Spain: May 1534, 21-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: May 1534, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 166-173. British History Online [accessed 16 June 2024].

. "Spain: May 1534, 21-31", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 166-173. British History Online, accessed June 16, 2024,

. "Spain: May 1534, 21-31", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 166-173. British History Online. Web. 16 June 2024,

May 1534, 21-31

21 May-
1 June.
59. The Cardinal of Jaen to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 861,
ff. 53–4.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 256.
Returns thanks for the Emperor's letter of acknowledgment.
Cardinal Salviati and the viceroy of Naples.
His own affairs, and how very deserving he is that the Emperor should think of him.
(fn. n1)
The Papal bulls in favour of Rodrigo Pacheco have been expedited.
The duke of Urbino is so attached to the Emperors service that no one surpasses him in that respect. He complains of the viceroy of Naples [marquis de Villafranca], who, he says, will not pay him any respect. Not only has he quartered soldiers on the estate the Duke possesses there, but has caused him great annoyance by favouring people who dispute his rights, and have actually instituted a lawsuit against him.
Giovan Battista Savelo (Savelli), returns thanks for the favour he has received from him [Covos].
Begs him to place in the Emperor's hands the enclosed letter on his own private and personal affairs. Only wishes His Majesty to be acquainted with the truth.—Rome, 21st May 1534.
(Cipher.) P. S.—We are today the 1st of June, and I cannot help remarking that the condition of things being so precarious, we ought not, in my humble opinion, to goad the Pope unnecessarily; for he might, through fear or indignation, throw himself into the hands of our opponents. I say this much because though I admit that it was wise to show sorrow at what he may have said or done at the Marseilles conferences, yet I think it is not prudent to goad and over-irritate him, leaving him no time or opportunity to repent his error, or, if he has not erred, to persevere, as hitherto, in his good purpose; for anyone who knows his nature may expect repentance from him, and if there was no real error on his part he might better every day. If, on the contrary, you wish him to be goaded and enraged before his time, that is surely the path to be followed; he will go off sooner than you think. In my opinion they ought to be better provided than they are with weapons to fight him. God knows the purity of my intentions in writing as I do. Of the displeasure and annoyance caused by the Count's conversation and allusion to the General Council I consider Your Lordship to be already well informed, and, therefore, I will add nothing of my own, except say that I really believe that to potions (xarabes) of this sort is the Pope's late fit of gout and weakness of stomach to be attributed.
(Common writing:) Advices from Genoa say that a Genoese merchant coming from Normber (Nuremberg) had brought news of a battle fought between the troops of king Ferdinand and those of the Landgrave, in which, he says, the former had been defeated. No confirmation of this intelligence has come from other quarters, &c. Should the news turn out true (which may God forbid), I apprehend great disasters both in Germany and here, in Italy, and therefore I confirm my proposition.
That Your Lordship may better understand how matters stand here at Rome,—though, having often conversed with the Count on the subject, I dare say he has already informed you,—I will enter into a few more details. On the Pope's return from the conferences of Marseilles we immediately perceived that he was very much on his guard, and afraid that the Emperor, in consequence of the said conferences, might suspect him. This is evident from various signs: First of all, the time and mode of the restitution to the Turk of the fortress of Coron; second, the mode and time of the provision of Toledo; and last, not least, the Council and other causes of complaint (desabrimientos) which there, as well as here, he has had. I write this that Your Lordship may know that if this man is to be preserved [for us], the wounds must be scientifically treated, (fn. n2) because, in my opinion, with courtly manners and tokens of love, he may still be retained and continue friendly. That Your Lordship may maturely consider this affair, which I deem of the greatest importance, I will add, from a most authentic source, that after next November His Holiness intends sending to the Emperor post-haste one of his own chamberlains, begging him to deliver the duchess of Florence (Margaret), to be here married to the duke Alessandro, because, he says, the term fixed will then have arrived. It is important that the Emperor should know of this in order to be prepared, &c.
(Common writing:) Yesterday, whilst I was in chapel at vespers, which His Holiness did not attend, owing to his gout, several cardinals came up to me rather agitated, wishing to know what Spaniards those were who were coming in this direction. I answered them that I knew nothing about it, —which was the truth. But as they are tutored by experience (escarmentados), and recollect what happened once, they insisted on my answering. I replied that for the last two days the Pope and the [Imperial] ambassador had know of their coming, and of their having already passed Terracina, which is in the lands of the Church. On my return home, I learned through the Count the truth of the affair, and this morning I myself gave the cardinals all manner of explanations and assurances, allaying their fears as well as I could. The affair, however, is of no importance; only that it would have been far better if the said Spaniards had not been allowed to quit Sicily, because in case of emergency they might have been employed in that island; and, what with the infantry at Naples, the Coron garrison, and the rest of the Spanish infantry in the Emperor's various kingdoms, might have formed a compact body of troops in these troublesome times; (cipher) whereas, if the Italians see Spaniards going about in mutiny, they will lose all respect for them, especially if in the districts and towns through which, the soldiers happen to pass they do harm, or receive it, which would be still worse. Arrived in Lombardy the men are sure to bring Antonio de Leyva into trouble, not only as regards their pay and quarters, but by threatening to join their comrades, and breaking into mutiny. I presume that it has been decided to send them, when they come here, to the coast of Siena with two commissaries, one from the Pope, the other from the count [of Cifuentes]. In my opinion their destination and route has probably been chosen for some mysterious purpose, perhaps in order that the annoyances and worries attending the quartering of undisciplined troops may fall on the Siennese and the Luquese, who happen just now not to be in good odour with the Pope. (Common writing:) There might also be danger at their crossing the Florentine territory; but the duke Alessandro governs himself so prudently, and with so much respect to the Imperial ministers, that I have no doubt everything will go on right there.
Signed: "G[abrielis] Carlis Gienn[ensis]."
Addressed: "To the High Commander of Leon, of the Emperor's Privy Council, and his first secretary."
Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet, pp. 10.
29 May. 60. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
V. Imp. Arch.,
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229,
No. 37.
On Saturday, the eve of Pentecost, I received notice from the Queen, Your Majesty's aunt, to the effect that the bishops and members of the Government sent by the King to make her swear to the statute framed against her and her daughter, the Princess,—as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty, —after uttering many rude and uncouth words in order to oblige her to acquiesce in it, actually threatened her with the penalties contained in the said statute, having, at the same time, expressly warned her that, should she persist in her refusal, she might possibly incur the pain of death. This much did the King's commissioners tell the Queen in order to frighten her; but she remained more firm than ever in her determination, telling them, among other things, that if any one of the commissioners had charge to execute the said sentence upon her, he might come forward and do his duty at once; the only prayer she made was that she should not be put to death in her own room, or in any other secret place, but publicly and before the people. (fn. n3) I (Chapuys) was likewise informed that certain maids in waiting of the Queen's, having refused to take the said oath, had been arrested and locked up in a room; that her confessor, apothecary, and physician had received orders not to quit the house, and that four more officers of her royal household had been sent to gaol. To remedy which, and in obedience to the Queen's commands, I immediately started for Richemont, where the King then was, taking care to inform him on the way that I was coming, though without declaring what the object of my visit was. On the receipt of my message, the King was astonished, and somewhat displeased, as I presume, at my sudden appearance in Court, without my having previously asked for an audience, as is customary in such cases; yet he gave orders, though late in the day, that the duke of Norfolk (fn. n4) should wait, and ask me to dinner,—which he did. After which the said Duke, in the hearing of the marquis [of Exeter], of the Treasurer (Fitz William), of the Comptroller (Paulet), of Rochefort, of the bishop of Ily (Ely), and of the captain of the Guard there present, began to say that the King, his master, had been very much astonished at my sudden appearance without any previous notice, especially at a time when it was well known that Your Majesty had forbidden my witnessing the pageants and carousals of London, or otherwise going to Court without express invitation, and the permission of Mr. de Grandvelle. (fn. n5) The King (continued the Duke) suspected that the said prohibition had no other origin than my having written home that whenever I (Chapuys) had applied for an audience, it had been refused. The Duke went on to say that he also had to complain of me, inasmuch as I had suspected him of having purposely on one occasion delayed the King's audiences.
My reply was, as to the former point, that I was not aware of Your Majesty having issued any such orders; if you had, there must have been strong and cogent reasons for it, at which the King, his master, could in nowise show his discontent. With regard to the second point, I related to him what passed before writing my last despatch to Monseigneur de Grandvelle, which was the fact, that whenever I had applied for an audience from the King it had been readily granted, that is, when asked for a fixed time, not alternatively, for then it had been sometimes delayed, as was the case with that about which I had written. (fn. n6) The Duke was quite satisfied with my answer, as was also the King himself, as the Duke told me afterwards.
After the above dispute the Duke signified to me that if the business which took me to the King was private, and not pressing, he should much prefer not to be troubled with it, knowing, as he did, that the members of his Privy Council could sufficiently treat it. If, however, it was important, he would see to it himself. My answer was that the affair which brought me to Court was of such importance that it seemed to me as if the King might willingly take the trouble of listening to me; yet, knowing, as I did, the many virtues and good qualities of his Privy Councillors, and their anxiety for the good conduct of affairs, and the preservation, nay increase, of friendship between Your Imperial Majesty and the King, their master, as well as between the countries and dominions of both,—being also sure that through their acknowledged dexterity and prudence they would find out the means, much sooner and better than myself, of ingratiating themselves with the King, and reporting on what I had to say,—I had no objection to mention the cause and object of my calling; which I then and there proceeded to explain in the most courteous and gracious terms possible, engaging them, by several and various reasons which I consider unnecessary to mention in detail, to work earnestly for the redress of the aforesaid innovations. After remonstrating with the councillors, and telling them what I considered most suitable the councillors withdrew to a corner of the hall, in order to deliberate on my proposal before reporting to the King. Shortly after which the King, who wished to start as soon as possible for a hunt in the adjoining park, sent for the councillors, and having conversed with them for a good while the Duke came back with the following answer:—The King acknowledges no superior, equal, or controller, in this his kingdom or elsewhere: no one can have anything to do with the laws and statutes of the realm, which all his subjects are bound to obey. With regard to the innovations above alluded to, he (the King) could not give an answer until one of his clerks, who was away, had returned; when, after hearing what I had to say, he would make, or cause to be made, sufficient answer to my application, not only as regards the innovations I complained of, but also touching the permission I wanted for visiting the Queen,—which is the thing she most ardently desires, as she has sent to say. After this, the Duke and his colleagues proceeded to assure me that the King had been much pleased with my answer to the complaints laid down by the former, and that they thought I should be equally pleased with that which the King, after hearing the report of his clerk, would undoubtedly make to my application, without which it was out of the question for us to discuss or decide in the matter. For this reason the King, considering the audience quite unnecessary, had gone to the hunt.
This matter at an end, I next spoke to the councillors about a Biscayan ship from St. Sebastian, captured last year by the English, showed them the letters received from Your Majesty on the subject, and remonstrated strongly against the indignity offered in the case; which they promised to look into, and redress according to justice.
Now, though it is a known fact that since Easter several of the above-mentioned clerks have returned to Court, I must say that up to the present day no answer has been made to my pressing solicitations on that score. Yet, yesterday, Master Cromuel sent me word to wait and have patience until Monday next, when, he says, I am to get one without fail.
Nobody doubts here that one of these days some treacherous act will befall the Queen, considering the rude and strange treatment to which she is daily subjected, (fn. n7) both in words and in deeds, and which is on the increase; especially as the King's mistress has been heard to say that she will never rest until he has had her put out of the way; and that since a prophecy exists that a queen of England is to be burnt alive, she is quite justified in trying to avert that fate from herself, and make the Queen play the part of the person doomed to the faggot. Indeed, many people here suspect that the forebodings of some of the courtiers, who continually keep saying that ere long great things will be seen [in London], are in allusion to the Queen, and to the hurt they intend doing her. A few days ago the Chancellor, whilst speaking in a passion to three or four of the principal foreign merchants, said to them that in his opinion, and in that of his colleagues, all foreigners residing in England ought to be treated as they deserved, and the wings of very great people clipped; (fn. n8) which threatening words the said merchants interpreted as alluding to the Queen. These are, indeed, monstrous things, and not easily to be believed, and yet such is the King's obstinacy, and the wickedness of this accursed woman (Anne), that everything may be apprehended.
The third day of Easter, Master Cromwell wrote from Court to the French ambassador that the landgrave [of Hesse] had completely defeated six thousand men of the king of the Romans. On the evening of the same day the French ambassador sent his steward to the King with a hasty message,—whether for the purpose of asking money for the said Landgrave, or of covering any designs there may be between them, I cannot positively say; but the fact is that next day the ambassador went to visit the said Cromwell at his hotel, for the purpose, as some people assure me, of congratulating on the said news and concocting fresh plans for the future, for the ambassador was accompanied by the agent of the Vayvod (Zapolski), and by Gregory de Cassal, whose brother is now ambassador in Rome for the said Vayvod; besides which it is rumoured here that this King is about to send Gregory to Venice, in room of another brother of his, who is to go as this King's ambassador to the Vayvod.
Your Majesty's letters of the 29th ultimo were duly received the day before yesterday, together with the papers and instructions therein enclosed, of which I intend making use according to your Imperial commands. I have not yet forwarded those addressed to the Queen, in the hope of being the bearer of them myself, and telling her verbally whatever I may think fit to add on the occasion, should I find cause and opportunity for it, which, I must say, I consider rather difficult under present circumstances. I will not, however, fail in forwarding those for Scotland and Ireland.
One of those whom this King sent once to Saxony boasts of having rendered great and signal services to his master; but I have been unable yet to learn what those services consist of. He has, moreover, brought back with him the copy of a letter from the king of the Romans to the Grand Turk,—no doubt a forgery,—wherein the grossest abuse and threats are heaped upon the Turk, this being the reason, as some infer, of the descent of the Infidel.
Thanks for the pension just granted on the archbishopric of Toledo.—London, 29 May 1534.
After writing the above some one has come to tell me that Mr. de la Guyche, (fn. n9) who was here three years ago, has arrived. He comes alone, though it was said some time ago that the embassy would be composed of two or three gentlemen of higher rank.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 29th of May. Received the 16th of June at Salamanca, the day of the Emperor's entrance into that town.
French. Original. pp. 6.


  • n1. This and the preceding paragraph are in the handwriting of the Cardinal.
  • n2. "Scrivo esto afin de que si juzgaren que es bien entretener este hombre, que sepan medicar las heridas."
  • n3. "Ylz lavoint expresseraent mennasse de la poine comprinse au dit statut, luy desclayrant nommemant quil y gisoit la mort, pensant de ce lestonner; mays elle sen monstra constante davantaige respondant entre aultres choses que sil y avoit quelcung que fust venu pour fere telle execution quil savançat et ne prioit daultre sinon selle (si elle) debuoit mourir que ce fust en public et non point en chambre ou aultre lieu secret."
  • n4. "Toutesfoys yl ordonna quelque heure tarde que fust que le duc mattendist a disner."
  • n5. "Me commença a dire que le dit seigneur roy avoit este esbey de ma venue pour estre contre la prealleguee coustume, mesmes aussy que vostre maieste avoint faict deffendre a son ambassadeur de non se trouver aux festez et triomphez de vostre maieste sans y estre appelle, ni entrer en court que premierement yl ne fust appelle, ou quil eust parlé à Monseigneur de Grandvelle."
  • n6. "Que laudience ne ma oneques este reffuzee quant ie lavoye demande precise, et non point alternativement, comme je faysois lorsquelle me fust delayée."
  • n7. "Tout le monde ne doubte quil [ne] soit fait quelque mauvais tour a la royne actendues les rudesses et estrangetez."
  • n8. "Et ny a guieres que le Chancellier, parlant en collere a trois ou quatre des principaulx marchans estrangiers, il leur dit que silz estoient de croyre, tous les estrangiers de ce royaulme seroient traictez commilz meritoient, et que lon [en] racourciroit de bien grans."
  • n9. Claude do la Guiche, who came in January 1531 as Francis' ambassador.