Spain: August 1534, 1-20

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: August 1534, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 229-248. British History Online [accessed 19 June 2024].

. "Spain: August 1534, 1-20", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 229-248. British History Online, accessed June 19, 2024,

. "Spain: August 1534, 1-20", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 229-248. British History Online. Web. 19 June 2024,

August 1534, 1-20

1 Aug. 77. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
ff. 30–1.
B. M. Add. 28, 587,
f. 1.
Wrote last on the 21st ult. After that His Holiness' illness so increased that his physicians entirely gave him up. Rome is up in arms in consequence; yet heard this morning, from two or three of his chamberlains, that he was a shade better; so that there is a chance, eight against thirteen, that he may still recover.
(Cipher:) Knows from an authentic source that letters from France, dated the 25th ult., have been received here, advising that the brother of Anna de Bolans (George Boleyn) had arrived at that court for the purpose of having the interview of the two kings delayed until September; and it was generally believed that the meeting would not take place at all, owing to those kings mistrusting each other, and also because it is rumoured that king Henry dares not quit his kingdom just now for fear of a revolution.
(Common writing:) So much so that the King, wishing to put to death a certain nobleman, the Council would not consent to it, but would set him free from prison; at which the King, and the duke of Norfolk, were so displeased that it was anticipated this might be the beginning of some commotion, which God is preparing to punish the king of England. (fn. n1)
(Cipher:) The letters also state that the Imperial ambassador residing in France having said to king Francis that the purchase by him of the county of Monbelart (Montbelliard) from the duke of Würtemburg was an act of hostility against him (the Emperor) which he resented extremely, the King answered, "I have, 'tis true, bought Montbelliard from an enemy of the Emperor, but the Emperor has sold the duchy of Milan to the greatest enemy I ever had."
After this, the ambassador went to the Grand Master [of France], and asked him, what did king Francis want from the Emperor; and the answer was, "The duchy of Milan, Asti, and Genoa, all of which belong to him." The ambassador then replied, "Were the Emperor to give up all that, what security is there that the King, your master, will not afterwards invade the kingdom of Naples?" "The King," retorted the Grand Master, "would never do that, because after the cession of the above, such a firm and lasting peace would be concluded between the two sovereigns that the thing would be no longer possible, and France would immediately relinquish all her claims." The ambassador had sent home an express with this intelligence; from which circumstance people thought there was some hope of an agreement respecting those demands of the French. He (Sylva) cannot believe that things passed in that way: it might be a rumour purposely circulated at the court of France in order that some influential person should write here, as he has done. He (Sylva) vouches for it.
It is also reported that king Francis is much displeased at the agreement just made between His Highness, the king of the Romans, the Landgrave, and the duke of Würtemburg.
Andrea Doria had arranged to come to Civitta Vechia with part of his own galleys, and seven more from Genoa, which His Holiness had ordered him to arm at his expense. Once there, the Pope was to send him money for the pay of the men, and he (Doria) would immediately sail for Sicily. The Camarlengo had already collected 4,000 ducats, and was trying to procure the remainder. On the 21st ult. a pressing message came from the prince of Melphi (Doria), intimating that if by the 28th the money was not forthcoming, the galleys should be disarmed. The day before yesterday another courier came from the Prince. He (Sylva), sent word to Carniseca, who saw the Pope about it. The answer was, that as Doria had threatened to disarm the galleys by the 28th, the money would arrive too late, as he could not possibly remit it before that date.
All these are excuses not to disburse the money; but as it is believed that Barbaroxa will not come down this year, no great harm is done. (fn. n2) —Rome, 1 Aug. 1534.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original. Partly in cipher. pp. 4.
1 Aug. 78. The High Commander (Covos) to the Same.
S. E., L. 861,
f. 137.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 5.
As the present courier for Italy is detained longer perhaps than was necessary, and since Your Majesty is there, (fn. n3) you must have seen the letters that came this morning. Those of last night have already been abstracted for Your Maje[...]s perusal. Some of their contents will be answered at once; others I must submit to your judgment.
With respect to Rome, as the Count (Sylva) says that he has enlisted 100 men, and the Viceroy [of Naples] writes that he has dispatched them [to Rome], and that the remainder of the force is quite ready, it would seem as if what has been written and provided on this head should be sufficient. It might be added that the said force, or any other that might be raised, is to be exclusively destined to the object specified in the instructions.
Respecting the pay for the crews of the seven galleys, it seems to me and to the rest of the privy councillors that, even in the event of His Holiness' death, the ambassador ought to urge for payment by the future Pope of all the obligations contracted by his predecessor.
Naples and the Viceroy.
Respecting Andrea Doria it is important to decide whether he ought to wait until the movements of the French fleet are fully ascertained; and whether, in case of the money for the pay of the seven Papal galleys not forthcoming, Your Majesty will be ready to supply the sums wanted.
Spanish galleys, and Spanish infantry in Lombardy.
With regard to Antonio de Leyva, he must, in my opinion, and in that of the Privy Council, be told that in case of the Pope's death he must do his best to make sure (asegurarse) of Parma and Piacenza.
Another letter, in the same sense, to be written to Count Gelaudio de Landa. The want of money to pay the men is a serious obstacle in all enterprises, and must be obviated somehow.
To see whether any particular instructions for Hernando de Gonçaga respecting La Mirandola are needed, and above all to refer to the letter which his agent at Court will deliver.
To decide whether cardinal De' Medici and the duke Alessandro are to be written to severally respecting the negotiation which their respective agents are carrying on here.
(Cipher:) The letter to Andrea Doria must be thus worded: He must be told that in case of some undertaking against France being carried out, it would be desirable that a body of Spanish infantry should be put on board the galleys; that orders be given for the said force to be kept ready, as well as the money for the pay of the men; and that, if not wanted, the infantry may be quartered at Genoa, or wherever it is thought most fit. Figueroa has also been written to on the subject.
Indorsed: "Copy of a paper, apparently in Covo's handwriting, addressed to the Emperor."
Spanish. Original minute. Partly in cipher. pp. 3.
4 Aug. 79. Count Cifuentes to the High Commander.
S. E. Sec. de Guer.,
Mar. y Tier,
No. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 15.
The ambassador residing in England for His Imperial Majesty writes to me in date of the 1st July, that upon the king of that country pressing his daughter, the Princess, to renounce her rights, and swear to the statute against the Pope, making him (the King) Caput supremum ecclesiœ, she (the Princess) refused to take the oath.
(Copies nearly the same words as in his letter to the Emperor, and then adds:) Not satisfied with that, the King insisted upon her signing a paper, the tenour of which was that she confessed her error and pertinacity in continuing to call His Holiness "Pope," instead of Bishop of Rome as he really was. Yet, with all that, the Princess could not be persuaded to take the oath and sign the said paper, things coming to such a pitch that the King sent to her a deputation composed of the duke of Noffotch (Norfolk), and Millort de Triges (fn. n4), and the bishops of Risestir (Chichester), at present Doctor Samson (Richard Sampson), that of Yeli (Ely), (fn. n5) and two more, who, after tormenting her in all possible ways to do what the King wanted, and they themselves requested her to do, could obtain nothing, for she resolutely answered them that she would not for all the kingdoms in the world do a thing so much against her conscience as that was. Then the deputies replied with all manner of insulting words, threatening her with death unless she complied immediately with her father's wishes; (fn. n6) after which they had her confined to her room, and gave most strict orders for her not to speak to any one, neither to send nor receive letters, and in fact that she should be closely guarded day and night. The King then, perceiving the Princess' determination, asked certain judges deputed for this particular case to look into it, and decide whether she had, or had not, actually incurred the pain of high treason, and could be sentenced to death. The judges being somewhat ambiguous in their decision, the King got into a passion with them, and they at last agreed that the Princess deserved death unless she complied with the King's wishes, &c.
Ascanio Colonna arrived here on the 1st, and sent me a message that, being rather unwell owing to the fatigue of the journey, he could not come to me, but that if I went next day I should find him in a church adjoining his house, as he had many things to tell me, more or less important for the Emperor's service. I accordingly repaired thither, but, not finding him in the church, went to his house, and found him asleep in his bedroom. I would not have him awakened; so I returned home and sent my secretary to him to inquire what he wanted of me. He sent me back a letter of credence which he said he had received from the Emperor, in which he was told that, should the affairs of Italy become embroiled, and king Francis refuse to treat of peace, he (Ascanio) was to try and bring about the union of the Pope, Venetians, and the rest of the Italian potentates, whilst our Emperor would march to Savoy, and recover the territories which the French had lately taken from his cousin, the Duke, &c.
The Pope and the Venetians (Ascanio said) are to be asked whom they would rather have for duke of Milan. I must say that when I myself saw the Pope I was surprised to hear the very same reasoning from his lips. Does he mean to say that he should like to have the duchy for his son Luigi? or does he know that it is Ascanio himself who has started the idea.—Rome, 4 Aug. 1536 (sic) 1535.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 13.
4 Aug. 80. Martin de Çornoça to the Emperor.
S., L. 1310,
ff. 160–2.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 7.
(Cipher:) Considering that it is the duty of every good and faithful vassal to report to his lord and master on all occurrences likely to bear on his honour and interest, he (Çornoça) has bethought him of advising a few things, in his opinion of great importance, on the politics of England, where he (Çornoça) spent the greater part of his youth, thereby gaining a thorough knowledge of that country.
After the injury done to Your Majesty and to Her Highness queen Katharine, your aunt, as well as to the whole Spanish nation, I am certain that nothing can be more agreeable or acceptable to Your Majesty than the suggestion of the right means to be employed for the remedy of so enormous an injustice as is now being practised against the Queen, which surely is exceedingly offensive to God and the world. For which reason, I really believe that His Divine Majesty, working as He does, with great mystery in all His acts, has now brought to these parts (Rome), as a remedy for such injury and wickedness, a high personage of that kingdom, named Mr. Reynaldo Polo, (fn. n7) of Royal blood, sprung of the very illustrious house of Clarence, and of the count of Barbie (Berwick), and son of that very noble countess of Salisveri (Salisbury), now governess to the most serene princess Mary of Norgales (North Wales), Your Majesty's cousin. The said nobleman is thirty-five years of age, and so learned in letters, both divine and human, that no one could be found in England like him; very much gifted, and adorned besides with prudence, manners, and every virtue; by whose instrumentality I really believe that Your Majesty will soon be able, without much show of arms, effusion of blood, or destruction of property, to have the entire controul of affairs in England. (fn. n8)
The King of that country having tried by all possible means to gain over the said Reynaldo Polo, his relative, that he might work in favour of his divorce, found that very virtuous gentleman so constant in his purpose that he could not prevail on him to stain his conscience. Not only did he (Polo) resist the King's insidious attacks, but actually wrote a book, which he dedicated to the Royal Majesty, wherein he boldly pronounces in favour of the most serene and holy queen Katharine,—a book written, as I understand, by Divine inspiration, and in which he (Polo) places before the King's eyes, with great frankness, the dishonour of the cause, the danger and destruction to his kingdom, that might ensue, &c. That King, however, who hates all sort of salutary admonition on that point, disregarded the good advice thus tendered to him, and instead of showing gratitude for it, conceived great enmity against his faithful and good relative, who, like a prudent man, and that he might escape the King's hatred and the disgrace that probably awaited him, took leave of him and departed for the continent, with a view to devoting himself entirely to the cultivation of letters, which have always constituted his delight, he having resided for nearly two years at the university (Estudio) of Padua.
The said gentleman is, on his mother's side, of the best blood in the kingdom. His father Ricardo Polo (Richard de la Pole) was, as I understand, a very worthy gentleman, in Norgales (North Wales), a very near relation of the last king (Henry VII.), and much esteemed in his own country.
Reynaldo (Reginald) has an elder brother, the Lord Montacute (Henry Montague), a very virtuous, prudent, and magnanimous gentleman, very much loved and respected by all classes; and also a sister (Ursula?), who married the son of the late duke of Vuquingan (Buckingham). The said lord Montacute (Montague) is closely related to the greatest families in the kingdom; besides the indissoluble friendship that unites him with the Queen's friends, and principally with a great lord of the name of Denlier, (fn. n9) and with many other lords [of England]. (fn. n10) The province of Norgales (North Wales) is peculiarly devoted to the Polo family, not only on account of their relatives and connexions in that county,—the Buquingans and the Burgonas (Avergavenny), who are most powerful, but on account of the Princess herself and of a gentleman named Don Ris, (fn. n11) who was beheaded three years ago. Owing to which reasons, the whole of that province of Norgales (North Wales) is, as I am given to understand, entirely alienated from the King's allegiance, as well as the counties of Barbic (Berwick) and Salisveri (Salisbury), which are so much attached to the house of Austria that I fancy their inhabitants would, with pleasure, risk anything in its service, if there was need of it. I calculate that those two counties might easily put 20,000 men under arms, the very best soldiers that England can boast of.
This is what hitherto I have been able to learn about the family, relations, power, and friends of the said Reynaldo, having done everything in my power to procure the information required respecting his person and arms, of which last I enclose a faithful drawing, that Your Majesty may be duly acquainted respecting him and his family. (fn. n12)
With regard to the reputation and esteem in which he stands with all classes of people in England, I find that he is an object of universal praise, and a truly virtuous man; for besides his noble sentiments, great and singular erudition, there has never been a stain on his life; on the contrary, his moral character is so good, he is so pure, and so full of humanity, prudence, and kindness, that every one who sees him is captivated at once. No wonder then if such an ornament to his country, such a glory as he is, is loved and adored by his people; for England being at the present moment in danger of revolution and discord owing to the Queen's ill-treatment, as well as greatly disturbed in matters of Faith, who can doubt that a person of the quality of this Reynaldo Polo would be the fit man to restore things to their former state, who, being so dear to the English, would be received as if he came down from Heaven? His person would, in my humble opinion, carry more weight than 40,000 foreigners, since these would destroy the land, whereas he would work for the welfare of the whole nation. I think it would be a pious and meritorious work to help and raise (sublevar) a man of this sort, were it for no other purpose than to save and preserve a kingdom oppressed by the deceit and wickedness of a prostitute and her perfidious abettors, and to restore that holy Queen, and the Princess, her daughter, to their former position and dignity. Indeed my heart sinks whenever I think of the miserable and calamitous state of those ladies, and, raising my eyes to Heaven, I fervently pray God to liberate and console them for all the pains and tribulations that they have had to suffer.
I beg and entreat Your Majesty that this information be kept a profound secret, in order to avoid the very grave inconveniences and dangers to which the above-mentioned family might be exposed; for there is no saying how much the king of England mistrusts and suspects the illustrious members of his own family, not only on account of their title and birth, but for their large patrimonial estates, though it must be said that the greater part has already been confiscated by the Crown, and on account of their family being the Queen's staunchest partizans and friends. Last, not least, should anything of what I have said above transpire during the absence of the said Reynaldo (Reginald Pole), the King would inevitably take offence, and wreak his vengeance on his relatives. Though I am not sufficiently acquainted with him to state beforehand how he would, if necessary, act in an undertaking against the King, I do not hesitate to say that his great genius and prudence would help him, and suggest the means of saving his own country from the tyranny in which it is sunk. (fn. n13)
I hope, even through certain means I have been thinking of, to persuade him to take in hand the business in question, principally if some substantial offer with a solid foundation be made to him. (fn. n14) Should Your Sacred Imperial Majesty, after exercising your clear judgment and prudence on the said English affair, require more information respecting that country, as well as a declaration of my plans, I shall always be ready to stake my fortune and my life for Tour Majesty's service, which sacrifice I am bound to offer as a native of those kingdoms of Spain, and as Your Majesty's consul in this city.—Venice, 4 Aug. 1534.
Signed: "Martin de Çornoça."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic, and Royal Majesty."
Spanish. Original in cipher. pp. 7.
8 Aug. 81. Count Villanova to Ibráhim Bashaw.
S. E., L. 1310,
ff. 126–9.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 11.
His servant Il Babba has returned. This enables him (the Count) to send as faithful a report as possible of the affairs of Europe.
The king of France has been unjustly accused by the Parliament of Paris of having made close alliance with His Majesty [the Sultan of Turkey] and with your Lordship against the Christians. (fn. n15) They have frightened him beyond measure, intimating that should he persevere in such an alliance and confederation, not only shall he lose his crown, but that possibly he himself and all his children may incur the penalty of death, Parliament alleging that he ought to be the first to maintain the Faith of Christ, and extend it, instead of helping to its destruction. By which threats he (the King) has been brought to betrothe two of his daughters, one to the prince of Lorraine (François), eldest son of the Duke (Antoine); the other to the king of Scotland, (fn. n16) both of which weddings are soon to take place. Parliament has, besides, exacted from him the promise that he will never give help or assistance to our lord, the Sultan, but will, on the contrary, give it for our destruction and ruin whenever it may be asked for and wanted. So has it been settled between them, and at the same time Parliament has made the King promise that he will forsake the protection and friendship of our most worthy Captain Barbarossa, to whom he had offered help and favour against the king of Tunis in Barbary, whenever the opportunity should occur; but the King, as I say, has now promised not to aid him in any way.
For this same reason has he refused to help the duke of Vertimberg (Würtenberg), who has consequently been compelled to become a feudatory of the king of the Romans, as have also many electors and lords of Germany.
The king of England no longer wishes to give the hand of his only daughter to the eldest son of the king of France, who is to succeed to the crown, and is called "il Dolphino," unless this latter makes equal promises to his own sons and to his future sons-in-law, the king of Scotland and duke of Lorraine. No sooner way the treaty concluded than the king of England made peace, through the means of France, with him of Scotland, who happens to be the son of his own sister, so that their two very large armies, which were in presence of each other and mutually ready, will now be united for attack. (fn. n17)
For this very reason has the king of France withdrawn his help and favour from the duke of Würtenberg, who, seeing himself abandoned, has been compelled to become the vassal of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand). At which move some prince electors and several other German lords, who had made an alliance with the said Duke, were the friends of France, and wished all the harm possible to king Ferdinand, have been thunderstruck on seeing that France has abandoned the undertaking. Fearing, however, lest the king of the Romans should punish them for their bad intentions, they (the German princes) have dexterously found the means of convoking a diet to meet at Augusta (Augsburgh), at which diet the lords and the free towns—who have money and men in abundance, and could, if they chose, raise in a fortnight 100,000 soldiers, and make themselves agreeable to the former,—the avowed enemies of the king of the Romans, will most likely compel him to pardon them (gli habbi a perdonar en publica dieta). So they have, without his knowledge, set him (Ferdinand) up, and confirmed him as king of the Romans with all the authority appertaining to that dignity, which they would never have consented to when he was first made, or rather elected, king of the Romans.
This is the mischief which the king of France has worked. He has actually spent half a million of gold to no purpose, with little judgment and less courage, and thus helped to make Ferdinand king of the Romans and supreme lord in Germany; for, certainly, had he kept to his word and respected the engagements entered into with our lord the Sultan and with your Signory through the medium of Captain Rincon, the Spaniard, and of Camillo Pardo, and likewise paid attention to the advices obtained from the archbishop of Ragusa,—had he kept half the promises he once made to our lord the Sultan and to your Signory,—certainly at the hour I write the whole country would be in the hands of the malcontents. I may certify your Lordship that of these things, and others which they are now striving after, the queen of France (Eleonor), the Emperor's own sister, has been and is, the principal soul, having, through her great talent, prudence, and generosity, brought about this change in the politics of France, and promoted the rebellious spirit (motinatione) of the above gentlemen, so much so that the Queen has lately sent to the Emperor a trusty servant of her's, and another one to the king of Portugal, their brother-in-law, and that king Francis himself has made her arbiter of his differences with the Emperor.
I further hear that there is some talk of marrying queen Eleonor's daughter by the [late] king of Portugal (Dom Manuel) to the second son of the king of France; by which union, if effected, King and Emperor will be able to govern the world at their pleasure.
I also hear that the king of Poland (Sigismond) is trying to renew the offer he once made through Antonio Rincon of the hand of his eldest daughter for king Francis' second born, named Monsieur d'Orleans. Should this have effect I will not fail to advise.
The king of Tunis (fn. n18) is daily praying the Emperor to help him with galleys and artillery that he may make war against our lord, the Sultan. He offers, if assisted, to do as much harm as he can to our people, and excite the Sophi of Persia to attack us on the frontier; and I am told that the advices which the Emperor receives from time to time concerning our movements come to him through the king of Tunis.
The agreement with the duke of Würtenberg has been the cause of the king of Denmark (Christiern), the Emperor's brother-in-law, who had once been dethroned and expelled from his kingdom, being restored to it. The said king is very powerful, especially in cavalry, and borders upon England as well as upon the lands of the duke-electors, who some time ago were no friends of the Emperor or of the King of the Romans, but are now, as I say, very friendly and obedient. (fn. n19)
Your Lordship has, no doubt, heard of the troubles and dissensions caused by those of the Lutheran sect, which at one time promised fair to become serious and almost general in Germany. Owing, however, to the agreement made by the princes themselves, those troubles have now subsided, the greater part of the chiefs having dispersed, so much so that the king of the Romans is now at ease, and without any concern, save that which king John, the Vayvod [of Transylvania], may possibly give him.
In Italy there is at present no dissension whatever, though many expect there would be some soon, owing to the enmity between the Emperor and the king of France, which is notorious.
The Pope has been during the last few days between life and death. Should he die, the Emperor will make every effort to have one elected who may be entirely devoted to him. If so, it is sure not to be to the advantage of our lord, the Sultan.
I have advices from a great lord on the other side of the Alps (un gran Signor tramontano) who has charge of the sea in those parts, (fn. n20) that, should the Emperor and the king of France come to terms, it has been resolved that after an agreement between them, the confederated princes of Christendom shall arm 500 sail, galleys, and war ships of all sizes, of which there are to be 100 "barce," or large vessels, 150 Genoese, Biscayan, English, French, and Portuguese, besides 250 smaller vessels to complete the number of 500. This fleet to be ready and victualled for any enterprise whatsoever in a very short time; and I need not tell your Signory against whom these maritime forces are to be directed.
Had I a trusty person to send to the Captain-general Barbarossa, I would advise him not to trust in any of those who might go to him under colour of being friendly to our cause. He must be vigilant and not reveal our secret, as he might, perchance, be caught in the net. I do not say this without cause or reason.
I have thought that your Signory being so far away from us, and owing also to the uncertainty of this my letter reaching you, I ought to communicate its contents to our most faithful ally and friend, signor Aloys Gritti, that he with his accustomed tact and wisdom should advise what had better be done under present circumstances, and inform our master, the Sultan, of any new occurrence. I have done so, and sent him a duplicate. I, on my part, promise to acquaint you, through the above-mentioned Aloys Gritti, of any new incident, without sparing money or trouble, hoping that by that means, and with the help of our master, the Sultan, and of your Signory, I shall be able to revenge myself on those Christian princes and lords, who have unjustly deprived me of my property and of my honour. I shall then die happy and contented, for I wish for nothing else in this world, and despise all its treasures; and, provided I can satisfy this my craving, which I believe will be a meritorious work in the eyes of God, I shall be revenged. (fn. n21)
I have nothing more to say for the present, except that I have charged our most faithful Babba to say many things to you which it would not be safe to commit to paper, begging you most earnestly, and with all my heart, to present these my humble commendations to His Majesty, the Sultan, whose feet I kiss with due reverence.—Venice, the 8th of August [1534].
Signed: "Il Conte di Villanova Abbatis."
Indorsed: "Copia d'una lettera scritta et mandata ad Abraim bassa et al Signor Alois Gritti dal Signor Conte di Villanova Abbatis."
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 10.
8–9 Aug. 82. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
T.S. Sec. de Guerra,
Mar. y Tier,
L. 5.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 23.
Carniseca gave him (Sylva) to understand some days ago that the king of England had agreed to marry the Princess [of Wales] to the Vayvod [of Transylvania, Zapolski], and was trying to send her on without traversing the Emperor's dominions, which seemed rather difficult.
Though Rome is tranquil at present, fears are entertained for the future. The cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici, afraid, as it appears, of Ascanio Colonna being in Rome, is every day introducing armed men from the outside. He (Sylva) tried to induce Ascanio to call on the Cardinal, because, should he do so, the suspicions and fears of the latter would be at once allayed. Gave him to understand that this would be highly advantageous for the Imperial service, inasmuch as the Cardinal ought to be temporized with, on account of that service, as well as for the future election. Colonna promised to call, but, owing to a false point of honour, changed his mind afterwards.
The Cardinal goes on showing great willingness to do service. Visits him (Sylva) frequently, and says he has written to his agent at the Imperial court not to be importunate, not to ask for anything, but put himself entirely under the Emperor's orders. When writing home, moreover, he was to follow instructions. If these are not mere Italian words (palabras de Italiano), the Cardinal may be of great use at the next Papal election.
Prince Andrea Doria anchored at Civittà Vecchia on the 4th inst. with 25 galleys. He was soon to sail for Naples in search of the "Jew," who had 20. The money which His Holiness has promised so many times has not been paid, as the cardinals say they want the cash for other purposes.
The merchant who has the balass ruby (balax) in pawn exhibited a copy of the obligation, from which it appears that upwards of 14.000 ducats are owing to him. He says, however, that he is willing to take 10,000 for it. A jeweller of this city, very expert in precious stones, said to him (Sylva) that the jewel was well worth 20,000 ducats for a gentleman, and 10,000 for a dealer in precious stones. As the balass is in Genoa, Figueroa, the ambassador, has been written to about that.
9th Aug. Last night His Holiness had a fit; so bad was it that the physicians declared at once that he could not live 48 hours.
The duke of Urbino begs that a suit at law which the son of Don Ramon de Cardona has instituted against him respecting the duchy of Sora be as soon as possible tried and sentenced.
Vaury (Waury) is the bearer of a petition from him to that effect.—Rome, 9 Aug. 1534.
Signed: "El Conde Alferez."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
9 Sept. 83. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. G., L. 5,
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 25.
Your Lordship must be aware that the bishop of Castellamare (Centellas) wants the archbishopric of Gaeta. He has petitioned for it, and says that if he cannot have both, he will renounce the former, as that of Gaeta is richer and has a larger revenue. This he does, as he says, to be nearer Rome.
In my opinion, the bishop deserves well this favour from the Emperor.
Ascanio [Colonna] came to my lodgings (posada), and we went together to call on cardinal [Ippolito] de' Medici. They greeted each other pleasantly, and spent a good hour in conversation. This has produced the best effect on all those who have heard of it. Your Lordship should get a letter from the Emperor to Ascanio, engaging him to remain on good terms with that Cardinal.—Rome, 9 Aug. 1534.
Signed: "Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
11 Aug. 84. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Rep. P.C., Fasc.229,
No. 51.
The day after the date of my last despatch (fn. n22) the Scottish ambassador came to dine with me, when, besides confirming the message already sent by my secretary, he related to me several and various particulars, all tending to show the singular affection and confidence which the King, his master, and all the Scotch, entertain towards Your Majesty; thereby wishing to make me understand that neither the king of Scotland nor his kingdom were at all displeased at the breaking off of the negociations for the marriage with the daughter of France, since that afforded them the opportunity of making alliance with Your Majesty, which is the thing the Scots have most desired for a long while, though hitherto unable, owing to the treaties existing between them and France, to declare openly their sentiments and wishes. The excuse alleged at first was that the Princess was too young to marry; but since that excuse has ceased, the King, his master, (said the Scotchman,) had shown to the French ambassadors the treaties, and drawn the required protestations in due form; in consequence of which the negociation had fallen to the ground, and his master had, all of a sudden, wished to send a message to Your Majesty. I answered him in general terms, and, coming to the marriage question, told him that, in my opinion, the King, his master, would do well in procuring the hand of the Princess [Mary]. He agreed with me as to that, and said that his master had already tried, and would again try for it, if there was any chance, which he (the ambassador) very much doubted. He also told me that at his parting from the King's court there was no news at all of the personage whom Your Majesty had sent thither. He then talked of the movements in Ireland, which, he said, might open the eyes of the Scotch, and principally of one of their earls, a near neighbour of the Irish, and one of the most warlike lords in all Scotland, who had under his orders a clan of savages, great friends of the Irish at all times. (fn. n23) The ambassador could not tell me for certain if the King, his master, had any understandings with the said Irish; he thought, however, that he had. He also told me that in the conferences for the last treaty of peace, this King's deputies had brought forward that of his master, renouncing at once the right he claimed to have to the possession of Ireland; but the proposition (he said) had been rejected.
Among the news lately brought by the bishop, who arrived the other day from Ireland, one is that as the archbishop of Dublin and chancellor of that country for this king was crossing the straits between Ireland and England, a tempest arose, and the ship in which he rode was thrown on the coast by contrary winds, and obliged to enter a port, where there was a small fortress and a scanty garrison. The archbishop though considered himself secure in it, and yet nothing he could do saved him from the son of the earl of Kildare and his adherents, who, having besieged and taken the fortress, made him and his suite prisoners. To avoid, however, the long process and consequent expense, the said Kildare had caused the archbishop and friends to be murdered, with the single exception of two, the richest men in the country, who had to pay a sufficient ransom to defray all the expenses of the expedition. Besides which I have been told by an Irishman that this Kildare has lately taken four or five towns; at which intelligence the King, as I am informed from a good source, is very much incensed, and in worse humour than he has been for a long time, especially at the news brought by the said bishop, to whom Cromwell is said to have addressed many injurious words, accusing him of high treason against this king, inasmuch as, just at the time that the Irish ought to be cajoled, and kept in good humour, and submissive to the king of England, he had suddenly left the country; besides which his coming posthaste to London might make people think there was some tremendous commotion in the country, and perhaps, too, create scandal. I am told, moreover, that Cromwell has caused the bishop to be kept under custody,—whether to have him punished, or to prevent the Irish news from becoming public, I cannot say.
Three days before the arrival of the said bishop, Master Schauenton (Skeffington), the deputy-governor of Ireland, took his departure for that country with his train only; the day after, a ship left this river with the ordnance. Many persons think that the governor himself and his ship will hardly escape falling into the hands of the enemy, for the rebel Irishmen have set up spies to watch their movements. (fn. n24) In fact it seems as if this King had made up his mind to lose all he has in Ireland, since he makes no provision of men and stores, and appoints such a governor, the most unfit for the command of that country that could be chosen. And then there is a report that the Kildare above alluded to has now under his orders upwards of 20,000 men, which number is daily increasing by arrivals from Wales and Scotland. It would be a great boon if the Irish could keep up this sort of game for some time; but it would be advisable for Your Majesty and His Holiness to give them help. I have written twice to the count Cifuentes to tell His Holiness that all this is being done in favour of the Faith and of the Apostolic See.
About eight days ago the copy of a letter written at Rome on the 26th ult., and addressed to the king of France, was shown in this city; the substance of which is that for 12 days the Pope had been so ill that his physicians had entirely given him up; in consequence of which he could not and would not attend to any business except that which had reference to the preparation of his soul.
After the Privy Councillors and the French ambassadors had debated for two whole days over the contents of the aforesaid letter, the latter and Cromwell despatched a courier with all haste to Rome, though they have spread the rumour that he will not go beyond Lyons. This very day Gregoire Casal is to start post-haste, and follow the traces of the said courier, and then go from Rome to Venice. Nobody knows what their charge may be. If I learn anything on this topic I shall not fail to let Your Majesty know. As to the Lubeckians, no business of importance, that I know of, has hitherto been transacted with them, except on matters concerning Faith, unless it be that they have applied for help in money to replace king Christiern on the throne of Denmark, which they say is their intention.
The Venetian ambassador came yesterday, and asked me, among other things, whether it would be possible for Venetian traders to buy wool in Spain, the English having lately made difficulties about this, besides ill-treating the merchants of the Signory. He went further: he told me that he had written home, recommending the promulgation of an edict similar to that of France, as I had the honour to advise in one of my last despatches. I gave the ambassador very good promises, and hopes respecting the supply of wool, and he went away very well satisfied.
Out of the five convents of Minor Observant friars, three have already been closed, owing to their respective congregations having refused to swear to the statute against the Pope. The two remaining are every day expecting to be turned out.—London, 11 Aug. 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor." Received on the 8th of September.
French. Original. pp. 4.
20 Aug. 85. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E., L. 862,
ff. 44–5.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 17.
On the 1st inst. I wrote to Your Majesty. Since then I have received that of the 27th, which I will now answer.
In addition to what Garcilasso [de la Vega] will report respecting my conversation with the Capuan (Schomberg), he said to me that His Holiness had been thinking of issuing a bull enjoining that immediately after the death of a pope the cardinals should go into conclave without waiting the 15 or 20 days, as usual, for the funeral service of the deceased, and so forth. It had likewise been His Holiness' intention to limit and modify that of Pope Julius, declaring simonatic, and of no value, any papal election in which money had been given to obtain votes; and excommunicating not only those who gave and received such monies, but also those who, for the purpose of gaining votes, made promises of money or ecclesiastical preferment; for (said the papal bull) there was danger of some one not on good terms with the elected alleging that he was not a true Pope, inasmuch as money and promises of preferment had been used.
This bull of Julius II. the Pope intended to modify, but, owing to the state of his health and the importance of the matter, which required mature deliberation, he has done nothing yet; nor is he likely to attend to it, as the Capuan says, in his present state of health, which is very bad indeed.
Hearing this, I dissembled, and further interrogated Schomberg on the subject. He told me that most of the cardinals were hastening to take part in the election, which, he said, was a fit thing for them to do, and that I was bound to take such steps as befitted the occasion. This I have since done, although with the greatest reserve, and without letting the Capuan know.
During the conversation he asked me whom I thought ought to be elected to the papacy, adding that His Holiness himself thought no one but Frenes (Farnese) ought to succeed him. "As to me (the Capuan said), though I am no friend of "that cardinal, and am sincerely attached to Campeggio, yet from the bottom of my heart I cannot but own that Farnese is a very honest and upright man, and, besides that, much advanced in years; and that although his having sons might be considered an objection, there were others against whom greater ones might be raised." My answer was that I had no opinion or vote in such matters except that which was consistent with Your Majesty's orders, which were to help in the election of a good pope, no matter of what nation, provided he was likely to promote the welfare of Christendom and of the Apostolic See. This was the time to ensure, above all means, such an election; Christendom well needed for its head a person of that sort, disturbed by heresy as it was now. Such was my answer to the Capuan and to all those who before or since have sounded me on this particular. I hear that king Francis has publicly made similar recommendations to the French cardinals, who are coming for the election; whether he has also done so privately remains to be seen; if he has, the election cannot but turn out well.
There is still talk of an interview between the kings of France and England this spring. The Papal Nuncio [at the court of France] writes that king Francis suspects that his brother of England is about to make up his quarrel with Your Majesty, whereas king Henry suspects the same thing of Francis.
The Papal Nuncio there, in Spain, has told Mr. de Granvelle that I (Sylva) put too much pressure on His Holiness, who is displeased and in bad humour with me in consequence. I am ordered to be more guarded in future. I am very thankful for the warning, but I must plead as an excuse for my behaviour that in the care I take of Your Majesty's affairs, and my mode of transacting business, I have hitherto feared that I might have been accused of excessive moderation rather than of too much urgency. The truth is that I am not at all surprised or offended at His Holiness's displeasure. I know very well that he has been, and is still, angry with me for carrying on negociations more or less distasteful to him. (fn. n25) Your Majesty and your Privy Council know full well what are this Pope's nature and character, and therefore I need not enter into more particulars now. Your Majesty's commands shall be punctually obeyed in this as in other things.
Letters from France of the 11th inst. advise that the Papal Nuncio residing there had written that king Francis, in order to secure the affection of the Germans, catholic as well as lutheran, had offered to become the principal promoter of the Council, and intercede with Your Majesty to that effect. For this end he (the King) had already, as it was said, begun to work as a go-between in Germany. No letter from king Francis has yet come to announce this his determination, but I hear from certain parties here that the hint has been thrown out by his ambassador in Germany, and that he has been answered that whenever he writes to His Holiness on the subject the matter shall be considered. Should the King undertake such a thing, I do not hesitate to say that the trust His Holiness once placed in him respecting this matter of the Council will be at an end, unless, as I suspect, the whole be a stratagem to render the negociation impossible. Your Majesty, however, must know best through the ambassador in France. Apropos of this, the Capuan told me the other day that in order to bring the Germans to your side Your Majesty ought to grant whatever might be resolved at the Diet now being held, or that might be held in future, and issue no orders to the contrary. I told him that the advice was good, but unnecessary, since Your Majesty would readily grant all that was just; whereas, if the demands of the Diet were excessive, no power in the world would make you yield to them. As Garcilasso (fn. n26) must already have arrived, he may report verbally on many points which cannot easily be committed to writing.—Rome, 20 Aug. 1534. (fn. n27)
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.


  • n1. "Por que teniendo preso un hombre principal que queria que se justiciasse, el consejo no [lo] quiso, antes le soltaron de la carcel y le dieron por libre. De lo qual el dicho rey rescibió gran desabrimiento y con ló el duque de Nolfolch. Podria ser que esto fuesse principio de novedades y que Dios las encaminasse por castigar el dicho Rey de Inglaterra." See above, p. 225.
  • n2. A duplicate of this despatch is to be found in the same volume, p. 3.
  • n3. On the 1st of August of this year the Emperor was at Palencia, in Castille, which he is said to have quitted for Madrid on the 5th of October. Most likely he went from Palencia to Valladolid and Tordesillas, in the neighbourhood, where his mother, the unfortunate Joanna, "the Crazy," was still kept in a sort of confinement. At any rate, the Privy Council did not follow him on that journey; which explains why his first secretary (Covos) who acted also as secretary to the said Council, wrote to him from Madrid. As, however, the Emperor never travelled without having in his suite some of his privy councillors, it may be surmised that the present "Consulta" was written at Palencia during the temporary absence of the Emperor to visit his mother at Tordesillas.
  • n4. Thus in the copy; but by referring to Chapuys' previous despatches, I find that be could be no other than Fitzwilliam, the treasurer of the Royal household.
  • n5. Thomas Goodrich, since the 10th of May 1534; he succeeded Nicholas West, who died on the 28th of April 1533.
  • n6. "Replicaronle todos los sobredichos con muchas bravuras, y desonestades de palabras injuriosas y amenazas que moriria por ello."
  • n7. "Por la qual causa creo que la divina Magestad como siempre obra todas sus cosas con gran misterio, ha traydo en estas partes para vengança de tanta injuria y maldad un gran personage de aquel reyno llamado Reynaldo Polo."
  • n8. "Y con tal instrumento creo firmemento que V. Mt se podria prevaler de las cosas de Yuglaterra sin gran contention de armas, sangre y destruccion."
  • n9. Thus in the original at Simancas. Bergenroth's copy has Deulier.
  • n10. "Y este Señor Reynaldo tiene un hermano mayor que es el Señor de Montacuto' (Montagu), por cierto muy virtuoso, prudente y magnanimo, y [que] por sus excelentes virtudes es amado y muy reverido de todos los del Reyno, y una hermana suya [que] es muger del hijo del duque de Vuquingam. Y es ademas emparentado con la mayor parte de las grandes casas del Reyno, allende de la amicicia indisoluble que tyene con todos los amigos de la Reyna, y mayormente con un gran señor que se dice de deulier (sic) y con otros muchos señores principales."
  • n11. "Y tanvien (sic) por la muerte de un cavallero llamado Don Ris, al qual fue cortada la cabeza[h] abrá tres años pasados." Sir Rhese or Rhyse ap Thomas, the Welsh brother-in-law of Norfolk, executed 4 Dec. 1531. See vol. iv., part ii., pp. 248 and 323.
  • n12. "Para lo qual he usado toda diligencia de investigar de sus cosas, y fasta [de] sus armas he fecho retraer (sic), las quales con la presente embio."
  • n13. "Y finalmente la ausencia deste Señor Reynaldo [haria] que [si] el Rey sentiesse algo [sobre] tal cosa les dañaria gravemente, y aunque yo no conosco el animo del dicho Señor Reynaldo como en tal empresa se moveria, syendo menester, todavia me persuado que por su ingenio y prudencia no faltaria á la salud de su patria y librarla—hia de tanta tirania en que se halla."
  • n14. "Y aun ternia yo esperança por algunos medios que he pensado de hazerle inclinar á tal negocio, mayormente anteponiendole algund buen partido con firme fundamento."
  • n15. "Il Re di Franza per esser stato molto calumniato dal suo primo consiglio del Parlamento de Paris de la gran praticha stretta fatta con la Maesta del nostro Signor et con V. S. per il danno de Christiani."
  • n16. "Donde e stato constretto sel ha voluto maritar due delle sue figliolle, l'una al Principe del' Orena (sic), figliolo del Duca, et l'altra al Re di Scotia." At this time the Duke's name was Antoine le Bon, who died in 1544. He had been married to Renée de Bourbon, daughter of Gilbert de Bourbon, comte de Montpensier, who died before him in 1539. Their son was François, marquis de Pont ã Mousson and duke of Bar, who became xxii. duke, and died in 1545.
  • n17. The passage stands thus: "Piu aviso V. Illma che il Re d'Angliterra non voleua consentir piu a dargli la sua unica figliola al primogenito del Rè de Franza, el qual se domanda (sic) Dolfino, che ha da succeder' la corona de Franza, se medessimamente non prometteua de quanto ha promesso alli suoi detti signori di Franza, et alli suoi zeneri, videlicet al Re di Scotia, et Duca di Lorena, et subito che fù conclusso questo il Re d'Inghilterra fece pace per mezzo di Franza con il Rè di Scotia, il qual e figliulo de una soa sorella del Re d'Inghilterra, che se trouauano insieme doi grandissimi esserciti, et di presente sono tutti en una medessema fraternita."From the endorsement and address of this letter it is natural to conclude that its writer had duplicates made of it, and that it served equally for Ibráhim Basha, Solyman's Grand Vizier and Commander of his armies, and for Jaire-d-din Baba Aroux, or Barbarossa, as he is generally called.
  • n18. Muley Asses, or Azíz which was his real name; he had been dethroned by Barbarossa the year before.
  • n19. The idea of the dethroned king of Denmark, who had then no dominion at all, bordering upon England and Germany, is rather a strange one.
  • n20. Most likely Chabot, sieur de Brion, admiral of France.
  • n21. "Et io non mancherò de contino de quelle chose che succederano alla giornata de momento de avisar per mani del predetto Signor Alois Gritti non stimando denari ne roba ne pericollo che sia sperando in dio que per mezzo de la Maesta del nostro Signor et de Vostra signoria me possi vendicar di quelli Signori Christiani, che m'hanno assassinato ingiustamente en la roba et nel honor, et poi mi moriria felice contento, che altro non bramo al mondo."
  • n22. The 28th of July. (See above, No. 75.)
  • n23. "Sy me parlat-il des mouvements de Yrlande, que pourroient fere ouvrir les yeulx a leurs gens, mesmes a ung de leurs contes, quest des plus voisins du dict Yrlande, et lung des plus belliqueux descosse, ayant dessoulz luy escossais sauvaiges de tous temps amys des dicts yrlandois."
  • n24. "Et est loppinion de pluseurs que le diet gouverneur et la naviere aussy u'echapperont les mains des enemys que les ont fait espier."
  • n25. "Mas como persona que lo desea tanto pienso que he tenido, y tengo tanta advertencia en los negocios de V. Md y en el modo de negociarlos que muchas vezes temia que V. Md me havia de reprender antes de tibio que no de demasiado. La verdad es que de S. Sautidad yo no tengo pena por pensar que él está enojado conmigo, sino que es cierto, y lo he conocido infinitas vezes que lo está con las tales negociaciones, las quales le han sido todas desabridas y fuera da su gusto?
  • n26. There were about this time two Garcilassos, one who had already been at Rome as ambassador during the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic; another, the poet, who met with his death at Mouay, near Frejus, in Provence (1536); and perhaps also a third, who, being the son of Pedro Lasso, and of a Peruvian princess, was generally called El Inca Garcilasso. All three, however, used the patronymic "de la Vega," and were descended from the celebrated Garcia Lasso of the Spanish Romancero, the hero of popular song, owing to his exploits in the Vega de Granada.
  • n27. No less than four different copies of this despatch are in Bergenroth's vol. xvi. of the Collection; namely, at fols. 17, 19, 21, 23. I have, however, abstracted in preference that at page 23, owing to its having marginal notes in the handwriting of Covos.