive, one of the causes for the arrival here of La Pommeraye was, as I conjectured in my last despatch, and as the Scottish ambassadors and many other people imagine, to Wing about an interview between the king of France, his mastery and this one. It is believed that for this very purpose this King is about to send to France his mistress' brother (George Boleyn) and treasurer Feu Vullien (Fitzwilliam), who are to leave two days hence. On this account, it is added, the King has given orders to hasten the repairs now being made to his ships, as the interview, they say, has been fixed for the Penthecost, or thereabouts. The Treasurer, since his appointment to the embassy, must have said to someone—whether to give himself importance, and show that he does not mix with affairs unless they be of some weight, or for other motives—that ere long great events will take place. In confirmation of which announcement I have heard from two different quarters equally credible, that this King thinks of nothing else, day and night, than by every possible means provoking a great war against Your Majesty, and in so doing spend all his substance, well knowing that without that the game might be played on his own chess-board. (fn. n7)
On Easter Monday the ambassadors of France, namely, Morette, Catillion (Chastillon), and La Pommeraye, went to Court, where they were most welcome, at least in appearance; for it must be said that it was only towards them the King seemed to be in good humour; he himself dining privately in his own apartments without his lady, contrary to his custom at other receptions of French ambassadors. (fn. n8) The following Tuesday La Pommeraye and Catillion (Chastillon) went to visit the King's bastard daughter, who was brought out to them splendidly accoutred and dressed, and in princely state, with all the ceremonial her governess could think of, after which they saw her quite undressed (touste nue). There was, of course, no question of seeing the good princess [Mary], though I had my doubts, as they went thither, whether they might not possibly ask to see her, and announce that sentence was about to be pronounced against her mother at Rome. To prevent this I found means to make the Princess acquainted with the real state of affairs at Rome, as I had it from count Cifuentes, in a letter received the day before; and I told her that this was the time, now more them ever, to be constant and firm in her resolution. She answered me that she would do so, and that she had received more pleasure at the news than if I had presented her with a million of gold. But, as I say, there was no need of my warning, for the French ambassadors did not even ask after the Princess.
On the Wednesday following the said Catillion (Chastillon) and La Pommeraye came to take leave of me. Among other things told me, one was that the King, his master, had held with Mr. de la Chaulz, (fn. n9) previously to his return to Your Majesty, the most pleasing and amiable conversation that could be imagined between two such allies and friends as Your Majesty and the King, his master, were. Upon which Catillion (Chastillon), his colleague, remarked, that to speak about friendship between Your Majesty and the King, their master, was sheer mistaking (fn. n10) and shifting of terms; his colleague ought to have described it as a most close and intimate alliance, for such it was.
I must confess that I was rather astonished to hear Chastillon speak out so plainly, inasmuch as I know him to be generally prudent and discreet, and to have hitherto spoken with greater sobriety of such things. This added weight to what he himself told me afterwards, when La Pommeraye left my room, and he remained a few minutes more with me,—namely, that affairs were taking such a turn that there would be soon a rupture between England and France,—though perhaps he wanted me to believe that it was so in order to facilitate the making of new treaties between Your Majesty and his master. This same Castillion (Chastillon), who once told me he would not advise Your Majesty to place the duchy of Milan in strong hands,—for it was, as it were, the suburb of the Kingdom of Naples,—turned suddenly round, and declared to me confidentially and in private that it was a very hard and unjust thing to keep the King, his master, out of an estate which legally belonged to him. It only rested with Your Majesty (Chastillon said) to give the King possession of it, and that if you thought that by restoring what he had a right to, the King, his master, would become too powerful in Italy, plenty of means might be found to insure against such an eventuality. In this manner, he said, and by relying entirely on the friendship and alliance of his master, Your Majesty would be able not only to chastise at pleasure the German rebels, but recover also whatever lands and territories the Venetians, the Swiss, and the Pope had usurped from Your Majesty. To the last-named (the Pope) the French ambassador did not seem to be particularly attached, for shortly after he positively assured me that Your Majesty had not done well in restoring Florence to him, and re-establishing there such a despotic and tyrannical rule as his was.
My answer as to the lands and territories which he said had been usurped from Your Majesty, was, that, thank God, you had so many possessions in all parts of the world that you were rather more inclined to give away some of them than take any from the said parties; and with respect to Milan, that I fancied he was only joking with me, and ignored completely facts which were notorious. In order, however, to ascertain what the Pope and the Venetians thought of that, (fn. n11) particularly the former, towards whom Chastillon did not seem favourably inclined, I said to him, that even if Your Majesty were willing to grant his master's wishes, the Pope and the Signory of Venice would not consent to it. He was going to answer me, when some one who wanted to speak to him, came in and interrupted us. Upon which the other ambassador (La Pommeraye) approached me and began to speak to me on the subject without appearing to know what his colleague (Chastillon) had said to me before. He told me pointblank that no attention whatever should be paid to the treaty of Madrid respecting the duchy of Milan, nor to the negotiations entered into at the time of the league, which he called Holy (when his master, by-the-by, must have obtained his title of Most Christian), nor again to the stipulations of Cambray, for a prince (said he) could not, like a private individual, dispose of his own property at will, nor break his oath. "A prince (continued the ambassador) is obliged to study the profit, peace, and tranquillity of his subjects, rather than to establish a reputation for firmness and consistency, and for the sake of that cause his own ruin and that of his people. On these considerations, added La Pommeraye, His Majesty the Emperor ought not to adhere so firmly to the treaties made with my master." I replied that in my opinion a prince was bound to keepfaith,—nay, his simple word,—much more than a private individual; and that I fancied Your Majesty would not, for all the gold in the world, lose the reputation so justly acquired of keeping faith at all costs, which reputation the bishop of Paris (Du Bellay) was in the habit of praising and extolling as a very desirable virtue. He (the Ambassador) should consider that Wladislas, the king of Hungary and Poland, (fn. n12) had been blamed by all historians because, after having sworn to a peace with Amurath, the Turk, (fn. n13) he had taken up arms, though he is known to have done so at the express command and request of the Pope, who relieved him of his oath, and with the consent of the whole of Christendom. Owing to which breach of faith misfortune came on him, as Amurath had predicted, and God, whose oath he had broken, punished him. To which argument La Pommeraye knew not what to reply.
I had forgotten to say that among other persuasive arguments, Castillon (Chastillon) made use of the following: He said, that there had never been such a good opportunity for Your Majesty to treat of peace (such were his words, as if we were actually at war) as the present, for (said he) after beating every one of your enemies on the field, Your Majesty could not possibly be charged with being actuated by fear. "But, alas! matters in this world (he added) are "subject to change, and luck does not always last. I "know of many people who would be glad of a change, "as, for instance, respecting the king of this country." And upon my telling him that I could not believe in what he said, inasmuch as there was no plea or excuse for desiring, and much less for promoting, such a state of things, he replied to me; "I do not mean to say that this King wishes to break "the peace now existing, at least I have heard no one say "so, but I know for a fact that his ambassadors have been "trying to persuade the King, my master, that the Emperor "complained of him and of his doings, and had treated him "with excessive rigour. (fn. n14) If the report be true, I should "think that his mistress Anne is the sole instigator; for "only the other day, whilst talking to me on the subject, "the King highly praised and commended your Emperor, "saying, among other things, that it was true that he had "once lent him money, but that he had repaid it since." Which statement from the King's mouth, if true, is very different from what he himself said once to this same ambassador, namely, that he had spent two millions of gold on Your Majesty's account; from which I conclude that by expressing himself as above, the King meant to reproach the French for their ingratitude, exaggerating what he has done for them, since he now tries to depreciate what he did once for Your Majesty. (fn. n15)
Having inquired from Chastillon what sort of mien the King had worn on hearing of the sentence pronounced against him at Rome, he answered that he did not care in the least for it, but shewed as good a front as ever. True, he dares not do otherwise in public on many accounts, but inwardly, as I have already hinted, he is very far from being pleased, and seems agitated and thoughtful. Two days after the arrival of the said sentence, he gave orders for the preachers of solemn sermons at Easter to pour down on the Pope as many invectives as they possibly could; and I am told that his commands have been punctually obeyed, and that the preachers have surpassed themselves, pouring forth the most strange and horrible abominations that could be imagined. He has likewise ordered that the statute made by the Estates of this kingdom, which he had suspended and reserved "in pectore" until St. John's Day, should be immediately published.
I could not describe to Your Majesty the immense pleasure and satisfaction which the Queen, Madame your aunt, received at hearing the news I sent her of the Papal sentence. I expect from hour to hour to hear her advice as to the best means of obtaining the execution thereof: when I do, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
Four days ago there arrived in this city a Florentine, (fn. n13) the secretary to the Vayvod [of Transylvania], who has not yet made his appearance at Court. He is the same man whom Lasqui (Laski) sent here two years ago, when he was in France, and, as I then wrote to Your Majesty, could get no answer, owing to the Vayvode's letters being credentials in favour of the said Lasqui (Laski), not of himself. As soon as I can get reliable information concerning the commission he now brings, I will acquaint Your Majesty with it, as well as with the doings of the Scottish ambassadors, who have achieved nothing yet; nay, are no more advanced than they were at first, as one of them has just sent me word.
Since writing the above, I hear that it is this King alone who first thought of the interview, and who is now trying to bring it about,—not the king of France or his ministers, as was said at the beginning. I dare say king Francis will keep aloof as much as he can, not to render the Pope suspicious; but this King, I am told, is wonderfully desirous of it, and in great haste to cross over [to France], wishing his mistress to attend the conferences also, though she is in the family way. The fear he has of king Francis opposing him and the hope he entertains of converting him to make common cause against the Pope, are evidently the sole causes of the proposed interview.
Your Majesty may judge how rigorously the Queen is treated in other matters, when I say that on Holy Thursday she was not allowed to serve the poor a supper, as is customary for princes to do. An order, indeed, has been issued for the poor not to approach the house where she is now, because (says the lady) the alms she once distributed among the poor are the real cause of the love and affection which the English bear her.—London, 12 April 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original. Partly in cipher. pp. 7.
(fn. n16)
14 April. 41. Advices from Rome sent by a Spy.
S. E. L. 862,
f. 115.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 221.
On Saturday last two couriers arrived, and on Palm Sunday, during high mass, a third, with a packet of letters for the Pope. It was afterwards said that all three had come straight from England, and that the last brought letters and powers from the King of that country, which letters and powers the French ambassadors residing at his Court had forwarded.
Last night, at the five hours, another courier was announced. Shortly after his arrival one of the Popes chamberlains, and a secretary of Cardinal de' Medici, called at the lodgings of the English courier. The latter was upwards of one hour closeted with him, as well as with the secretaries of Cesis, San Severino, Tribulcio (Triulzo), and Pisano.
It is reported that the subject discussed [at the conference] was the enterprise which the king of France intends making [next summer], and the time at which the attack ought to commence. This, it was resolved, to begin about harvest time; king Francis to invade the duchy of Milan with an army of Switzers, of whom, as reported, there are upwards of 12,000 already enlisted; another force to be sent against Genoa; and the two expeditions to be conducted so secretly and in such haste that the Imperialists will be unable to arrive in time, the more so that Barbarrossa's galleys, now coming from Constantinople, are expected to land troops on the coast of Sicily and Naples. Andrea Doria will thus be obliged to sail from Genoa and go in search of the Turks. The king of France himself is arming 50 galleys, which will be ready to put to sea in May, and as he has intelligences in Genoa, and the Imperialists there must march to the relief of Milan, it is feared that the city will fall into the hands of the French.
It is rumoured that the Pope will help the French in these attempts, owing to the duchy of Milan having already been destined to the duke of Orleans. It is for this purpose that cardinal de' Medici is now lodging and entertaining so many well-reputed "condottieri" at his house. It is with them and with the "black band," entirely composed of Germans (tudescos), that he and the Pope intend carrying out their plans. The captains themselves make no mystery of it, and say publicly that they are quite prepared, and have received money in advance for their respective "condotte."
Spanish. Original. pp. 20.
15 April. 42. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 862,
ff. 20–1.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 229.
Wrote on the 2nd inst. by the courier who came last from Naples. Respecting the English matrimonial suit there is nothing new to report, except that the utmost diligence is being used in drawing out the sentence, and also the executory letters (executoriales). When that is done they will be sent to Flanders to be notified and printed. Talking of this matter, His Holiness said the other day to many people that all these diligencias in writing were of no use whatever, unless His Imperial Majesty took steps to have the sentence executed; also that the king of France seemed inclined to come to an agreement and turn against king Henry, whence he (the Pope) concluded that the execution might he carried into effect with less difficulty. To him (the Count) the Pope has made no overtures on these matters, knowing perfectly well that, should he hint at anything of the kind, he is sure to answer as cautiously as at previous times.
The opinion of those who know England and the character of its King best is that the shortest and least inconvenient solution to the affair would be to suspend trade at once. He (the Count) is doubtful whether the Pope will accede to that; at any rate, the Emperor can do so with regard to his own dominions, which is what would do England most harm. Has not spoken to His Holiness about this matter, nor will he until he receives an answer to the various paragraphs of his despatches touching on the point. The Capuan (Schomberg) told him the other day that cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici had sent a message to the bishop of Paris (Du Bellay) to say that, should the king of France help him to get Florence, he (Ippolito) would at once renounce his hat, and serve him much better than any "condottiero" ever did; and that the Bishop answered that offer by saying that the King, his master, certainly had great affection for him, and would promote his advancement with all his power as long as he (Medici) was an ecclesiastic and a cardinal; but in no other career did he think the king of France would help or favour him, as he knew it to be against His Holiness' will Cannot say whether the report be true or not. He (Cifuentes) is inclined to disbelieve it; but it is said that the Cardinal was anything but pleased with the Ambassador's answer, so much so that he sent word to Capua (Schomberg), begging him to intercede with the Emperor that be [Ippolito] might be married (fn. n17) to the duchess of Florence (Margaret). Capua undeceived him at once, and told him that he would never help him in anything of that sort, and that it was not fit for him to change frock or career. The result of this has been that cardinal Ippolito has actually renewed the offers he made the other day, and is about to send one of his secretaries to Spain on a mission for the purpose, as it is publicly said, of obtaining the abbey of Monferrara, or rather permission to accept it; but in reality, as he (Cifuentes) has been informed, in quest of the Imperial favour, that he may be allowed to renounce the cardinalate, and indulge in other similar whims of his own. Hears that he has again under his roof Giovan Paolo Cheri, and that Pirro has now left him, &c.
Intelligence has been received here that Giovan Joachino, the king of France's man, and a Genoese by birth, has lately arrived in Venice, and that he has his wife with him, pretending that he intends to live there quietly and away from politics. Happening the other day to mention this to His Holiness, and having hinted besides at Gioachino's restless nature, and at his having been so often mixed up with State affairs, he (the Pope) suggested that perhaps Gioachino had gone to Venice for the purpose of meeting Gritti, lately arrived from Constantinople. Most likely (he said) the latter bad news to communicate, or offers to make in the Turk's name, and not daring to go to Paris for fear of the whole affair being bruited about, or finding Venice a more commodious and fitter place for such negociations, had most likely sent for Gioachino. The Pope's suspicions may be true, but he (Cifuentes) imagines that Gioachino's visit to Venice may have for object to ascertain if, in the event of the French invading Milan or Genoa, the Venetians will remain neutral. At any rate, the Imperial ambassador there must be informed of this, and have Gioachino closely watched.
His Holiness tells him that he thinks the king of France will not bring an army to Italy this year; he will rather prepare his troops, and muster his men-at-arms against future contingencies, and in the meantime do his utmost, as he is actually doing, to disturb the peace of Germany: so it would seem as if the storm now brewing were to fall on those countries. It is to be supposed, however, that His Majesty is by this time on the alert, and has already issued proper orders, &c.
Authentic news has been received here that in the Council [of the Ten] at Venice, after a discussion on the Papal sentence, the majority concluded that though His Holiness had determined in favour of Her Highness, the Queen of England, his determination on so important a matter must have been preceded by some secret agreement between the Emperor, His Holiness, and the king of France, at which the Signory are exceedingly alarmed. Shall not fail to let the Imperial ambassador (Don Lope de Soria) know of this, that he may, if he deems it convenient and opportune, talk to them in general terms, and calm their suspicions and misgivings on that score; the more so that he (Cifuentes) hears His Holiness wishes to make the Venetians believe that there is to a certain extent ground for their suspicions.—Rome, 15 April 1534. (fn. n18)
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
15 April. 43. The Same to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E. Rom., L. 862,
ff. 25–7.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 232.
I must say in answer to Your Lordship's letter of the 18th ult., that I am very much pleased to see that Your Lordship understands His Holiness' character well, and therefore that the Emperor is right in thinking that His Holiness' hesitation and want of resolution in these matters is no fault of mine. My answer to the letter brought by Aponte must have convinced both His Imperial Majesty and your Lordship that the instructions I then received were followed to the very letter. I was commanded to urge His Holiness to come to a resolution in all matters concerning the Faith, the peace and quietness of Italy, and the defence of threatened Christendom; but as the former could not be done without touching on the assembly of a General Council—which happens to be His Holiness' sore point—as your Lordship well knows, the negociation could, not possibly be carried to an end in a manner profitable to the Emperor; whereas the preservation of peace, here in Italy, and the departure of the Verulan (Ennio Filonardo) for Switzerland, were measures likely to injure the Most Christian king of France, whose friendship His Holiness seems determined to keep and preserve at any risk.
With regard to the defence against the Turk, the Pope says that he cannot do more at present, for he has no money. I represented it to him at the time that the news of the corsair Barbarossa were such that he (the Pope) could not do less than increase the number of galleys he had promised to arm, and I know from a very good source that after I left him he said to one of his confidential servants, "The Imperial ambassador is so pressing that I am not sure whether one of these days I shall not be obliged to tell him that I can do neither one thing nor the other." I mention this because, though your Lordship is, no doubt, well informed of what is going on here, and knows these people well, it is important for your Lordship to calculate how far we can depend on these people, and at the same time how to proceed in the affair. (fn. n19) I have drawn upon the Imperial treasury for 3,200 florins to defray the cost of the sentence. Though Secretary Blosio has received his usual fee, I hear that he is discontented, and says that, considering the work he has had to do, the sum of money paid to him is by no means adequate, and that he is entitled to a good deal more, the case being of such importance, &c. I have consulted people of the profession about it, and they all tell me that he has really been underpaid. Blosio is a very good man (muy buena persona), and says that when the Emperor was last in Italy he promised him some mark of favour. The last Datary would not take the fee to which he was entitled for the time he filled that office; but has since begged me to remind the Emperor of him.—Rome, 15 April 1534.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
16 April. 44. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Rep. P.C.,Fasc.229,
No. 29.
Since my last of the 12th, nothing of sufficient importance has occurred to require a long despatch, the more so that I doubt whether this one will reach in safety, for on Sunday last the officer of Calais opened the two letter-bags from Flanders, (fn. n20) and examined their contents. Perceiving, however, that one of them was entirely filled with merchants' letters, he allowed the courier to pass with it. The other, in which was a packet of letters from the Queen, governess [of the Low Countries], was handed over to a gentleman, and then with a new cover to it brought here by the said Calais gentleman, who arrived in Court the day before yesterday (the 14th), in company with the courier. As my letters were not forthcoming I this morning, sent a message to Cremuel (Cromwell) inquiring for them. His answer to the man, bearer of my message, was that what the officer of Calais had done was entirely owing to certain strange words uttered by the courier himself, and that he could assure me upon his faith and honour that the packet had not been touched or opened, and would be delivered to me this very evening with such excuses and explanations as I could not fail to accept. I have not the hast doubt that great efforts will be made to colour so unwarrantable an action, but in my opinion it will be a very difficult task for them to disguise their offensiveness and wickedness; for, in the first place, the excuse given about the courier has no weight at all. (fn. n21) Had he been arrested in consequence of words uttered by him at Calais, that was no reason for tampering with the letterbags destined to the merchants of this place, who could not be made responsible for the courier's words. As soon as I know what excuses these people make for so flagrant a breach of faith, I will immediately apprise Your Majesty thereof, but in the meantime I have sent an express to the Queen Regent, your sister, informing her of what has happened, and warning her to be in future more guarded about our official correspondence.
The Scottish ambassadors are in daily communication with these ministers. Besides their attending Court almost daily, Cremuel (Cromwell) and the Chancellor (Audeley) go often to visit them in their lodgings, where they are to dine together this very day. There is besides a rumour that one of them is shortly to return home, for the purpose, as it is said, of more closely binding the King, his master, to certain designs of this one;—which are, as some people say, the intervention of Scotland, England, and France in the affairs of the Continent; which, by-the-by, I do not believe possible, unless there be first an agreement between the king of Scotland and this one, who, in this particular negociation, suspects the French exceedingly. (fn. n22) One of the said Scottish ambassadors has twice within the last few days sent me word to the effect that nothing had yet been settled, and that if there was, he would let me know. I have not heard from him since. No doubt his frequent communications with the King's ministers have prevented him lately from calling, if, as people here seem to think, negociations have already begun.
This morning some one has called and told me that the bishop of Rochester (Fisher), the late Chancellor (More), and several other worthy people, have been sent to the Tower for their refusing to swear to the statutes lately passed, and that for fear of a similar punishment the Lord Mayor (fn. n23) and the corporation of this city have tendered their oath.—London, 12 April 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 2.


  • n1. The original consulta of the Privy Council, with occasional remarks in the Emperor's own hand.
  • n2. "Y aunque no lo hiziese, la tardanza se imputaria de aqui adelante á la parte de la Reyna, y difiriendose de proseguir por un cabo ó por otro, el efecto de la dicha sentencia, el dicho Rey estará tanto mai insolente, se destinaran (desatinaran?) sus subiectos y se desvergonzaran sus aliados, y tambien se endureszeranmas los malignos desviados de la fée."
  • n3. "With great care and tact; and let the very same words be employed."—Note in the Emperor's hand.
  • n4. A marginal note in the Emperor's hand has the following: "This last to be said by way of interrogation, as if it came from the ambassador himself, and in the manner that may be thought most fit."
  • n5. According as the occasion may be, and in the most fitting manner, this may be hinted to His Holiness.
  • n6. "El ambaxador del marques de Mantua," says the original draft in the hand of Covos, but marques is a mistake for duque, to which dignity Gonraga had been raised by Charles as early as 1530. See vol. iv., part ii., pp. 481–5. As to the Duke's ambassador at the Imperial Court, his name was Sigismondo della Torre.
  • n7. "Bien entendant que sans cela le ieu se pourroit dresser sur son exchequier."
  • n8. "Toutesfois hors deulx ce roy ne monstra destre ioyeux, car il ne disna point dehors, ni avec sa dame [ainsy] que il auoit accoustume."
  • n9. Ponpet de la Chaulx.
  • n10. "Sur quoy le dit de Castillon vint a dire que cestoit floreter et user de dissimulacion dalleguer amyte entre vostre maieste et le dit roy bien alliance que ne se pouvoit nyer."
  • n11. "Et pour sentir de quel pied sa Sanctite marchoit en cest endroit et aussi les Veneciens."
  • n12. Ladislas V., 1434–40.
  • n13. Amurath, or Murad, son of Mohammed II. (1422–51).
  • n14. "Il estoit vrai que expressemant ylz ne tenoint propoz que ce roy deust innouer ne alterer lamytie, au moins quil ayt ouy, mays ilz avoint bien voulu fere entendre [au dit roy que vostre maieste tenoit tort de lui, et luy auoit usé de grande rigueur]."
  • n15. "Les quelz propoz sont bien divers de ce que ce dit roy auoit autresfois dit au dit ambassadeur, assavoir quil avoit despendu deux millions dor pour vostre maieste, dont fault dire que a ceste derniere fois il deuoit faire quelque reproche des grans plaisirs quil a fait aux françois, puis quil venoit a extenuer ce quil a fait pour vostre maieste."
  • n16. Andrea Corsino; about whom, see vol. iv. part i. pp. 726, 736, 755.
  • n17. "Desto dize quedó desabrido el dicho Cardenal, y casi la misma platica embió á dezir al dicho arzobispo de Capua, que le fuera buen intercesor con V. Md en que le diese V. Md la señora duquesa de Florencia."
  • n18. "Aqui se ha sabido como cosa cierta como en el Consejo de los Venecianos se ha platicado que la sentencia que se dió en favor de la Serenissima Señora Reyna de Ynglaterra, por ser de tan gran momento, no se diera sino estuviera concertado V. Md con su Santidad y el Rey de Francia, de lo qual tienen gran gelosia. Daré aviso desto á el embaxador de V. Md, que en Venecia reside, para que si le pareciere con palabras generales satisfaga á estas sospechas, no haziendo mas caso del negocio del que conviene, y no me parece esto fuera de proposito por que he sabido que su Beatitud quiere dar[á] entender á los Venecianos que es verdad."
  • n19. "Esto digo á proposito, por que aunque V. S. es mejor informado y sabe lo de acá, vea claramente como no se puede tomar tanta claridad y resolution quanta convernia para el bien de los dichos negocios."
  • n20. "Attendu que le debitis de Callaix ouvrist les bougelles des deux courriers que venoint de Flandres." "Debitis" is the name given at that time in Calais to the chief of the Customs.
  • n21. "Si crois-je quils auront bien affere de bien le colorer qui ny ait de lordure et malignite, et desia lexcuse que dessus nest legittime ne vraysemblable."
  • n22. "Il est bruyt que lung des dicts ambassadeurs doit en bref aller vers le roy leur maistre pour estraindre (sic) les affaires, et dient aucuns quil se traicte de l'interuencion du dit [roy] descosse dela la mer avec celluy de France et cestuy, ce que je ne croys, si ny a premierement appoinctement entre le dict roy descosse et cestuy, le quel en cest endroit a pour tres suspectz les françoys."
  • n23. At this time Sir John Champneys was Lord Mayor of London.