Spain: January 1535, 6-15

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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, 'Spain: January 1535, 6-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) pp. 372-382. British History Online [accessed 22 May 2024].

. "Spain: January 1535, 6-15", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 372-382. British History Online, accessed May 22, 2024,

. "Spain: January 1535, 6-15", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 372-382. British History Online. Web. 22 May 2024,

January 1535, 6-15

9 Jan. 125. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 863, f. 3,
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 201.
Has received the despatches by Tello. de Guzman, and likewise the duplicate of that formerly brought by Juan Pedro.
All this about the Council is very well. His Impl. Majesty expects an answer from the Pope, to the proposals made through Mr. de Waury. When that answer comes, it will be time to decide on the course to be followed; meanwhile the ambassador will take care to inform us of whatever is said or done in the matter. Spoke to the Pope concerning the Council; represented to him the inconveniences likely to arise from its not being held shortly, and the objections raised by the king of France and pope Clement VII. against its celebration, one of which, perhaps the principal, was, that it could not take place at the time, owing to the differences then existing between the Christian Princes. That was precisely the very reason why he (Cifuentes), thought the Council ought now to be assembled, because all matters of discord might be settled therein, in proof of which he produced a copy of the letter from the duke of Saxony [George] to the Papal Nuncio, which came by the last post. His Holiness' answer was that he himself wished for the Council; he thought it ought to be convoked as soon as possible: 1stly, on account of the many heresies that had invaded the Church; 2ndly, for the reformation of the Clergy; 3rdly, to set Christendom at peace; and 4thly, to provide means for the repulse of the Turk. That he shared the Emperor's opinion as to the difficulties standing in the way of a preliminary meeting of princes, and of their agreeing to the convocation; but the Council, he said, might still be convoked all the same, and begin its work at once; during that time the Christian princes might meet together, &c.
After Waury's return with the Pope's answer, another letter was received wherein His Holiness is more explicit. See the ambassador's letter. Having asked him what he proposed to do in view of a speedy convocation of the Council, he (the Pope) replied that he intended to send an express to the king of France informing him of his wish to have the Council convoked as soon as possible. The French king might perchance refuse his consent at first, but he (the Pope) would still insist upon it, persuaded as he is that the French King will in the end agree, the cardinals of his party having publicly declared, at the time of the last election, that king Francis really wished for a pope who should convoke and hold a general council of the Church.
He [Sylva] having stated his opinion that there was no difficulty at all in that, as king Francis could not possibly refuse his consent, the Pope replied that still he thought the King ought to be informed beforehand; he himself would at the same time despatch a courier to the Emperor, and another one to the king of the Romans, to notify his readiness to convoke the Council. Told him that, in his opinion, the Electors and Princes of the Empire ought to be written to; he approved of the suggestion, promising do so by letter.
[The answers are in the handwriting of Secretary Idiaquez.]
Spanish. Original minute. 3 pp.
5 Jan. 126. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, i. f. l.
Received on Christmas day his letters of the 18th and 20th November and 5th December [1533]. Approves entirely of his [Chapuys'] negotiations with the admiral of France (Chabot). Regrets to hear that king Francis does not proceed more openly in the affair. Sends him copy of viscount Hannart's last letter, and his own reply to it.
Godscalke returned a few days ago from his mission. The king of Scotland would certainly like to marry the princess of England, but he thinks that it will be impossible for him to obtain her hand, and therefore wishes to ally himself to some princess related to the Emperor.
Is to report concerning the Princess' flight from England, and say what means and ways there are of accomplishing her departure.—Madrid, (fn. n1) 5 Jan. 1534 (old style).
French. Original draft. pp. 3.
14 Jan. 127. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Rep. P.C.,
Fasc. 229½, No. 2.
Immediately after the receipt of your Majesty's letter of the 9th ult., I apprised the Queen and Princess of what concerned them respectively, both being very well pleased at the intelligence. With respect to fostering and gaining the good-will of these people towards Your Majesty, I need scarcely say that I have always done, and will in future do, the best in my power to promote it. Indeed, no great efforts are needed to attain that object, since, for a long time back, they have been almost entirely in favour of Your Majesty, and it would indeed be a long task were I to mention the many proofs I daily receive of their readiness to forward Your Majesty's views. Yet I cannot omit one fact, which I consider of some significance. Not later than the day before yesterday, Milort Sans (Lord Sandys), grand chamberlain to this king and captain of Guisnes, one of the most experienced soldiers of this kingdom, sent me word that he regretted exceedingly that times were so hard that he could not possibly invite me to an entertainment at his house; but that Your Majesty might be sure that the hearts of the inhabitants of this kingdom were all with you, and that his assertion could easily be proved whenever Your Majesty tried the experiment. That if Your Majesty could see the disorder and confusion prevailing in this kingdom, and the small appearance there is of defence in case of its being attacked—even of the good-will of the subjects were not as much alienated from the King as it actually is—Your Majesty would not tarry long in providing for the remedy of the existing evils, for on the least movement on your side one would see this kingdom thrown in the greatest confusion and trouble. (fn. n2) The said Milort Sans (Sandys) is nowadays staying at his country-house away from Court, with which he is much disgusted, under the excuse that he is in bad health. He has sent me the above message by his physician, who is on familiar terms with me, for I need not say that I do my best to get acquainted with people of that profession, inasmuch as they have the means of frequenting the houses of the nobility, and coming to me without suspicion. I have not yet sent Your Majesty's commendations to the people mentioned in your letters, because the man I used to send on such errands is now in Flanders soliciting the payment of my salary. As soon as he comes back I shall not fail to act according to Your Majesty's commands, inform the parties named in the letter, and report their answers.
With regard to Irish news, nothing is said, save that about three days ago, Cromwell, after giving a good sum of money to two Irishmen, was heard to say to the people about him that one of the principal chieftains in that country, the cause of all the Irish troubles, had at last been taken prisoner, and that ere long Childra (Kildare) himself would fall into the hands of the royalists, be brought here [to London], and hence to the place of execution. (fn. n3)
On the same occasion Cromwell recounted how the king of France kept a large force of lanskenets on the frontier of Lorraine and county of Montbelliard. I must add that for a long time back there has been a talk of securing the person of the said Childra (Kildare), and, therefore, that he is likely to take as much care of himself as he has done hitherto, though, on the other hand, I must say that, being sadly in want of money for the keeping of his force, it is to be feared that his own men will, one of these days, treacherously deliver him into the hands of the Royal officers.
I have been told by a worthy citizen that about 60 English hackbutiers (hacqueboutiers) had entered a castle within the said Childra (Kildare's) territory, thinking they might keep it; but that on that Earl's arrival with a considerable force, the English surrendered and evacuated the place, leaving their arms behind them.
I hear also from an authentic source that this king and his Privy Councillors are much concerned and astonished at their not receiving news from the court of France respecting the negotiations between this king and the Admiral, and that they begin to think and fear that there may be some intelligence between that government and Your Majesty. This king, however, hopes that if he can only hold an interview with King Francis, as they have already almost agreed to do, he will be able to defeat any other plans of Your Majesty in that quarter. The better to persuade king Francis to the meeting, and that the latter may not excuse himself, as he did last year, I am told that this king has come to no resolution at all on the matters proposed by the Admiral, delaying his final and conclusive answer till the time when he and king Francis shall meet. Such was this king's answer when asked for a decision on the several points brought forward by the Admiral, and especially concerning the Princess' marriage to the duke of Angoulesme, at which the Admiral, as stated, was anything but pleased, and still less so at what the King himself told him on the occasion of the banquet given to him the day before his departure, for being seated near the Lady whilst the dance was going on, the latter began to laugh most immoderately, at which the Admiral was much annoyed, and knitting his eyebrows said, "How is that, madam; are you mocking me?" Upon which, the lady, after somewhat restraining her laughter, made her excuses, saying, "I could not help laughing at the King's proposition of introducing your secretary to me, for whilst he was looking out for him he happened to meet a lady, who was the cause of his forgetting everything." I cannot say whether the excuse was accepted or not, or whether the Admiral found it a sufficient one, but I can vouch for the truth of the anecdote. (fn. n4) On the other hand, the King, the Lady, and her friends have not taken in good part, as I hear, the circumstance of the Admiral not having given any signs of satisfaction or pleasure at anything that has been shown to him, not even at the Tower of London, and the war ammunition there stored, at which those deputed to conduct him through the building were anything but pleased. I say nothing about the remainder, because I calculate that Your Majesty knows enough of this by my several despatches.
With regard to Master Godscalke, (fn. n5) I consider, as I have already written to Your Majesty, that he must already by this time be in Flanders. There is no means of receiving news from him, inasmuch as there has been no resident ambassador from Scotland here since the one who came to swear to the peace, and who returned home almost immediately. Nor have the English yet sent an ambassador to that country, although it is reported that the brother of the duke of Norfolk is to leave to-morrow with a present of certain rich articles of dress, besides several pieces of gold and silver cloth and gorgeous silks; the purport of his mission is to ask for the extradition of certain English Franciscan friars (observantins), who go about Scotland preaching that this king is a schismatic and heretic. The ambassador, however, must have some other charge, for the King's Privy Council has lately met many a time to deliberate. At any rate, he will have plenty of time and leisure to inquire about Master Goldscalke's mission to Flanders, and will, most likely, set to soliciting and promoting, as he did last year, the attendance of James at the interview of the two kings [of France and England]. People, however, are very much astonished at such a personage having been chosen for the said mission, for he is a blockhead without the least discretion or weight; I hear that, among other things, he takes a barb and three big horses as a present [for king James]. (fn. n6)
Respecting count de Huy (fn. n7) I have been unable to learn anything, save that I have been told that he has had a meagre reception and present, and that he went away ill contented.
About a week ago the duke of Norphoc sent me word by a gentleman of his household that the King, his master, wishing to proceed frankly, not with cunning and by indirect means, towards Your Majesty, had commanded him to show me certain letters he had lately received [from abroad]. The letters, as it appears, are from one Jacques, a native of Bruges, who left Your Majesty's Court and service as halberdier in consequence of a manslaughter he committed. After residing for some time in France, as I learned from himself, as well as from the treasurer of Besançon (Bonvallot), at that time Your Majesty's ambassador in France, the man solicited again to enter the Imperial service, and I accordingly took him into mine. Yet, perceiving his inclination, and that his behaviour was not exactly what was wanted of him, and, moreover, that he might, one of these days, mix himself up with the very same game which he is now playing, I got rid of him. Jacques afterwards went to France, and entered the service of Mons. de Likerke, but soon had to cross over to Scotland, having committed another manslaughter. After some time spent in that country he came here to London, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty at the time. In his petition to the duke of Norfolk the man professes to have rendered great services to Your Majesty, in proof of which he exhibits certain letters and papers that he has with him, adding that, as he has got no reward from you, he is now quite free and ready to undertake the same services against one whom the wretch charges with greater avarice and ingratitude than any other prince. He has, therefore, requested the Duke to acquaint the King with his readiness to be in anywise employed against you. If he could only contrive to come again into my service and that of Your Majesty, he would be a spy upon all my movements, and report thereupon, informing these people of the departure of my despatches, that they might be intercepted. He it is who advised the day of Master Gouschalk's (sic) departure from Your Majesty's court, and when and where he was to embark for Flanders; stating also that the sieur de Childara (Kildare) had accompanied him through Ireland with five horsemen until he embarked for Scotland, and had given that chieftain the whole of the gunpowder and ammunition on board the vessel (zabre) in which he himself had come from Spain. Goudschalke (he said) had done all he wanted in Scotland, so much so that most likely next summer Your Majesty, who wished to usurp everything, might very easily, with the help and assistance of the Irish and Scotch—nowadays opposed to the French, owing to the refusal of the promised marriage alliance—undertake the conquest of England, though he (Jacques) imagined that all would come to nothing, and that Master Goeschalke, who had been once king Christiern's chancellor, would conduct the Emperor's affairs as unfortunately as he had conducted those of his master. He added that Goetshalke had conceived great enmity against him (Jacques) owing to his having refused to be the bearer of certain letters for the lord of Childare (Kildare) in Ireland, and that they had had words together; but he (Jacques) had not informed me thereof for fear of causing me displeasure. The man also mentioned in his letter that he was related to the provost of Cassal, (fn. n8) once Your Majesty's ambassador at this court, besides many other facts of minor importance and hardly worthy of transcription.

Having read the letter, such as it was, I said to the gentleman, and afterwards sent the duke a verbal message to the same effect by one of my own secretaries, that although there was no danger of the said Jacques being able to accomplish anything to Your Majesty's injury, especially through my agency, since nothing in the world would persuade me again to take him into my service, yet had I done so, and had the man been able to investigate and understand what I was about, I was pretty sure he could never have reported anything but what was honourable and dutiful on my part, and that other acts of mine, which no one had hitherto suspected, were certainly more commendable than otherwise. (fn. n9) Yet I could not but own that it was a very virtuous and honourable action on the Duke's part to bestow on me such information, and, therefore, that I did not hesitate in sending him the most affectionate and cordial thanks, in Your Majesty's name, as well as in mine, intending personally to thank the Duke and the King himself on the very first opportunity. And so did I next day through my secretary. The Duke's answer was that, if I would take the trouble of calling on him, he would wait for me at the place where the King's ships are being built, half-way between this city and Greenwich. Accordingly, on the morrow, at the appointed hour, I went to the spot, where the Duke and treasurer Feuviellien (FitzWilliam) had already been waiting for me a good length of time. On my arrival there the first thing they did was to show me from top to bottom two ships on the stocks, one of which is now nearly finished and ready to be launched, the other not so far advanced. Both the Duke and the Treasurer took the trouble of showing me the guns and so forth, the former in particular repeating many a time: "What a fine thing it is for a king of England to possess two such ships as these, with which to intimidate those who might make war on him! all the time extolling beyond measure the size, structure, and armament of the said ships, as if he meant to say that with those two, and four or five more at anchor in the immediate neighbourhood, waiting to be caulked and repaired, the King could fight against all the world; adding, by way of a taunt, that Your Majesty would have much to do against Barbarossa, who was just the man to attack and plunder not only Sicily, but several other countries belonging to you. The last news of that pirate (the Duke observed) is that of his being in peaceful possession of Thunes (Tunis); that the Grand Turk besides is arming, and would appear in force next August. (fn. n10) I stated my opinion that the ships he had just showed me might some day have to be employed against the Turk, and that my impression was that, the present smoke (fumees) being dispersed, everything would be set to rights. As to Barbarossa, I firmly believed and hoped that God would effectually defend you against him, and things turn out as before, namely, that when the affairs of Your Majesty were considered in the worst possible plight, it was then that your success was greater and your triumph more patent, to which observation of mine the Duke made no reply, save to say that one ought not to trust too much to fortune.
Perceiving that I did not take his hints as he wished, the Duke changed the conversation, and without any preamble began saying that I must be aware of the incalculable treasure the King, his master, possessed by means of the power which the clergy of his dominions had granted him, of which he fully intended to avail himself, (as I know he has already,) for the purpose of worrying those whom the case concerned. My reply was that certainly those who had conferred such powers on his master were good subjects of the Crown, but he interrupted me by saying that had not Your Majesty been so staunch a friend of the bishop of Rome, you might have done at home the same that this King has done, and filled your own coffers; upon which I answered him that, if ever that was decided in a General Council of the Church, it would be time for you to join the majority.
After this conversation with the Duke I went to the King to thank him and the Duke personally for the communication of Jacques' letters, and begged him to give me the originals, that I might forward them to Your Majesty as evidence against the culprit. He said he did not know what had become of them, and that he fancied he had that very morning thrown them into the fire along with many more papers, but that if he could lay his hands on them they should be sent to me forthwith. I have no doubt, however, that he has them by him still, and that he wants to make use of them both as regards French and Scotch affairs.
In a like manner I mentioned to the Duke the fact of Mons. de Roguendorff having written to me strongly to remonstrate in the name of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) about the disorderly state of affairs in England, believing that the honesty and virtue, of which he knew him to be endowed, would prompt him to the remedy. If there was any misunderstanding between Your Majesty and this king, he (Roguendorff) would do his best with his master, the king of the Romans, to get rid of it, and arrange matters.
The Duke's answer was that he would willingly part with one of his hands if by that means Your Majesty and the King, his master, could become again as good and staunch friends as they were in former times, and that, should Mons. de Roguendorff, or I, make any overtures in that direction, he certainly would set to work more assiduously than he had ever done. I replied that Mons. de Roguendorff being insufficiently acquainted with English affairs, and I myself deficient in the good sense and wit required for such a negotiation before so prudent and wise a set of Privy Councillors as the King's were, it was not for us to make the overtures and propound the remedy. I myself had ventured to remonstrate respecting the treatment of the Queen and Princess, which, in my opinion, was offensive to God and to the world at large, and yet I had perceived no real amendment, notwithstanding the promise made to Your Majesty by their ambassador that both Queen and Princess would be treated with favour and due respect; so much so that I had made up my mind not to mention the subject again. The Duke then tried to exculpate himself, and, feeling that the task was an arduous one, ended by saying that if I was unwilling to enter upon the subject he himself had no inclination to do so, and, therefore, that it was for me to say whether I knew of any other way of coming to a satisfactory solution. My reply was that God would, no doubt, find some sooner or later, and that if I broached the subject it was more to fulfil the wishes of Mons. de Roguendorff than for any other purpose.
At parting, and whilst going down into his barge, the Duke observed that it seemed rather strange that Your Majesty should have received ambassadors from such a traitor as the lord of Childara (Kildare), and still more so that you should have sent him ammunition of war and men, as report ran. I answered that I saw nothing remarkable in that; Your Majesty might have sent someone to Ireland on business of the Spaniards fishing on that coast; had they suspected in the least that there was foul play in it, the King's ambassador might have complained thereof, and Your Majesty attended to their remonstrances, whereas nothing of the sort had been done.
Jacques has, no doubt, had scent of the whole affair, for during the last two or three days he has been hiding and trying to get away. As he might leave the country before an answer comes to this despatch, I have written to the queen [of Hungary] in Flanders, inquiring whether it would not be the proper thing to have him prosecuted and arrested in this country, which would not be difficult to obtain, knowing, as I do for certain, that the Duke hates him, owing to an encounter he had with him some years ago in France. It appears that as the Duke was going to the conferences of Marseilles he met Jacques in the Royal palace, and had him arrested of his own authority, as Mons. de Likerke very well knows, who had to go to the King to complain, as Jacques himself has stated. I should, therefore, not be surprised if his hatred of Jacques had not been partly the cause of the Duke showing me his letters.
A rumour has been afloat here that the new Pope [Paul III.] has sent a brief to this king. If His Holiness imagines that by such means he will be able to amend the affairs of this country, he is very much mistaken, for, since the arrival of the brief, if one has actually come, this king, who had still in his own hands, as if in suspense, the appointment to the two bishoprics, once filled by cardinal Campeggio and the Auditor of the Papal Chamber (Ghinucci), has since given them both away, that of the Cardinal on the Lady's almoner, and the latter on another ecclesiastic, (fn. n11) and nowadays more sermons are preached, and more strange and ridiculous farces enacted against Papal authority even than in former times.
I have as yet been unable to ascertain what the Vayvod's man is here for, although it may be presumed that his principal object is to obtain money for his master, and likewise to incite and stimulate these people and the French against Your Majesty and the king of the Romans, for, as I have been told by a worthy Englishman, the Vayvod's man has been heard to say that the quarrel about Hungary did not affect his master so much as it did this king and that of France, since, once in possession of that country, the king of the Romans will give the law, and the kings of England and France bow down their heads and follow Your Majesty's will and commands, as if they were your slaves, or else be punished accordingly.—London, 14 January 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, partly in cipher. pp.


  • n1. "On the 10th of October 1534 the Emperor went to Madrid, where he fixed his court until the 2nd of March 1535, when he left for Barcelona viâ Alcala and Saragossa.
  • n2. "Et que a la moindre emocion que vostre majeste sçeut fere lon verroit en ce royaulme une inextimable confusion."
  • n3. "Que desia estoit prins lung des principaulx de ceulx, que estoit cause du trouble de Yrlande, et qne auant peu de jours Childra seroit prins et amene içy, et des la a ung pic (?)."
  • n4. "Et encoires moings ce que le soir du festin, que le roy luy fist, que fust la veille de son partement [arriva]. Estant assis aupres de la dame pendant que lon dansoit, [car] sans occasion ne propos, [elle] se mect a rire le plus des mesurement du monde; de quoy le dict admiral monstra estre bien marry, et fronçant le nez, luy dit comme [çecy]: 'Ma dame, vous mocquez vous de moy?' En quoy donc, apres auoir soule souris, sexcusa [la dame] vers luy, disant quelle ce ryoit a cause que ce roy luy avoit dit quil alloit demander le secretaire du dict admiral pour le mener vers elle pour luy faire feste, et que le dict roy auoit rencontre en chemin une dame que [le] luy avoit fait oblyer; le surplus ne sçay si içelle excuse fut reçeue por (sic) souffisante et satisfactoire."
  • n5. "Au resgard de Me Godscalke," whose name is differently written in various despatches, Godscalco, Gotscalco, and Goudschalke. His christian name was Eric, and, before entering the Emperor's service, he had been chancellor to the king of Denmark.
  • n6. "Jentends aussi qui[l] mene pour presenter ung cheval barbe et trios autres grans."
  • n7. Count John Hoy, Hoya, or Hogen, said to be the brother-in-law of Gustavus Vasa, king of Sweden.
  • n8. Georg Theimseke.
  • n9. "Et autres que aucungs navoient suspeçonne par çy devant queust plus tost recommande a ma descharge."
  • n10. "Et que le Turcq armoit en force en avust au harble"?
  • n11. Those of Salisbury and Worcester. To the former, Nic. Shaxton, Anne's almoner, was appointed in January; to the latter, Hugh Latimer.