Spain: November 1534, 1-20

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: November 1534, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 312-327. British History Online [accessed 22 June 2024].

. "Spain: November 1534, 1-20", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 312-327. British History Online, accessed June 22, 2024,

. "Spain: November 1534, 1-20", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 312-327. British History Online. Web. 22 June 2024,

November 1534, 1-15

3 Nov. 104. Cardinal Campeggio to the Emperor.
S., L. 861, f. 185.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 100.
Some months ago I received a letter from Your Majesty, full of your usual benignity and grace, in answer to one of mine representing the injury and loss I had sustained in England for no other reason than having served the cause of justice.
In that letter Your Majesty led me to expect that such would be your liberality towards me that not only should I not feel the harm done, but should live in honour and comfort the rest of my life; which hope has hitherto sustained me, and given me courage in the midst of my afflictions.
Taking now occasion of the departure for Spain of this gentleman-in-waiting of the ambassador, count de Cifuentes, I make bold to remind Your Majesty of the promise then made, and at the same time observe that I am both old and infirm, and that the chronic disease from which I am suffering has lately become so acute that I doubt much whether the munificent proofs of Your Majesty's generosity—which never fail to fall on those who, like myself, are devoted to the Imperial service—will arrive in time. I, therefore, beg most humbly, if Your Majesty's wishes are to remunerate my services in any way, that it be done at once, for I am fast travelling towards my end.—Rome, 3 Nov. 1534.
Signed: "Y Car[dinalis] Campegio."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ Cæs[areæ] et Catholicæ Maiestati."
Italian. Holograph. pp. 2.
6 Nov. 105. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 230,
No. 63.
Just now the marchioness of Excestre (Exeter) sends me word that the King has lately declared to his most confidential Privy Councillors that he would no longer endure the annoyances, fears, and reflections which for a long time had attended him by reason of the queens and princesses; that they (the councillors) must look to deliver him of that anxiety at the next Parliament, or else he swore not to wait any longer, but come to a final resolution by himself. (fn. n1) This, the Marchioness assures me, is as sure and true as the Gospel; and she begs me to write to Your Majesty about it, and entreat you to have pity on these poor ladies, and for God's honour and glory, and for your own close relationship to them, apply a remedy to the evil, and avert the danger in which they are placed.
Since my despatch of the 1st inst. nothing has occurred worthy of notice, save that the embargo on the goods of the German merchants has been raised, with the one exception of those belonging to the people of Dantzig, owing to the suspicion there is of their having been the original cause of the capture of the English ships, and also of their being the secret enemies of the Lubeckians, and friendly to the king of Sweden and duke of Prussia.—London, 6 Nov. 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 6 Nov. Received [at Naples] the 6th Dec.
French. Original. pp. 2.
7 Nov. 106. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E., L. 862, f. 78.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 125.
Wrote by Francisco de Acebes on the 13th ult., on the 19th by a courier coming from Naples, and again on the same day, to the High Commander of Leon (Covos). Owing to the great haste in which the courier was, and the arrival in the evening of the same day (19th) of Garcilasso [de la Vega] with the despatch of the 29th Sept., he (Sylva) had no time to enter into particulars. Will now profit by the departure of Tello de Guzman, whom he (Sylva) is purposely despatching to Spain with instructions and a verbal message; for a speedy answer to which he (Sylva) will feel extremely grateful.
Andrea Doria has been paid the 1,500 ducats due to him for his advances in arming the Papal galleys.
The Strozzi ought at once to pay all bills drawn by the Commissioners; it is not for them to determine whose expenses are to be defrayed, and whose not. Lawyers have nothing to do with that. Were the Emperor to bring in his account of the sums spent by him in similar services, all the money in the bankers' hands would not be sufficient to repay him. Some days ago Antonio de Leyva, prothonotary Caracciolo, and abbot Negro (del Nero) drew bills upon the Strozzi of this city for 3,000 ducats, said to have been spent by the League in sending the Spanish infantry to Genoa at the time Barbarossa threatened that city. The Strozzi, however, refused payment on the plea that the bills had not been presented in Clement's time, and that if they, as bankers of the League, were to pay that sum, they might as well pay what the Church spent in guarding Civittà Vecchia and Hostia (Ostia), &c.
According to letters from Venice and from the king of the Romans, Luigi Gritti has been beheaded.
That he must by this time be informed of what he is about. News has come of the arrival of count De Nassau at the court of France. Various conjectures are formed respecting his mission; most seem to think that he goes thither about the marriage of the Emperor's daughter to the dauphin of France. The same intelligence has been received by the Pope through the French cardinals.
The Venetian ambassador, on the other hand, says he hears from France that Nassau's negotiation is being conducted with such secrecy that no one can guess what he is about, except that an agreement of some sort is shortly to take place between the two monarchs [the Emperor and king Francis]. At least such is the general impression in France, and the public speak of it freely, this being, perhaps, the reason why the Grand Master (Montmorency) is shortly to go to Spain, and the Admiral (Brion) to England. (fn. n2)
The ambassador did well. Lope de Soria has been written to on the subject, and, besides the Venetian ambassador, who resides here, has accepted the explanation, &c. Similar news has come from Switzerland; the upshot of it all being that the Venetian ambassador begins to feel uneasy about it. He (Sylva) has tried to quiet his fears; fancies he has succeeded. His Holiness has likewise inquired; told him that the Count, not being in good health in Spain, was going home to Flanders; on his way thither he had met the King and his court on the road, &c.
The tax on the clergy of Spain.
His Majesty was glad to hear of this; but the Duke [Alfonso d'Este] has since died, and his successor, Guidobaldo, has written to offer his services, &c. The duke of Ferrara [Alfonso d'Este] recovered Novi, and gave back to a certain count Niccolo a castle of his, of which he had taken possession the better to invest that town. Hears, however, that the Duke is on his death-bed just now.
The new Pope (Farnese) has spoken in favour of the widow of count della Mirandola, (fn. n3) and wishes the estate to be given back to her. Also on behalf of the duke Alessandro [de' Medici] and his estate of Florence, as well as of his marriage to the Emperor's daughter, though it must be said that this last recommendation seems to him [Sylva] more a complimentary act than the expression of his sentiments. Answered him in general words, and will do so again until he hears the Emperor's will thereupon.
The memorandum sent by Baubry (Waury) must already be known to the Count, as likewise that at his Majesty's departure from Flanders, G[uzman] was sent to Rome to visit the Pope and propose this very meeting, but that the king of France resolutely opposed it. Knows from a very authentic source that the question of the Council has been discussed more than once in His Holiness' presence. His (the Pope's) opinion is that previous to the convocation, it would be requisite to have a meeting (convento) of the procurators of all those persons who are in the habit of attending such assemblies, and also of some of the electors of the Empire, that they may settle between them beforehand when and where the Council is to be held. Otherwise (the Pope said) the affair may be interminable, because the Lutherans ask for a Council, and do not wish for Roman prelates, whereas we on our side do not want Lutherans. Hence the necessity of having this and other matters settled beforehand.
Considers it highly inconvenient that the protectorate of the churches both in Spain and Flanders should be conferred first on one, and then on another cardinal It would, in his opinion, be far more advantageous if the protectorate was entrusted to one cardinal permanently, and on the condition that, should he be obliged to quit Rome temporarily, the Imperial ambassador may appoint another in his room. This would add considerably to the Imperial ambassador's importance, and the Emperor's service would be better done.
Perceiving that cavalier Casale had frequent audiences of His Holiness, he (Sylva) deemed it urgent to warn the latter against the specious arguments and practices of the king of England and of his ministers. It was quite evident that up to this time they had only aimed at stopping the determination of the cause, by persuading the last Pope [Clement] that their master might return conditionally to the bosom of the Church, and to a more honest way of living. Entreated His Holiness to consider how very important this matter was, and how interested he himself, the Apostolic See, and the Emperor, whose aunt the Queen is, were in a prompt and speedy determination of that business. What cavalier Casale now gave him to understand of the King, his master, being displeased with Anne, and wishing to behave honourably towards the Queen, was a pure invention for that king's own particular end. (fn. n4) He (Sylva) had received letters from the Imperial ambassador (Chapuys), stating that both Queen and Princess were worse treated than before, and that the Lutheran heresy was every day waxing stronger. He did not object to His Holiness again receiving the King to his favour; he wished the King's obedience to consist not in words, but in deeds.
The Pope's answer was that it was quite true that very pressing requests had been made of late, promising the King's return to obedience, and making very different statements from those which His Majesty's ambassador in England had made; but to be sure he would act in that affair according to justice, and that if the King refused to come to terms (fn. n5) he would not be deceived any longer.
In short, His Holiness spoke so long and so affectionately about it that he (Sylva) has no doubt that he will ultimately do his duty. Wishes, therefore, to receive instructions on this point, and know as soon as possible whether he is to ask with insistance and immediately for the "executoriales." or is to content himself with an ordinary application, so as to not make these people think that if we do not insist, it is purposely done.
Acebes must have informed His Majesty of a fact which is significant enough of their animosity and ill-will. It appears that the French cardinals, before entering the conclave, engaged with the present Pope (Paul) that they would all vote for him, provided he undertook to do certain things according to Francis' wishes. Farnese's answer was that he would never subscribe to such dishonourable conditions. After his ascension to the pontificate, the French ambassadors proposed a treaty, but his answer was that his intention is to treat with no one. It is, therefore, to be believed that if His Holiness refused before becoming Pope, he will the less do it now.
Cardinal de Tournon said that at the Papal election all the French cardinals had orders to return home one week after, and that count de Nassau had left the court of France, after staying eight days thereat, though it was believed that he would also return soon. The Cardinal, indeed, seems desirous of peace, but there is no relying on French words. Besides, if the King really wishes for peace, it cannot be for the repose and welfare of Christendom, but because he thinks of profiting by it. (fn. n6) —Rome, 7 Nov. 1534.
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
7 Nov. 107. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. Rom., L. 862,
f. 98.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 137.
After closing his despatch to the Emperor, he (Sylva) heard that His Holiness was thinking of sending there as Nuncio the bishop of Reso [Rangone], (fn. n7) the same who went last year to Germany on behalf of Pope Clement for the affairs of the General Council. To the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) his Holiness purposes sending the bishop of Viterbo. (fn. n8) Both are good men (personas de bien).
Among the Pope's secretaries there is one named Micer Ambrogio, (fn. n9) whom he employs oftener than the rest, and who, by-the-by, professes to be a good servant of the Emperor. It would not be amiss if in the next letters from Court a paragraph should be introduced to show that he (Sylva) had recorded the fact, and written in his favour.
Tello de Guzman (fn. n10) arrived very opportunely to quiet His Holiness' fears about the Camarino affair, for some one had impressed him with the idea that His Majesty was sure to favour the pretensions of the duke of Urbino.
Dona Juana de Aragon, (fn. n11) the wife of Ascanio Colonna, wishes that a male child of hers should be educated in the Prince's (Philip) household. He (Sylva) has offered to forward her petition, and would be glad that some notice should be taken of it, that he may show her the letter, &c.—Rome, 7 Nov, 1534.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
7 Nov. 108. The Emperor to J. Hannart.
B. Cart. and Man.
Doc. Hist., T. 5,
f. 107.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 21.
We received on the 25th ult. the letter of our cousin, the count of Nassau, and your own, dated Blois, the 20th, and likewise the memorandum (escript) which the king of France caused to be placed in your hands. We have not answered you sooner because we were waiting to see whether the King's ambassador here had anything more to say respecting the Count's mission and the said memorandum. Until now, however, the French ambassador assures us that he has heard nothing more on this subject, but that he expects daily to receive news by a cousin of his coming to this court. Perceiving this delay, we have deemed it expedient to delay in order to gain time, and forward you at the same time the following observations.
We have found the King's note very precise indeed, and containing very important points and articles, on which, considering the good and sincere words he has from time to time addressed to our cousin (Nassau) and to yourself, we should say, he can hardly but insist. The same language has been used by several of his ministers and courtiers, and principally by the Grand Master of France (Anne de Montmorency), all and every one of them desiring, as is but just, a closer friendship and alliance as well as a lasting peace between us, and besides that the intermarriage of our children. Taking into account the above reasons and considerations, which we have no doubt you have laid before the King and his ministers whenever you had an opportunity,—wishing sincerely for the aggrandisement of our cousins, the princes of France, and presuming that the French ambassador had perhaps something to say respecting the aforesaid note, which might enable us to meet the King's views,—we have, as above said, delayed writing to you on the subject.
We cannot help thinking, however, that whilst treating for a lasting peace, you have neglected the principal point on which that peace as well as the said marriages ought to rest, which is to hear and ascertain king Francis' intentions and plans for the future concerning the rejection and extinction of the Lutheran errors, which have already infected and contaminated a great portion of Christendom, and are growing every day more prevalent; and also concerning the repulse of the Turk, as contained in the Article 38 of the King's instructions, which We have no doubt you have seen, but have purposely overlooked, owing to the King having made no mention of them in his note. Be this as it may, it is indispensable for us to know beforehand what the King's intentions are respecting those two points, the Faith and the Turk, (fn. n12) before we take a determination. Let us, therefore, hear how the King thinks on these matters, and then our answer shall be forwarded immediately. This being done, We both can meet somewhere, as king Francis has been pleased to intimate, and then all minor points between us may be satisfactorily settled.
It also seems to us that our cousin (Nassau) and yourself ought to have tried to ascertain what the King's intentions are respecting the marriage, as by Mr. de Nassau proposed, of his own son, the duke of Angoulesme, to the Princess of England (Mary), the more so that when the said Mr. de Nassau first spoke of it to the Grand Master (Montmorency), the latter did not seem displeased at it, owing; perhaps, to the then existing discontent of king Henry with Anne Boleyn, to which he alluded. (fn. n13) We particularly wish you to bring this matter forward, and in so doing make use of chaps. xiv., xxv., xxvi., xxvii., xxviii., xxix., and xxx. of your private instructions. At the same time we command you to represent to the King and to the Grand Master of France the importance of the said marriage alliance, and consequent aggrandisement of the said duke of Angoulesme, and, what is more, the acquittal of the King's debts to Henry, the security of France on that side, and many other advantages to be derived therefrom; all of which are things of far greater importance, and more profitable to the King, to his kingdom, and to his sons, than the mere acquisition of the duchy of Milan, to which he and his sons lay claim. (fn. n14)
You will, however, take care that what you may say or negotiate respecting this matter be kept a profound secret between you and the King, or between you and the Grand Master, as it may be, without letting any one else know of it; for should king Francis, owing to the above considerations and others detailed in our private instructions to the Count, feel inclined, as we really think he ought, to favour the said plan of marriage, it is desirable that the negotiation should be kept a profound secret between us until the conclusion of the treaty. Even if the King should altogether disapprove of it, there is no harm in the overtures remaining a profound secret between us two.
If, peradventure, it should be objected on the part of the King that were Anne Boulain (Boleyn) to become aware of the projected marriage, the life of the Princess might thereby be endangered,—which We cannot in any wise imagine, nor is it to be presumed that the King, her father, will so far disregard the voice of his conscience, or the said duke of Anjou (Angoulême) consent to it,—you will tell him that, should things come to the worst (which may God forbid), We shall be glad to countenance, and promote another marriage between our cousin (the princess of Denmark) and his son, the duke of Anjou (Angoulême), and that, in addition to their paternal and maternal inheritance, whatever it may be, We shall ensure to each of them, individually and collectively, the crown of Denmark, and besides procure from the Pope, conjointly with the king of France, any dispensation that may be required. (fn. n15)
Leaving the above entirely to your prudence and discretion, to act as you will deem most fit, so that the King may not take in bad part our delay in answering his note, and for the considerations above stated,—our only wish being to arrive, as shortly as possible, at the end of the present negociation, if king Francis on his own side will only be reasonable,—you will take care to ascertain as soon as possible what are the King's views on the above two points,—the Faith and the Turk,—the impending invasion of the Mediterranean coast by Barbarossa, the means to be employed to meet the same, and likewise the above-mentioned English marriage. In the meantime We shall see what the French ambassador here has to say, that We may deliberate on the whole and take a resolution. But, above all, We again recommend you the greatest possible speed for fear king Francis should think that We intend carrying on this negociation incidentally; whereas our wish, as aforesaid, is on the contrary to answer him at once one way or another, and act honourably towards him.
You must have heard of the creation of a new Pope unanimously elected (nemine discrepante). We have resolved to send to him shortly the sieur Devaubery (fn. n16) to kiss his foot in our name, offer our congratulations, and beg him at the same time to have the affairs of the Christian community readjusted.
Our only wish was then, as it is now, that there should be a good Pope; for that reason our ambassador at Rome (Sylva) avoided speaking particularly in favour of any one. If an opportunity should occur, you may say so to the King, and at the same time assure him that our only wish is that he (the Pope), whoever he may be, prove a good father to both of us.—Madrid, 3 Nov. 1534.
P.S. After the above was written the French ambassador sent us word through Mr. de Grandvelle that his cousin had just arrived from France with dispatches, and that he himself wished to speak to us, which has been the cause of the present, written on the 3rd, not being sent off at once.
We thought, as aforesaid, that something more would be stated respecting count Nassau's charge; but, contrary to our expectations, the French ambassador has substantially said nothing new, except assuring us again in general terms of his master's wishes for the establishment of peace, and adding that king Francis' general impression on the subject is that count Nassau had been rather backward (estroit) concerning his commission. (fn. n17) We have made him a fit answer, and such that the King, his master, if he hears of our intentions and wishes,—which are evidently to obtain a lasting peace without delay—will, no doubt, respond to it in a proper manner.
We, morover, apprise you, that you may inform the King thereof, that there is now a certain matter on foot by which he will be able to understand how much We wish for the aggrandizement of his sons in a matter of much greater importance than the one to which he now seems to demur. But you will tell him so without further explanation or comment; for if the thing can be done, it is enough that he hears of it in the most secret and confidential manner, and if it cannot, it is better not to say more about it. (fn. n18) We have, in short, referred the said ambassador to the sieur de Granvelle that he may inform him more particularly of our wishes and intentions in that affair.
Nothing new has happened since writing the above, except the alliance of the King, our brother, with the duke of Bavaria through the marriage of duke Guillaume's only son and heir to one of the daughters of king Ferdinand. According to the last news received here, the marriage must already have been effected.—Madrid, 7 Nov. [1534]. (fn. n19)
Signed: "Charles."
Countersigned: "A Perrenin." (fn. n20)
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
8 Nov. 109. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Rep. P.C., Fasc. 228,
No. 62.
(Cipher:) Since my last despatch I have deciphered the letters written to Your Majesty from Venice respecting the Seigneur Reynard pupulo polle. (fn. n21) Their contents being carefully examined according to Your Majesty's wishes and orders, I have had no great difficulty in ascertaining the writer's aim and object, for having long ago made inquiries about him, I was at once in a condition to unravel the mystery. Indeed, if I am not mistaken, more than a year ago, I had occasion to send to Your Majesty a summary of the Venetian letter in question, stating as my opinion at the time, as may be seen by referring to my despatch, that should Your Majesty think of remedying the evils of this country by rigorous means, it would be convenient to summon to your court the said Seigneur Reynart, amicably or otherwise, as it might suit best. I further said in my said despatch, that Reynart, being descended from so good a race, and endowed besides with elegant bearing and manners, and many singular virtues, the Queen knew of no one so fit as him as a husband for the Princess, her daughter. There can, moreover, be no doubt that owing to the considerations specified in the Venetian letters, these people, hearing of the assistance Your Majesty is likely to lend to the project, will at once declare in favour of it, in addition to which there are here innumerable worthy persons who maintain that the title of King belongs forcibly to him, as descended from the Duke of Clarence, second brother of King Edouart (Edward), inasmuch as Richard, who was the third born after Edward's death, had it declared by final sentence from a bishop of Bath (Rob. Stillington), that the daughters of the said King Edward,—the eldest of whom was this King's mother,—were illegitimate owing to that monarch having precontracted marriage with another lady who was not the mother of his daughters. If so, there is no difficulty in saying that the kingdom belongs by right to that family. It is probable that this circumstance, of which the Queen is well aware, may induce her to favour the marriage, and remove all scruples she may have of conscience or otherwise. This King, as I have had the honour of informing Your Majesty, once presented the said seigneur Reynart for the archbishopric of Canterbury, and offered to grant him anything he might ask for himself, his mother, and brethren, if he would only adhere to him and follow his party, all the time using such persuasions and making such promises as would have converted even the most pertinacious Jew. Upon his refusal the King used the most terrible threats, and yet the youth remained firm, and there was no means of making him waver in his determination. I will not mention the dexterity and industry he displayed in order to obtain the King's permission to go to Italy, where the very moment he arrived he wrote a letter to this King on the Queen's business, and sent him besides the book he had already written on the subject, of which letter and book both the King and Cromwell cannot but sing the praises, extolling their good sense and wisdom, as well as the style in which both are written. (fn. n22)
Besides the friendships and alliances mentioned in the said Venetian letters, one cannot omit that of Monseigneur de Burgaen (Avergavenny), the father-in-law of Monseigneur de Montagu (Henry de la Pole), who is a powerful lord, one of the best connected in this kingdom, a man moreover of heart and wisdom, and one of those who have reason to be now highly dissatisfied, since he was some years ago deprived of part of his fortune without any cause whatever.
Respecting the disaffection (indisposition) of the Welsh country, to which allusion has been made in the said letters, my information is that the inhabitants are really very much concerned and afflicted at the bad treatment of the Queen and Princess, as well as at what is now being done against the Faith; for they (the Welsh) have always been and are still, to a man, good Christians. Not long ago there were riots against the governor, owing to certain executions he had ordered, and the governor himself was well nigh murdered. Indeed, according to popular rumour, the people of Wales are only waiting for a commander to rise in arms, and take the field. The same may be said respecting their neighbours of Chestry (Cheshire), and of the Duchy of Lancaster, among whom, though closer still to Ireland, and marvellously inclined to carry arms, yet it has been impossible for the King's officers to press one single man for service in that country, at which, as I am informed from a good quarter, this King is exceedingly annoyed. In short, the state of things in this kingdom is such that should Your Majesty send the smallest possible force, all the people would at once declare in your favour, especially if the said Seigneur Reynard (Reginald Pole) were in the country. (fn. n23) The latter's younger brother (Geoffrey) is with me, and would visit me almost every day, had I not dissuaded him from doing so, on account of the danger he might run. He, however, ceases not, like many others, to importune and beg me to write to Your Majesty, and explain how very easy the conquest of this kingdom would be, and that the inhabitants are only waiting for a signal. (fn. n24) I have never spoken to him about his brother (Reginald), except warning him that the latter had much better remain where he is now, and beg his daily bread in the streets, than attempt returning here in these troubled times, for fear he should be treated as the poor bishop of Rochester, or worse still. This he assures me he has done, having written to him many a time, and made his mother also write and warn him not to come here.
About six days ago the French ambassador received news from the King, his master, to the effect that Barbarossa had taken possession of Tunis, and that cardinal Frenesis (Farnese) had been elected Pope. The ambassador seemed very glad at the news, for no sooner had he received them, though it was rather late in the evening, than he went off to Cromwell's lodgings to communicate the same. The day after he mounted his horse and went to the King's, not without dispatching soon after his steward to me to notify the news, which, he said, he would have come to tell me himself, had it not been that he was bound to go to Court immediately. I must however observe, that the ambassador's proceedings in this affair seem to indicate that both events, the taking of Tunis by Barbarossa, and the election of Pope Farnese, had been brought about by his master, the King of France, and were owing to his favour and intervention. Indeed, since the arrival of the said news, he has been heard to say and affirm at table, that before six months were over the French would be masters of the whole of Italy much more effectually than they had been before.
The said news about Barbarossa has been much to the taste of this King, who fancies that Your. Majesty will thereby be prevented from annoying him, and will thus attend to the defence of Sicily rather than to the assistance of the Irish. But on the other hand the election of the new Pope has been particularly unpleasant to him, inasmuch as he counted upon a schism breaking out in the Church, after which there would have been no question of a Papal election. Indeed, I am told that one hour before the Frenchman went to Cromwell with the news, the latter had resolutely affirmed to the bystanders that such was his master's belief and his own. (fn. n25)
As far as I can learn, count de Hoy, about whom I once wrote to Your Majesty, has come for the purpose of offering to this King a body of mercenaries, if he should be in want of them. I believe that his offers will be accepted, and that the King will engage a number of hackbutiers to be sent to Ireland, for there are none in this country; considering also the difficulty there is of finding recruits for the Irish war, (fn. n26) which difficulty will greatly increase, if the report which has circulated the last few days be true, that is to say, that half the troops which had passed over with Scheuenton (Skeffington) had been defeated. I believe that this King, in order to levy and command the said hackbutiers, has lately commissioned a gentleman of the name of Candis, (fn. n27) an industrious and intelligent person, who speaks low German, and is likewise one of the best and most accomplished gunners going. Both departed last evening as secretly as they could, and went on board a ship belonging to the Easterlings; the Count took his departure after dinner, and I am inclined to think that if he has allowed the others to precede him, it has been in order to dissemble, and make people believe that there was nobody with him.
Master Cromwell has lately been so much engaged with the contemplated reform of the coinage and other pressing business, that it has been quite impossible for us to have a conversation together. Although he had. made an appointment with me twice, he sent me word that he could not see me. I believe, however, that it will not be long before he decides respecting the business of which I spoke to him last. If he does I shall not fail to apprise Your Majesty thereof, as well as of anything else I may hear respecting the charge of Monseigneur the Admiral of France, who is expected here in eight or ten days, and for whose reception preparations on a large scale are being made, there being a report that this king is to defray all his expenses, and those of his suite, from the moment they set foot in England.—London, 8th Nov. 1534. (fn. n28)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Indorsed: "Received the xxii. of the same month.'
French. Original, almost entirely in cipher.
14 Nov. 110. Count Cifuentes to the High Commander.
S. E., L. 862, f. 81.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 139.
Wrote on the 7th inst. by Tello de Guzman. After his departure he (Sylva) learned that the French cardinals had asked His Holiness for three things: 1st. That he would confirm certain privileges and grants made to the king of France; 2ndly. That he would create three cardinals, namely, the archbishop of Paris (Du Bellay), the bishop of Faenza (Rudolfo Pio da Carpi), and another one; and 3rdly. That he would treat with their master for certain demands of his own. To the first, they say, His Holiness, very much importuned by the ambassadors, answered that he would confirm the privileges during this King's life, and no longer. As to creating the archbishop of Paris cardinal, His Holiness said he did not consider it a thing right to do, owing to certain causes he did not specify; as to the other two ecclesiastics he had no objection, and if reminded at the proper time, would attend to it. To the third demand, His Holiness said that he did not wish to make treaties of any kind with any one. They say that the archbishop of Paris is sure to come here with some invention or other respecting the English cause, or on some other business, to ask for the hat which Clement had promised, principally to keep him contented and in good humour, and that he (the archbishop) should excuse him with his master for the final sentence given in the English cause.
There is a report here that His Holiness will create two or three cardinals from his own relatives, besides three others renowned for their science and learning. As he (Sylva) will not be able to prevent that, he wishes to know whether the Emperor is willing that Capua (Schomberg), should be again recommended.—Rome, 14 Nov. 1534.
Signed: "El Conde Alferez."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.


  • n1. "Quil ne vouloit plus endurer les facheries, crainctes et pensemens [en] quil avoit de long temps este a cause des roynes et princesses, et quilz regardassent a ce prochain parlement de len faire quicte jurant bien a certes et tres obstinement quil nactendroit plus longuement de y pourvoir."
  • n2. "Y que por esto el Gran Maestre yva á España y el Almirante á Ynglaterra."
  • n3. Jeanne Caraffa.
  • n4. "Y que lo que le daba a entender el dicho Cavallero Casal que el rey, su amo, estaba mal con la Anna y queria tractar bien á la Reina, era inventado por sus fines."
  • n5. "Y que si el Rey no quisiesse venir por bien en ello no se engañaria en nada con él."
  • n6. Two copies, as usual, of the same despatch; one is at fol. 125, the other at fol. 133 of the same volume.
  • n7. "Rezo" or "Rezzo" is for "Reggio" in the Modenese, pronounced in the Venetian way. The Bishop was Hugo Rangone, brother of the celebrated "condottiere," count Guido, whom Clement in 1533 sent on a conciliatory mission to the Lutherans. See vol. iv. part ii. p. 784.
  • n8. At this time the bishop of Viterbo was Giovan Pietro Grassi (1533–8).
  • n9. Miçer Ambrogio; there was a friar of this name at Venice in 1530.
  • n10. Tello de Guzman, about whom see above, p. 315.
  • n11. As early as 1532 Ascanio had married Dona Juana de Aragon.
  • n12. "Sans faire mention des dicts points de la foy et du Turcq et commune paix."
  • n13. "Touchant ce que nostre dit cousin avoit mis en avant du due d'Angoulesme avec nostre cousine, la princesse d'Angleterre, tant plus ayant regard a ce que le dit grant maitre de France ne le desgoutta quant nostre dit cousin luy entama le propos avec ce quil declaira du mescontentement que le dit sieur roy d'Angleterre prenoit de Anne de Boulans."
  • n14. "Et mesmes faites bien entendre au dit seigneur roy, et aussi au dit Grand Maistre, l'importance du dit marriage, et l'agrandissement que sen fera du dit seigneur d'Angoulesme, acquitement du dit seigneur Roy, son pere, pour envers celuy d'Angleterre, et asseurance du royaulme de France, qu'est chose sans comparaison de trop plus grande importance et mieulx advenant au dit seignear roy, son dit royaulme, et messieurs ses dits enfans, et par le moyen de quoy se pourront faire trop plus grans effects, que n'est la pretension de Millan."
  • n15. "Et si vous estoit mis en avant que par adventure de la part de Anne de Boulans se pourroit prendre le chose de telle extremite, dont s'ensuivrayt le hélas (?) de la vie de la Princesse, en quoy ne pouvons penser que le devoir de conscience s'abandonnat tant, ni que le dit Sr d'Anjou le vouloust comporter, direz que en ce cas, que Dieu ne veuille ne permette, nous serons tres content, et entendrons confidenment et feablement que le marriage se face entre ma dite cousine et le dit d'Anjou, et que oultre les droits paternels et maternels, tels qu'ils leur doivent appertenir, ilz et chacun d'eulx respectivement auront le royaulme de Dennemarke, et tiendrons la main avec le dit Sr roy de procurer tout ce que y conviendra tant envers notre sainct pere le pape, et au surplus comme il sera advisé par commung accord estre requis pour mectre la chose en bonne asseurance."
  • n16. François de Rupt, sieur de Waury.
  • n17. "avoit este fort estroit en ce que concernoit sa ditte charge."
  • n18. "Sur quoy nous luy avons repondu ce que convenoit afin que le dit Sr roy entendant (entendist) plus nostre intention et desir de parvenir au dit establissement de paix, sans mectre la chose en delay; et que vous escripvions pour tant plus tost nous pourvoir resoldre, et vous advertissions pour en informer le dit Sr roy chose par la ou il pourroit clairement cognoistre que nous desirions la grandeur de messieurs les enfans en cas trop plus important de ce en quoy il semble qu'il s'arrete, sans plus avant luy deolairer pour autant que si la chose se doit conduire souffit que le dit Sr roy l'entende avec grand secret, et synon que mieulx est qu'il ne sen parle davaintage."
  • n19. The letter has the date of the 3rd; the postcriptum that of the 7th. King Ferdinand's daughter (Anne of Austria) married, in October, Albert, son of William I., duke of Bavaria.
  • n20. Perrenot? If so, Antoine, the son of Nicholas, who became in time cardinal and prime minister.
  • n21. Reginald Pole.
  • n22. "De la quelle lectre le dit roy ne Cremuel ne se peuvent souller de bien dire et louer le sens, prudence et litterature dicelluy."
  • n23. "Mesmes si le dit seigneur Raynart y estoit, duquel le frere maisne (ains né?) este souventesfois avec moy."
  • n24. "Il ne cesse comme beaucoup dautres de me importuner descripre a vostre maieste la facillite de la conqueste de ce royaulme, et que tout ce pouple nattendoit apres autre."
  • n25. "Mais les nouvelles de la creacion du pape luy desplaisent tant plus, car il faisoit son compte et tenoit pour tout certain quil y auroit scisme, et que apres ne seroit plus question deslire pape, et de ce vouloit faire Cromuel grosse fermance une heure auant que le dit ambassadeur luy fut porter les dites nouvelles."
  • n26. "Est icy venu pour presenter gens a ce roy sil en avoit besoing, et croy quil lemployera pour en auoir quelque nombre dacboutiers pour enuoyer en Yrlande, actendu quil ny ya nul en ce pays, aussi ven la difficulte que font les gens dyci de passer au dit Hirlande."
  • n27. Elsewhere written Candish, no doubt for Cavendish, the gunner.
  • n28. This despatch seems to have had two different dates; at the beginning 3rd Nov.; at the end, 8th.