Spain: May 1535, 21-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: May 1535, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 460-475. British History Online [accessed 25 June 2024].

. "Spain: May 1535, 21-31", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 460-475. British History Online, accessed June 25, 2024,

. "Spain: May 1535, 21-31", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 460-475. British History Online. Web. 25 June 2024,

May 1535, 21-31

21 May 161. Lope de Soria to the Same.
S. E., L. 1311,
f. 20.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 308.
Has duly received the Emperor's letter of the 25th ult. Since then his (Soria's) despatches of the 17th and 21st ult. as well as that of the 8th inst., relating to the war between the Turk and the Sophy, must have reached their destination. Since that, letters from Constantinople of the 14th and 15th have been received in this city, containing news, the summary of which is here enclosed. Among other things, it is said that the inhabitants of Greece and of other provinces have lately refused to pay the ordinary taxes, thus indicating the hope they entertain of the Imperial fleet visiting those seas. (Cipher:) All here agree that this is the right moment for an attack on Constantinople, that city being now quite unprovided with a garrison and ships for its defence, the Grand Turk away, far from his capital, and the Christian population ready to rise. It would not matter, some say, to leave Barbarosa behind, for all the harm that pirate might do in the meanwhile could easily be repaired; whereas the taking of Constantinople would cause for ever the destruction of the enemy of the Faith, for not only would he lose his empire, but numberless Christians would also recover their liberty. After this Hungary would be completely reduced without having to strike a blow. The Turk could never recover Constantinople and other countries, for he would have the sea to cross, and no fleet to oppose to that of the Emperor The entrance to the Dardanels is by no means difficult, for the towers at the mouth of the Canal are weak, and might easily be taken from the south. Though the Turks have some artillery in them, it is merely for the purpose of showing that they intend defending the entrance to the Canal. In short, Constantinople once taken, the whole of Greece would soon fall into the Emperor's power.
At Easter, and during the mass, he (Soria) had a long conversation with the Prince (Andrea Gritti) on these matters. The Legate was not in church, and therefore he had plenty of leisure and opportunity to speak. Said to him, among other things, that this was the time to destroy and annihilate the Turk, if the Signory would join her forces to those of the Emperor. The Prince then asked whether he (Soria) had received instructions from home to express that desire. Replied that he had, not in an official manner, but had been ordered to speak privately to him only, as the Emperor knew well his prudence and wisdom, as well as his experience of Turkish affairs. Gritti's answer was that he loved the Emperor more than his own children and all the rest of the world, and that if it only depended on him he should be delighted that the Signory's forces should join those of the Emperor, but that such measures must needs pass first by a "pregay," and that meetings and councils, where different opinions generally prevail, were not easily managed, and he could not see how the motion could be carried. He agreed, however, that this was the fit time to fall on the Turk and destroy him completely, because he is now weak and unprepared.
(Common writing:) Notwithstanding these assertions of the Prince, he (Soria) knows for certain that the proposed measure has already been discussed in Council, some of its members agreeing to it, whilst the majority are of a contrary opinion; but he knows also that, should the Emperor decide to attack Constantinople, the Signory is sure to send also her fleet with a proveditor to obey orders. (Cipher:) This Soria hears from a very authentic source, and likewise that, should the expedition turn out successful, the Signory will look to the recovering Negroponte and other lands they had in former times, as well as to getting, perhaps, possession of the Morea. The only drawback is that they are afraid that owing to the old rivalry between Genoa and Venice, Andrea Doria may advise the Emperor to their disadvantage; besides which they are rather apprehensive of king Ferdinand's increasing power.
(Common writing:) Wrote last that a Venetian gentleman named Joan Mocenigo, who left Constantinople on the 1st of April, arrived in this city, and related that the affairs of the Turk were in a worse state than was generally thought. That it would be an easy matter to conquer Constantinople and the whole of Greece now, &c.
(Cipher:) Having been ordered to send some secret agent to Constantinople to report on the state of the war between the Sophy [of Persia] and the Grand Turk, he (Soria) will do his utmost to procure such a person that he may bring us back positive news, though he must say that the information received up to the 15th of April is that contained in the enclosed summary. The agent, however, if found, will not start for some time.
(Common writing:) Advices from Rome, Genoa, and Milan state that on the 15th inst. the war against the Infidel was proclaimed throughout Spain. The Signory expects from their ambassador at the Imperial Court letters confirming that news. Has told them that if the information be correct, the Emperor cannot have failed to apprise the ambassadors of all the Christian powers residing at his Court.
Told the Signory, according to orders, of the Pope's request concerning Camarino, and what the Emperor's answer had been, and how the Emperor, at the Pope's solicitation, was sending a gentleman who, along with the count of Cifuentes, should see the Pope, and beg for a suspension of arms, &c., intimating that, should it be necessary, the gentleman would go to the duke of Urbino. Both the Prince and the Signory seemed very glad to hear of this. (Cipher:) He (Soria) failed not to inform the Duke of the secret clause in the agreement in case the said gentleman should go to him. The Duke's answer was that he kissed the Emperor's feet for the many favours bestowed on him, and that, should the gentleman visit him, he would comply at once with the Imperial orders. (Common writing:) Hears, however, that there will be no need of that for some time to come, for he (Soria) hears that count de Cifuentes is about to obtain from His Holiness a suspension of arms for six months, provided the duke of Urbino engages not to introduce provisions into Camarino during that time. This condition is not much to the Duke's liking, but he (Soria) has told his agent here that on no account ought his master to refuse, because the clause is to be understood in this way, "not to introduce provisions from a neighbouring estate;" and as the new harvest is near at hand, it is evident that the aforesaid condition cannot be included in the agreement; nor can that be the meaning of His Holiness. And as Camarino will then be victualled for more than six months, it will need no further supply.—Venice, 21 May 1535.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Spanish. Original, mostly in cipher. pp. 8.
22 May. 162. The Archbishop of Toledo to the Emperor's Confessor.
S. E., L. 30,
f. 285.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 313.
The breviary and order of prayers which His Holiness has lately had published is considered by several prelates, religious persons, and ecclesiastics as obnoxious, and tending, should it be put into practice, to disorder and relaxation of discipline among ecclesiastics, to the detriment of churches, and deterioration of divine worship; last, not least, leading in an indirect way to the approval of the many novelties which, by cause of our sins, are now-a-days disturbing the Church.
Sends him copy of the letters which the archbishop of Granada and others have written to him on the subject, and begs him to intercede with the Emperor that he may write to the Pope, &c.—Madrid, 22 May [1535].
Signed: "Joan VII. (fn. n1) Cardinalis."
Addressed: "To the Revd. Fray Diego de San Pedro, provincial of the Order of St. Dominic, in the province of Castille."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
27 May. 163. The Same to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 30,
f. 285.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 315.
The provincial of the Dominicans will inform Your Majesty of certain matters concerning the service of God, and the good order that has hitherto prevailed in his Church. Be pleased to hear what he has to say, and give him credit.—Madrid, 22 May 1535.
Signed: "Cardinalis A. Toletanus."
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
27 May. 164. Dr. Ortiz to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 863, f. 61.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 304.
As Your Imperial Majesty is coming to these parts to help and strengthen God's Holy Church, and as count Cifuentes from his multifarious engagements may perhaps be unable to inform Your Majesty, as he otherwise would, of the progress of the matrimonial cause, for the watching of which he (Cifuentes) was purposely sent here by the Emperor, I consider myself in duty bound to report as follows:
Some days ago a servant of the count of Kildare, in Ireland, who in past times took away from the king of England all he had in that country, leaving him only one town, called Dubilia (Dublin), arrived in this capital. He alleges that since the king of England disobeys the Holy Apostolic See, his master (the Count) owes no allegiance to that King. The father of this Count had (he says) been slain in a tower, where he was kept prisoner, owing to his having once shown favour in Ireland to Her Highness, queen Katharine of England.
The Count's servant had an audience from His Holiness, in which he said that his master had sent him for the purpose of signifying in his name, and in that of the great Irish lords, who are in his favour, as well as of his friends and allies in England, (fn. n2) that they are very much astonished at his negligence, and at his allowing so many souls to be lost, through his not putting an end to the matrimonial cause at once, declaring that wicked King to have incurred the censures of the Church, and forfeited his kingdom,—at the same time absolving his subjects from the ties of obedience, fidelity, and subjection, since for some time past that King has persecuted the Catholics and favoured the heretics, exacting from both an oath that they will not obey the Holy Apostolic See, and forbidding all prayers to God for His Holiness. Had he [the Pope] done his duty concerning the cause, the English people, who were very indignant against their King, would willingly have risen and helped in the execution of the sentence.
After that the Count's agent exhibited a printed paper in English, recounting the many heretical propositions spread throughout England against the Apostolic See, and another copy of a manuscript paper, showing how, in the times of Pope Innocent III., king John had acknowledged, in the presence of Pandolfo, his legate, that he had been justly deprived of his kingdom, and had received it again as a fief of the Apostolic See; on account of which acknowledgment he engaged himself to pay annually the sum of 1,000.. sterling, which is the coin used in that country, that is 700.. for England and 300.. for Ireland; (fn. n3) declaring that if at any time he should fail in the payment thereof his kingdom would devolve to the Apostolic See. "And whereas (continued the messenger) this present count of Kildare had caused the murder of the archbishop of Dublin, owing to his being favourable to the English in Ireland, to his being the principal cause of his father's death, and seeking also his own, he now asks His Holiness's absolution from the excommunication he might have incurred by that act.
His Holiness, after listening attentively to the agent's discourse, showed much pleasure and satisfaction at it, and excused himself for the past, saying that he had been in hopes that the king of England would at last acknowledge his errors, and return to the true path; but that for the future he would do his duty without fail. He then absolved the Count of all the censures he might have incurred on account of the Archbishop's murder, &c.
And yet, though I (Ortiz) have since called on His Holiness, and urgently requested him not to impede the issue of the "executory letters" in the principal cause, which were long ago decreed in Consistory under Pope Clement VII., I have never been able to get them. Formerly the delay was caused by the expected interview of the kings of France and England; now that the meeting is put off, perhaps not to take place after all, the excuse is to see what the duke of Norfolk and another great English personage, who have been sent to the king of France, are likely to conclude with him; the end of this month (May), seems to be the time fixed to make the result of the negociations known to His Holiness, as I heard the other day; for His Holiness himself announced lately in Consistory that king Francis was negociating a marriage between his third son (Charles), the duke of Angoulême, and the daughter of Anne, which, if it came to be effected, would be a great encouragement to all the schisms and heresies which the king of England is introducing.
Your Majesty must have heard that some days ago Her Highness the princess of England (Mary) was very ill; so ill that twice her physicians despaired of her life. Since then the ambassador (Eustace Chapuys) writes that she has recovered, and is much better. Her illness proceeded chiefly from melancholy and depression, for it appears that her governess, an aunt of Anne, does not treat her well. The King went some time ago to the house where the Princess is living; but although he stayed there several hours, he did not see her. Nor was the Imperial ambassador, all the time her illness lasted, allowed to visit her, nor could he obtain the King's permission to have her removed to the Queen's quarters. Since then we are without news from England.
I humbly beg Your Imperial Majesty to have continuous prayers said in all the churches of Spain for the preservation and health of the Queen and of the Princess, her daughter; for, besides the many heresies of which you must have heard, it is now asserted in England that there is no Purgatory, that we ought not to pray to the saints; they even dispute the presence of our Lord in the sacrament of Eucharistie;—all heresies of an English heresiarch named Wicliff, whose doctrines were condemned by the Council of Constance, himself burnt, and his ashes scattered to the wind.
Since this my letter was written, I have received one from London, of the 25th ult., from the ambassador Chapuys, announcing that the Princess has entirely recovered. May God be praised for it!—Rome, 21 May, mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 7.
23 May 165. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii.
f. 29.
Since my last, Master Cromwell has frequently sent his excuses for not coming to speak to me on the political matters under discussion, owing, as he says, to his many engagements; fully promising, however, that as soon as he is disengaged, he will come and relate things, of which I shall be glad. Perceiving that his engagements, real or affected, lasted too long, I actually called upon him four or five days ago, when he declared to me that for no money in the world would he consent to have so much work in hand as he has had ever since our last meeting. His multifarious engagements had (he said) been the cause of his committing an error, and being in fault towards me; at which the King, his master, had been so much vexed and disappointed, that he had actually called him a fool and a man without discretion. The error consisted in this: having had occasion to send a courier into France for another business, he had answered a despatch of the King's resident ambassador in that country without previously showing the contents of the letter to me, as the King, his master, had repeatedly commanded him to do. The substance of the answer being, as Cromwell himself told me, that the submission to the Council, as well as the revocation of any acts whatsoever in which both monarchs had joined, were entirely out of the question. Should Your Majesty be pleased (the answer said) to allow matters to remain as they are—though the promise once made by you of not allowing king Francis to remain at peace, but waging incessant war against him until he himself had been crowned as king of France, had never been fulfilled—he [Henry] had no objection to renew his alliance, though he was bound to remind Your Majesty of the many favours he had once conferred on you at the time of your promotion to the Empire and on other occasions. (fn. n4) This, Cromwell observed, was not written in a tone of reproach, but merely to remind Your Majesty of the friendship and amity once existing between you two, and therefore the King, his master, (added Cromwell,) had written to his resident ambassador in France that he was disposed and ready to enter into any conventions or treaties, provided he could do so without dishonour to himself. Which restriction, in my opinion, means that they do not intend going beyond the limits of the last treaties, the more so that many a time have I heard Cromwell say, though incidentally, that there was no longer need of new treaties between England and the Empire, and that the preceding ones were quite sufficient, provided care was taken to remove the obstacles that impeded the execution of the said treaties, thereby meaning the business of the two good ladies. Indeed, on one occasion it escaped him that were the affair concerning the Queen and Princess to be settled in a satisfactory manner between you two, the King, his master, might easily hold the rudder, and govern the ship of Christendom, without having to bind himself to and join any other prince.
My answer was that I was not in the least offended at his having withheld from me the King's letter to his ambassador. If the letter was such as he represented it to me, and as the case required, it was indifferent to me whether it was forwarded straight to France, or sent to me for perusal; but that, for certain reasons of mine, stated at a former interview, I strongly suspected that all had been done in order to gain time, and wait for the issue of the Calais conferences; which was really the case. This Cromwell stoutly denied, trying to persuade me by numerous arguments, which, instead of allaying my suspicions, increased them beyond measure; for, among other things, he went on to say that ere long an answer would come from the ambassador at the court of France, and then he (Cromwell) would send for me and discuss the affair in all its details. And on my remarking to him that, according to the late news from Calais, it was easy to guess what the result of the conference would be, he agreed with me, and owned that in his opinion there was no necessity at all to wait for the issue of the conference, inasmuch as he himself was sure that nothing good would be achieved thereat, but, on the contrary, discord and breach of amity between the parties would be the issue.
Whilst treating of this point Cromwell's sole argument was that it would be a shame for the King, his master, to show such inconsistency in his acts as to revoke what he had once done. My answer, after alleging as an example the case of Clothaire, the emperor, and two more kings of France, was that there was no question of revoking previous acts, but merely seeing whether those acts were just and reasonable, or not; and that there would be no shame in the King's revoking any one of his statutes, since several constitutions of General Councils had likewise been revoked or completely altered. The King, on the other hand, might be charged with inconsistency, if he were to follow the proposed course; besides which the suspicion of positive unjustice would inevitably attach to him by his refusing to acknowledge the validity of a Council, after having appealed to it. (fn. n5) That in order to stop the slanderous tongues of those who, in Flanders, as well as in France and in Spain, took away his credit and called him a heretic and a schismatic—of which he had complained most bitterly—there was no other way left for him than to submit to the said Council, and acknowledge its validity; otherwise he would furnish still better occasion and opportunity for the people to speak and write about him, as they are doing, to his eternal infamy. I was quite sure (said I) that had not Your Majesty clearly perceived that the submission recommended would lead to the relief of the King's conscience, as well as to the tranquillity and happiness of his subjects, and would besides be a very honourable act on his part, you would never have consented to the overtures being made. "Your King," I added, "ought not in a case of this sort to be guided solely by the laws and constitutions of this realm, which after all is very much at its King's mercy, as could be gathered from the acts of king Richard, who, not satisfied with having had it declared by sentence that Edward's sons and daughters were illegitimate, caused Edward himself to be declared bastard, and had that King's mother arrayed before a court of law to give evidence as to the fact, ordering her declaration to be read from the pulpits. This Cromwell could not deny; but he observed that king Richard was a tyrant and a bad man, and had been punished for his crimes. I said more to Cromwell; I told him that if, in order to render the King's submission more honourable, it should be deemed necessary to make a formal application and request, with due ceremony, Your Majesty would do whatever was required of you, desirous, as you were, of doing him pleasure in every respect,—a proposition, by the way, which seemed greatly to Cromwell's taste.
As most likely the King's secretary feared that, the submission to the Council, as well as the revocation of the statutes concerning the Queen and the Princess once effected, the King, his master, would lose the inestimable profits he makes out of the Clergy by virtue of those very statutes, I gave him to understand that the measure might perhaps be partly confirmed; and that since the principal cause for the King's amassing so much treasure was to obviate or provide against any troubles and wars among his neighbours, there would be no necessity for that in future, the Queen's business being amicably settled in the meantime, and the friendship with Your Majesty confirmed or renewed. Besides which, should the Queen resume her former rank and estate, she would for certain grant him anything he might wish for, as there is every probability, as physicians and others tell me of the King's getting male issue with her rather than with that woman, which was one of the principal points the King had alleged for marrying again. "For the above reasons, and others equally strong, (said I to Cromwell,) the King ought to return to his legitimate queen."
To the objection raised by the secretary, namely, the Queen's inability to bear children, owing to her being more than 48 years old at this time, I named to him some women in this very country, who at 51 had been delivered; and, far from denying the fact, Cromwell himself owned that his own mother was 52 when he was born.
After this he began to say many pleasant things of the Queen personally, blaming, however, those who had brought about her marriage in this country, which marriage (Cromwell observed) had entailed upon his master, besides troubles innumerable, the loss of upwards of three millions of gold. Hearing which, I could not help inquiring from him whether he meant by that the sums the King had spent in the wars of France and Navarre. His answer was "Not that." I made at the time no remark, but I shall not fail, when we next meet, to interrogate him, and learn from him how and when the King, his master, spent so considerable a sum of money. Yet, with regard to the marriage, I observed that he who brought it about understood well the manner of acquiring new dominions, as well as of preserving them, and that I held it as certain that the marriage alliance, joined to the Queen's sanctity and fervent prayers, had hitherto preserved England from danger and ruin,
In the end, and after much contention and dispute, Cromwell owned openly to me that most of the above and other reasons I had alleged were just and indisputable, and yet (he said) it is not in mine, nor in any man's power to persuade the King, my master; he will hazard all rather than give in on such a point.
Having, moreover, objected to him that no progress in the negociation could possibly be made as long as they persisted in speaking in general terms, he (Cromwell) replied that for the time being he could not make further overtures than those of the marriages of the Princess, and of the young one, of which he had once spoken to me. (fn. n6) And upon my asking him to declare how, and in what way, the King, his master, intended settling the Queen's business in the event of your Majesty consenting to ratify expressly or tacitly his second marriage,—which would be a highly dishonest and unjustifiable act—or else dissembling and taking no notice of it, he told me that he could not answer that question without previously consulting his master thereupon, which he would do very shortly.
Having then pointed out to him what small appearance there was of their ever coming to the friendly terms we were trying to establish—since, besides refusing to submit to the Council, they were continually intriguing with the French, and showing no symptoms whatever of improving the relative position of the Queen and Princess—he answered me that in the end their dealings with the French would [not] bear fruit, (fn. n7) as he had told me on more than one occasion; and, with regard to the treatment of the ladies, that it was his master's intention to treat them most honorably the very moment that he saw a chance of the renewal of friendship between Your Majesty and his master.
Cromwell further assured me that the present Pope [Paul], at the time he was only a cardinal, had written to his master in his own hand to say that he was right in procuring his divorce, and that pope Clement did him great injury in not granting it. Though I did not attach more faith to these words of his than to his other statement, that, had the cardinal of Bourges been at Rome when the sentence was issued, he would never have consented to it, I only replied "So much the better; for in that case you will have less occasion to refuse submitting to the Council."
I forgot to mention the answer I made to Cromwell, when he accused Your Majesty of having treated with king Francis, contrary to the promise made to his master. I told him that, as far as I knew, Your Majesty had a greater cause of complaint against him, since it was notorious that during the siege of Pavia his master had been in treaty with the French, and that Jehan Jocquin first, and the Chancellor of Alençon afterwards, had come secretly to London for that purpose. Cromwell replied that he knew nothing about that, as he was not in the King's employment at the time.
Just lately one of those whom this King sent to the parts of Denmark with the count Dhoy's brother returned, and in his company came also a German gentleman, followed by five or six servants; among whom, as I am told, is a secretary from Lubeck. I thought at first, from mere hearsay, and because he was supposed to be the brother-in-law of the king of Sweden, that the Lubeckian secretary might be no other than count Dhoy himself; (fn. n8) but I am told that this one is a native of Holst[ein], and a fugitive from that duchy; that his name, as far as I can gather, is Her Berne fron vand Mellent, and that he has married the sister of the king of Sweden, notwithstanding which he is not on friendly terms with him just now. (fn. n9) I lately asked Cromwell who he was, and what he came to England for; whether he was in favour of the Lubeckians, or against them? His only answer was, that he was a German, who, hearing of his master's generosity, had come to London for the purpose of appealing to it. He himself knew nothing about the Lubeckians, except that they were trying for the restoration of king Christiern; the Doctor from Lubeck, who came on a former occasion, was on the eve of departure. Such was Cromwell's asseveration respecting the people of that town and their Doctor. But I know better; the Doctor is continually with the above-mentioned gentleman. Cromwell besides related to me that the French were rejoicing at the idea of Your Majesty's journey to Italy being broken off, as they said, in consequence of certain captains who had commissions to raise men in Germany having received orders not to go on recruiting.
(fn. n10)
Four days ago the good old lord (fn. n9) about whom I once wrote to Your Majesty, sent me a kinsman of hisan old man, of a sounder virtue and zeal for the good cause than could be anticipated from his personal appearancewith the following message:—He wanted to have news of me, and to inform me at the same time that, not wishing to live any longer in a country so infested by heresy, and perceiving that all those of his class and rank would be sooner or later compelled, to the great damage of their souls, to take part in the said heresy, besides being sacked and devoured by the King's officers, he had made up his mind to cross the Channel and repair to Your Majesty's court, in order to impress upon you the necessity of applying a remedy to the evil, and stating his own views in the matter, or at least hearing from Your Majesty's lips how far you were disposed to enter into an understanding with the discontented of this country. Should Your Majesty refuse (he says), he will return, and inform his friends thereof, that they may not be deceived in their expectations, and may provide other means, as they are determined to do. And on my remarking to him that by going out of England he might put in jeopardy the said lord and his other relatives, he replied that he did not intend leaving England until after the said lord had retired to his estate in the country, as he would shortly do, after which he should not care a straw for all their suspicions, since, with the assistance of his friends, he feared no one. The gentleman is to return to me as soon as his kinsman the lord has left for his country seat, in order to consult with me what is next to be done. I will then write to Your Majesty what their plans are. In the meantime, I am sorry to say that our conference did not last long enough for me to unravel what their thoughts and plans may be.
Long ago the younger brother (fn. n11) of the gentleman about whom Your Majesty received a letter from Venice announced also to me that he wished to go to Spain. I dissuaded him from it, believing that the service he might render to Your Majesty would be next to nothing when compared with the damage that might result to him and his people in case of discovery, as the thing would not be kept secret like that of the other nobleman.—London, 23 March 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
(fn. n12)
23 May. 166. The Same to Nicolas de Granvelle.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, iii.
f. 9.
Has not written half the remonstrances he (Chapuys) addressed to Cromwell the other day. Thinks that words at this time will be of no avail, and that a stronger remedy is needed.
The deputies will leave for Calais before the festivities, and will take in their company the two doctors at law, who went once to Marseilles, and took with them all the writings and papers concerning the divorce.
The King was not present at the execution of the Carthusians. He was very angry with Norfolk and Wiltshire for their not answering one of them (fn. n13) when he preached a remarkably fine sermon.
Three other Carthusians have been arrested; others are kept prisoners in their own convents, their goods and chattels having been seized by the royal officers. It is thought, after all, that the King will dissolve all the convents of that Order, for they (the friars) are rich, and will not yield.—London, 23 May [1535].
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. Partly in cipher. p. 1.
24 May. 167. The Privy Council to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 863, f. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 316.
There is nothing in the correspondence from Italy worthy deliberating upon, except perhaps the new creation of cardinais, to which His Holiness seems inclined, most of whom belong, as will be seen, to the French party. The principal are the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay) and the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Ghinucci). There can be, however, no doubt that the creation is chiefly intended to counterbalance in College the votes on the Camarino business,—which seems not to turn out to His Holiness's advantage,—do king Francis' pleasure, encourage him to do worse than he is doing, and, under colour of showing good-will to the proposed Council, impede it altogether.
Considering the shortness of time, the Council is of opinion that His Imperial Majesty should summon the Papal Nuncio to his presence, and remonstrate against the rumoured creation of cardinals, telling him that he (the Emperor) cannot possibly imagine that, the College being so full, there can be a serious thought of creating more cardinals; and at the same time remind him of the excuse Clement himself made at Bologna for not electing those recommended by His Imperial Majesty, though all were sufficiently well qualified for that dignity. Since then, four more cardinals were created at Marseilles, at the request and in accordance with the taste of France, and some time after His Holiness' two nephews. (fn. n14) That, having regard to the excuse made at Bologna, Your Majesty had always refrained from asking similar favours for his own subjects. To say that the creation is being made that the new cardinals may help at the assembling of the Council is a very bad excuse; for, after all, the proper thing would be, first to convoke the Council, and then, if there was need, make a new creation of cardinals, learned and well-intentioned, leaning to no party whatsoever, and free from all suspicion in matters of Faith; which cannot certainly be said of the bishop of Paris, nor of his brother, Mr. de Langhes (Langeais), whose doings in Germany are well known, having impeded as much as was in his power the convocation of the Council. Moreover, it is now an ascertained fact that the two aforesaid brothers, with the Auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci), have been the most ardent and active agents of the king of England in the divorce question, whence the evils that everyone knows in matters of Faith have sprung, as well as the loss of authority (desautoridad) which the Apostolic See has necessarily incurred thereby. The creation of such people as cardinals cannot fail to be a most scandalous thing in Christendom, and that to presume that His Imperial Majesty can be satisfied with the appointment of the bishop of Capua (Schomberg) and of prothonotary Caracciolo is entirely out of the question. His Majesty cannot, and will not, consent to it on such conditions; nor will the two said individuals, though very deserving and learned, be much flattered by such a distinction, in company with the bishop of Paris and auditor Ghinucci. Your Majesty should oppose the nomination of the two last named, and perhaps, too, that of the bishop of Faenza (Pio de Carpi), who belongs decidedly to the French party.
In the opinion of the Council, Your Majesty ought to insist upon the appointment not being made at all, or, at least, being delayed until your arrival at Naples, for, according to information received from Rome, the creation was to take place soon.
Should the Papal Nuncio say anything about the Camarino affair, Your Majesty may answer him in conformity with the instructions sent to count de Cifuentes, without, however, letting him know that you have since heard from the Count, and that, whatever turn the affair may take, Your Majesty can promise nothing to the detriment of the duke of Urbino.—Barcelona, 29 May 1535.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 5.
Indorsed: "Copy of a memorandum and consultation on the points to be treated with the Papal Nuncio, respecting the creation of cardinals."
(fn. n15)
29 May. 168. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 229½, ii.
fol. 43.
Has reeeived his letters of the 17th and 25th April. (fn. n16) Approves entirely of his doings with regard to the Queen and Princess, as likewise concerning the new negotiation on foot. Intends sailing from Barcelona as soon as possible, and will keep him well informed of his movements, as well as of what may happen hereafter.—Barcelona, 29 May 1535.
French. Original draft. p. 1.
31 May. 169. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E. Roma, 863,
f. 39.
B. M. Add. 28,587,
f. 319.
Did opportunely advise the recovery of the Princess, and like-wise that he (Ortiz) has been unable to obtain the executory letters on the principal cause, which they are being delayed on the plea that as the kings of France and England purpose holding an interview at Calais this very month of May, His Holiness is naturally very desirous of knowing what can be done there towards converting the English king. Of this, however, there seems to be no chance whatever; His Holiness ought not to be lulled by such hopes, for only a few days ago king Henry tried to persuade king Francis to separate from the Apostolic See, and now, they say, he is thinking of marrying his daughter by his mistress to the third son of the king of France, the duke of Angoulesme. Indeed, Eustace Chapuys, the ambassador in London, writes in date of the 8th of May, announcing how on that very day three Carthusian friars, and another one from Monte Sion, of the Order of Santa Brigida, all very learned in letters, and one of them a priest in orders, had suffered martyrdom for refusing to acknowledge the King as Supreme Spiritual Head of the Church in England, instead of His Holiness the Pope. All of them, it is said, died with great courage and constancy; owing to their holy life and virtues there was no previous degradation, but their judges allowed them to retain their clerical vestments when they were, to the great sorrow of the people, dragged through the streets of London; after which they were hung. Before they had breathed their last their robes (togas) were ripped up in front, their entrails and hearts taken out and burnt, their heads cut off, and their bodies quartered, to be exposed in different parts of London. And there is a report that a fourth friar stood at the gate of the Carthusian convent to which they belonged, that he might instil fear into the heart of his brethren, of whom several more are now in prison for the same reason. It is also said that the most reverend cardinal Rophensis (Fisher) and Thomas Mauro (More), formerly High Chancellor of England, are in prison for the same cause, and for upholding the just rights of the Queen, and that both have been summoned to oppose within eight days the sentence, as otherwise they will suffer like the rest; but, animated by constancy in our Lord, both have answered that they do require no time for deliberation, insisting on their former opinion, and being ready to die for our holy Catholic Faith, as our Lord Jesus Christ died for us on the Cross. If so, they must have suffered martyrdom by this time; and if so the Queen, in the midst of her sufferings, is only sending martyrs to precede her. I must own that I feel more envious than pitiful of them, since our Lord in his mercy has done them the singular favour of calling them to his glory, and accepting them as the constant witnesses of our holy Catholic Faith. Their example seems to me intended as a warning to all the cardinals who reside here, most of whom pass their lives in vain cares and frivolity. (fn. n17)
This will show how needful it is that Your Imperial Majesty order prayers to be said for the Queen and the Princess in all your kingdoms.
On the 22nd inst. His Holiness created seven cardinals, and among them the bishop Rophensis (Fisher); but I fancy that, before he hears of his nomination, our Lord will have bestowed on him a more valuable red hat, namely, the crown of martyrdom. I am much pleased at his receiving at the present time such an approval of his services to God and to the queen of England, for whose cause he is now in prison. The other cardinals created are the archbishop of Capua (Schomberg), auditor Simonetta, and a Venetian named Gaspar Condarino (Contarini), who is said to be a man of letters and holy life; on the other hand, the auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci), the bishop of Paris, and one more whom His Holiness keeps in pettore, and whose name has not yet been published. As to the auditor (Ghinucci), he is the greatest enemy the queen of England ever had at this Court, and he who has worked most efficiently against her. As to the bishop of Paris (du Bellay), they say that there is great rumour in France of his having befriended the Lutherans, (fn. n18) and that for this reason the count of Cifuentes has resisted as much as it was in his power his appointment as well as that of the auditor of the Chamber; for certainly it would have been much better not to make a new creation of cardinals than have the last two included in their number, and especially the latter at the very pressing request of king Francis. To-day, the last day of May, His Holiness has created another one, a Milanese named Mercurio, who is a servant of Your Majesty.
Cardinal Ravenna is still a prisoner at the castle [of Sant Angelo]. Rome, 31 May mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
French. Original. pp. 7.


  • n1. Juan Tavera, from the 15th of May 1534 to August. 1545, when he died.
  • n2. "Le embiava á Su Santidad de su parte y de los señores de toda Hibernia y tambien de parte de sus confederados en Inglaterra."
  • n3. "En cuyo reconocimiento se obligaba de dar á la sede Apostolica cada año mil libras de sterlings, que es moneda que ellos usan, setecientas por Inglaterra y trecientas por hibernia."
  • n4. "Que ne convenoit parler de la submission au concille ne de vouloir riens reuoquer, ne innouer riens quilz aient icy fait, et que estant contente vostre maieste de laisser toutes choses en leur estat le dict roy nonobstant que vostre maieste ne lui ait tenu la promesse quelle luy avoit faicte de iamais laisser de guerroier le roy françois iusques quil fut coronne roy de France, ce quil vouloit bien estre remantue (remantonné?) à vostre maieste et aussi les plaisirs quil a fait a icelle."
  • n5. "Que plus seroit notee son inconsistance oultre la suspicion de iniustice de reffuser la cognaissance du diet concille actendu quil avoit interiecte appellation a icelluy."
  • n6. "Que pour lheure il ne me sçauroit faire ouverture que celle qil mavoit lautre foys faicte du mariaige de la princesse et la petite," meaning princess Mary and Elizabeth. See above, p.457.
  • n7. The text reads: "Il me repondit que les pratiques avec les français fructiffieroient commil mavoit tousiours dit;" though most likely the negative was left out in the deciphering.
  • n8. John count of Hoy; about whom, see above, p. 377.
  • n9. "Mais lon ma dit que cestuy est du pais du due dolst et fugitif dilec et sappele comme ientend her Berna fron vand Mellent, et se dit quil a espouse la seur du dict roy de Suede et que ce non obstant luy est ennemi." Thus in the copy before me; but I should say that the agent's name is wrongly deciphered, and that it ought to be Herr Bernhard van Mellent, the same individual designated as D[ominus] Bernhardus in Jerome Wideman's letters to Cromwell. See Gairdner, vol. vii. p. 353.
  • n10. Hussey? If so, John lord of Husey or Usey.
  • n11. "Que le frere mainsne de celluy dont lon escripuoit pieça a vostre maiesté." Mainsne, in old French, is the synonim of "puisne, or younger brother," and such was Jeffrey or Geoffrey Pole, the son of Sir Reginald.
  • n12. If the old lord is Sir John Hussey as may be presumed from Chapuys' letter of the 30th Sept. (see App. at the end of this volume), the old man here called his relative (son parent) might be lord Darey. However, it is not clear from the deciphering of the clerks whether it was lord Darcy himself, or his messenger, who intended going to Spain. I rather think, however, that it was the latter, though the text is ambiguous: "que le dict sieur (Darcy) lavoit envoye taut pour luy faire sçauoir de mes nouvelles, que aussi pour me decouvrir son intencion questoit telle que nou pouvant, &c."
  • n13. Prior Haughton, whose words on the scaffold are recorded by the author of Historia Martyrum Anglorum.
  • n14. The paper being much torn at this place the sense is obscure. At any rate, Ippolito, who was one of Clement's nephews, was already a cardinal since 1529, much before the conference of Marseilles.
  • n15. "La qual creacion verisimilmente se pone delante para encender á V. Md en el negocio de Camarino, y en todo caso complazer al rey de Francia y al papa de hacer peor y mayormente de so color de tener buena voluntad al concilio destruyrlo y estorbarlo."
  • n16. Neither is preserved in the Vienna Archives.
  • n17. "Cuyo exemplo me parece que es gran confusion de todos quantos cardenales aqui estan, y de los vanos cuidados que en los eclesiasticos reinan."
  • n18. Que ha avido gran rumor en Francia que ha parcido a personas luteranas.