Spain: October 1535, 1-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: October 1535, 1-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 545-562. British History Online [accessed 17 June 2024].

. "Spain: October 1535, 1-31", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 545-562. British History Online, accessed June 17, 2024,

. "Spain: October 1535, 1-31", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 545-562. British History Online. Web. 17 June 2024,

October 1535, 1-31

6 Oct. 208. Dr. Ortiz to the Same.
S. E., L. 863, f. 44.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 23.
Has received her letter dated the 26th of August.
Eustace Chapuys writes from England that the King of that country is conferring the bishoprics on heretical persons willing to conform with his wishes. About the Queen's pretended liberation there is not a word in that ambassador's letter; which makes him (Ortiz) suspect that what Tomas Petiplett, the King's chamberlain, who passed through Rome to go to the Emperor, said on that score, and he (Ortiz) wrote home, was a pure fiction, as well as the rumour lately so much in circulation here, at Rome, that a son of Tomas Mauro had stabbed and killed the King in revenge for the martyrdom his father had suffered. (fn. n1)
Enclosed is a copy of the passion and martyrdom of the said More, and another of His Holiness's breve in answer to the letters of the earl of Kildare in Ireland, who has so courageously resisted the king of England, shaken off his allegiance, gained many victories over him, and subdued the greater part of that island, over which the King formerly ruled. The Earl, as it would appear, had written to His Holiness complaining of his negligence and forgetfulness in the case of the king of England, and in not proceeding against him as a schismatic and spreader of heresies.
By way of France news has been received that England is now visited by the plague, in consequence of which the King has been obliged to absent himself.
Has just this moment received a letter from the ambassador in London, dated 25 Aug. in which he says that the Queen and Princess continue in good health, and that in the arch bishopric of York a friar had suffered martyrdom for the same cause as the Carthusians of London.—Rome, 6 Oct. 1535.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2½.
8 Oct. 209. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E., L. 864, f. 56.
B.M. Add. 28,588,
f. 25.
On the Pope's departure from Perugia I failed not to advise news up to that day. Will now write about his arrival at Rome in good health, and his wish, as he says, of holding an interview with Your Majesty.
The route which His Holiness took in returning from Perugia not being sufficiently well provided with accommodation for travellers, he took a very small suite with him; almost all his cardinals, with the exception of his own grandsons and Matera, (fn. n2) travelling by another route. I myself took another. Three days after my arrival in Rome I sent my secretary to visit the Pope, and communicate the substance of Your Majesty's letter of the 19th ult. He seemed glad to hear that the affairs of that kingdom (Naples) were in a fair way of being settled, that you might thus be able to come and meet him somewhere. My secretary having asked him what news he had from France, and other countries, his answer was that the Cardinal of Paris (Jean du Bellay) had been with him the day before (in fact he had travelled (fn. n3) after him for that express purpose), and that he had showed him letters of his master, the king of France, of the same date (the 19th September), mentioning the duke of Orleans' (Henri) dangerous illness, that being the reason why he had not gone to Dijon; the Duke, however, had entered on his convalescence, and would soon set out for that town, and thence go to Lyons, where the king of France then held his Court. The latter had sent to the king of England a copy of the breve which His Holiness had addressed to him, asking his help towards carrying out the sentence and depriving king Henry of his kingdom. He had forwarded it to England by express (con hombre propio) that he might the better make that king understand His Holiness's wishes in that respect, and persuade him to return to the obedience of the Apostolic See. The man sent to England by king Francis had not yet returned. He had not found the King in London; for, owing to the plague that was raging there, he had gone far into the country. My secretary having inquired from the Pope whether it was at his own request, or with his knowledge that the king of France had forwarded the breve to England, His Holiness replied in the negative; king Francis had done so of his own accord; he (the Pope) knew nothing of it, only the King thought, as he was informed, that the measure would be profitable for all parties. My secretary's answer was, "Would God that it were so; but, considering the conduct of king Francis in that affair, it is to be apprehended that the contrary will happen, and that he is only seeking the advancement of his own designs through the medium of the breve." The Pope then remarked that he had also been told that Your Majesty had forwarded to England a copy of the breve he had addressed to you on the subject. We know nothing of such a breve, nor is it credible that Your Majesty has done any such thing. But, granting the thing to be true, and that Your Majesty has communicated with king Henry on that particular, certain it was (observed my secretary) that the intention and object of the parties was very different as His Holiness knew by experience in this affair as well as in others. His reply was that he had not the least doubt as to that. He then sang Your Majesty's praises effusively, and concluded by showing satisfaction at the manner in which you had answered, through his Nuncio, his various communications respecting the three points—Council, duchy of Camarino, and Your Majesty's visit to Rome.
His Holiness further said to my secretary at the abovementioned audience that he knew for certain that the king of England was working very assiduously with some of the Prince-Electors and free towns of Germany to prevent the meeting of the Council, and that he had there agents for the purpose, and was sending fresh ones.
In the matter of the executory letters (executoriales) I have strictly followed Your Majesty's instructions. They have been detained and impeded for upwards of one year and a half, without the least appearance that the delay really proceeded from us, but, on the contrary, of our disappointment and sorrow at their not having been drawn out when asked for. Besides His Holiness's wish to wait for the result of the offers and promises made by France—which naturally delayed the publication of the said executory letters—there was another circumstance which has admirably served Your Majesty's purpose. I (Sylva) could in no wise consent to the insertion of certain clauses and words in the draft shown to me, which in my opinion were equally detrimental to the right of the Queen and Princess, as to Your Majesty's preeminence, as in the memorandum here enclosed. (fn. n4)
Now that all hopes of the English king returning to the obedience of the Holy Apostolic See have entirely vanished, owing principally to the disagreement between the two kings [of England and France], Dr. Ortiz was the other day interviewed by some of the cardinals, who said they wondered much at our not applying for the executory letters, now that the words and clauses we objected to had been carefully removed or altered. Being ignorant of Your Majesty's desire in this respect—for I had, for many reasons, not told him that you wished the execution to be delayed—the Doctor (Ortiz) assisted by Anguiano, (fn. n5) took out the executory letters, and almost dispatched them whilst I myself was at Perugia. True, had I been in Rome at the time, I do not think that I could have succeeded in detaining them any longer, or preventing Ortiz and Anguiano from applying for them, unless I had publicly made Your Majesty's wish known, which would have been highly impolitic.
The executory letters, therefore, are quite ready; nothing is wanting, save the Pope's seal of office. On my arrival here I asked for them on the plea that I wanted to make an inspection of that document, but in reality as a means of detaining them a few days longer until I hear from Your Majesty. Such is the state of the matter; the letters are and will remain in my possession until Your Majesty be pleased to tell me what is to be done with them. I consider it my duty, however, to inform Your Majesty that the English affair is so far advanced that it will be impossible to detain them much longer without telling these people plainly that Your Majesty does not choose to take them out, and that the lawyers and proctors of this city agree in saying that one whole year must pass before the letters, if now issued, can be fairly executed.
A courier lately come from France has brought news that 150 of Your Majesty's subjects, serving by force in the galleys of France at Marseilles, have lately been set free.
Your Majesty's letter of the 28th ult. has been duly received. The speedy departure of this courier prevents my answering the question about the duel. I will do it my next.—Rome, 8 Oct. 1535.
Signed: "El conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 7.
10 Oct. 210. Katherine to the Emperor.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 53.
The Emperor may imagine how much she has thanked God for the great victory He has been pleased to grant his arms. Is glad to hear that he is already in Italy, and therefore prays him to urge the Pope to look to the remedy of her affairs. Finds a great consolation in the idea that she may perhaps have to follow so many blessed martyrs in the manner of their death. She is only sorry that she could not imitate them in life.
Hears that her daughter, the Princess, is in greater danger than she herself is. Asks the Emperor once more to guard against it, and provide a remedy.—Kimbolton, 10 Oct. [1535].
Signed: "Katherina."
Spanish. Holograph, with seal attached. pp. 1½.
10 Oct. 211. The Same to Pope Paul III.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 54.
Complains of her treatment and of the measures adopted in England, through which many souls are being irretrievably doomed to perdition. Knows not whose fault is the greater, whether that of the King who, with unparalleled cruelty, sends these holy people to martyrdom, or of him (the Pope) who applies no remedy to the evil the Devil is sowing in this kingdom. Expects for herself and for her daughter, the Princess, the very same death that these saintly men (Fisher and More) have had, and finds consolation in that thought.—Kimbolton, (fn. n6) 10 Oct. 1535.
Signed: "Katherina."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 1½.
13 Oct. 212. Eustace Chapuys to Nicolas de Granvelle.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, iii. 26.
These people have tried to make the French ambassador believe that the Emperor had written several most friendly letters to this King, and that before leaving for the Tunisian expedition our master had actually begged him most earnestly to look to the safety of the Low Countries, adding that he would not sail for the coast of Africa before he had received a favourable answer to his application! Has taken care to enlighten the French ambassadors as to the purport of such rumours, and the object for which they have been spread.
The bailiff of Troyes is leaving this Court rather unsatisfied. I hear that his principal errand was to ask formally for the Princess's hand, and that, although he is remarkably close and reserved, he has been heard to say that the question lately submitted to the Paris University as to whether a King might be deprived of his kingdom on account of heresy referred entirely to king Henry. If so, it would appear that the bailiff believes him to be a heretic.
Urges again the commencement of hostilities against England. The enterprise, if the circumstances and state of this country be taken into account, cannot be difficult or expensive. King Henry ought to be chastised for his impious folly.
Recommends his own affairs, as well as those of Montesa, (fn. n7) his secretary, whose services deserve good reward.—London, 13 Oct. 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, mostly in cipher. pp. 3.
13 Oct. 213. The Same to the Emperor.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½. ii. 56.
This King's answer to the news contained in Your Majesty's letter of the 16th August, which I immediately communicated to him, has been in substance, "that he has heard with great pleasure of the triumph of your arms." Cromwell's letter to me, here enclosed, bears full testimony as to that. But I must also say that, notwithstanding his promise of obtaining the King's permission for me to visit the Princess, there is not a word in the letter about it. On the contrary, he has since told my man that I ought not to trust too implicitly in the promise he once made to me; he himself had done in that respect as much as could possibly be done; he feared, however, that the King, his master, was not disposed to grant my application, much less allow the Princess to go and live with her mother, who, he said, was too much of a papist, and would inevitably render her daughter more obstinate, encouraging her to disobey the statutes and laws of this kingdom, which she was bound to observe, or she would rue it. Such a threat in Cromwell's mouth, and at this moment, makes me fear that, unless God and Your Majesty interfere soon, as the secretary, bearer of this despatch, will verbally explain, some great and imminent danger is hanging over the heads of both Queen and Princess. It is, indeed, at the pressing request of those ladies, as well as of many worthy gentlemen of this country, that I have decided to send my secretary to Your Majesty. Hitherto, all here have been fed with fair words and hopes, grounded on the excuse of Your Majesty's most mighty and important occupations, and have patiently waited for a remedy to their sufferings; but now that, thanks to God, those occupations and engagements have ceased, and the urgency of remedying things in England waxes stronger, all will fall into despair unless they see signs of that remedy which is expected at your hands. Hereafter it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to cure the evil. This would, in my opinion, be the proper season and opportunity for it; all expect the remedy from Your Majesty's hands, being, as they are, very much irritated just now, owing to the great cruelties daily practised all over the country, the abominable and most tyrannical spoliation of the clergy, the expulsion of friars and nuns from their convents and especially the approaching famine, which is likely to desolate this kingdom, in consequence of a scanty and bad harvest. That dreadful scourge the English in general attribute to the bad administration and tyranny of their King, to whom they likewise impute the loss of their ships lately captured by the Swedes; which loss is likely to be the cause of many evils, for, in consequence of that seizure, the King, within the last six days, has ordered all vessels and goods belonging to the Easterlings to be sequestered, although it is a known fact that they had nothing to do with the capture of the King's ships by the Swedes. The Privy Council, however, will soon repent the measure, were it for no other reason than their having thus voluntarily deprived themselves of the supplies of corn, which they, in their present need, expected to receive from those north-eastern countries.
The bailiff of Troyes left four days ago to return home leisurely and without haste; (fn. n8) neither is the bishop of Vuynchestre (Winchester), whom this King is sending to France, in any great hurry; so that, in point of fact, there does not seem to be much warmth or intimacy in their mutual relations and dealings just now. Of what these are, or may have been, I know nothing positively, except what I lately wrote (fn. n9) to Your Majesty, though I have frequently held long conversations both with the bailiff himself and with the resident ambassador. The only pertinent question I have heard them make individually, is, whether Your Majesty was thinking, or not, before all things, of having a General Council assembled, which (said they) was by far a more praiseworthy act than the conquest of Tunis, and more wanted than the recovery of the countries which the Turk holds in Christendom; and whether it was not far preferable to try and attempt that the pure Faith, uncontaminated by heresy, should reign over Christian princes without danger to their conscience and souls, even if they should experience some little harm in their persons and fortunes. What Your Majesty had already achieved or might achieve hereafter (continued the French ambassador) in that line would be of very little use without the meeting of a General Council. Which argument, and others of a similar nature and tendency, both Frenchmen repeated several times to me. In addition to which, I must say that baron Grammont, (fn. n10) the ambassador's brother, has many a time asked one of my men, by way of a joke, whether it was true that the Council had already assembled, and was about to begin its deliberations; which insidious question, makes me think that king Francis is after no good, plotting to prevent the assembling of the Council, and that the English will do their utmost to help in the same direetion, that being the thing they fear most.
Both the ambassador and the bailiff have lately visited the little bastard (Elizabeth), yielding, as they tell me, to the frequent importunities of her mother, the royal mistress. The former, as both have since assured me, had, under some pretence or other, delayed his visit until the bailiff's arrival; whose opinion, after all, was that both ought to go to the bastard's residence, were it for no other object than the chance of meeting there the Princess, whom they wanted very much to see. Without that hope (they say) they would never have accepted the mother's invitation. Unluckily for them, they did not see the Princess; for not only was she shut up in her room, as they themselves told me, but all the windows through which she might be seen were closed. This part of their statement I do not believe; I rather think that the Princess, following my instructions, and the advice I gave her in writing at her request, in order also to disguise the annoyance likely to be caused by the Frenchman's visit, show her filial obedience, and avoid, at the same time, all occasion of provoking her father's anger, kept aloof and remained indoors, playing on the spinet. (fn. n11) Even if she had been inclined to act otherwise, I presume that her modesty would have prevented her from placing herself behind a glass window, where she could be seen.
Some ten or twelve days ago a German of rather low stature, quality, and condition, who calls himself an agent of the duke of Saxony, sent by his Council to this King, arrived here. He is only waiting for Dr. Fox, (fn. n12) lately made bishop, and who, though appointed long ago to go to Saxony, is still here, making preparations for his journey to return home with him. What the Bishop's mission may be I have as yet been unable to learn; but I will make inquiries, and, if I hear anything, will not fail to apprise Your Majesty thereof.
The earl of Kildare, after several days passed at Court in perfect freedom, has at last been arrested and confined to the Tower. Many fear for his life, although Monsieur Leonard, (fn. n13) who assured him of the King's grace and pardon at his surrender, still persists in saying that he will not be executed. I hear that the said Monsieur Leonard has long pleaded the Earl's cause, and urged the observance of the promises he once made to him; but they have shut his mouth by conferring on him a considerable pension; besides which he has been presented by the Royal mistress with a handsome gold chain and a considerable sum of money in compensation. (fn. n14) It is quite true, however, as I last wrote to Your Majesty, that the earl of Kildare, without being besieged by the Royal troops, or in any danger whatever from his enemies, but merely out of despair, or from some instinctive movement, separated and hid himself from his men, and surrendered to Monsieur Leonard.
One worthy and noble personage has just this moment called and told me, among other news, that the bailiff of Troyes was certainly the bearer of a Papal brief addressed to king Francis, concerning and against this one, and that the bailiff's mission was to hear from this King's lips how his master's answer to that brief was to be shaped. Upon which this King's Privy Council had been ever since in great trouble and confusion, not knowing exactly where and how to begin, until at last the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) himself offered to write an answer, which he did. The same personage tells me that this King and Council are dreadfully afraid of some intrigue (garboille) of the French, and that not later than yesterday he had heard Master Cromwell say that his only object in coming to London from the King's Court was to have a Lord Mayor elected to his taste, or to persuade the Londoners to accept one of his own nomination; for (said he) the state of affairs was such that it required a man of authority, credit, and experience to fill that post.
As master Cromwell has often written to me that immediately on his return from Court we should treat of the business concerning the Queen and Princess, and others, I have waited two full days since his return in order to see what sort of mien he would put on at my reminding him of the preconcerted interview. Perceiving, however, that there was no move at all in that direction, I sent to ask him when and at what hour I could call on him. His answer was that he could not possibly receive me for two days to come, owing to his many engagements. Yesterday, which was the third day after his return, Cromwell made the very same excuse to my secretary, but added that this morning early he would come to me. This time he did fulfil his word, and actually called at this embassy. After the usual congratulations on Your Majesty's victorious campaign against Barbarossa and happy arrival at Cecile (Sicily), and after thanking me in his master's name and his own for the news I had from time to time communicated to him, he began to speak of the affairs of the Princess in terms quite similar to those he had formerly used in writing, namely, that the King, his master, was a kindhearted and wise Prince, and would more effectually than any other attend to the comfort and preservation of the Princess, his daughter; there was, therefore, no need, for reminding or advising him as to the line of conduct he was to observe towards her, whether in changing her governess, giving her a fitter suite of servants, or sending her to the Queen's quarters. With regard to the payment of arrears to the Queen, it was true that he (Cromwell) had on more than one occasion promised that she should be paid in full. Indeed, were it only a case of presenting her with the money due as arrears, he (Cromwell) would willingly have had the sum calculated and remitted forthwith; but he knew so well the nature and condition of the King, his master, that were he to precipitate that affair in the least, and be suspected of partiality to the Queen, it might cost him his head; (fn. n15) adding that the King, his master, would willingly send the Queen the sum of money she might demand, provided she undertook to keep house on her own account, in doing which she might appoint and keep any servant she pleased. Such conditions, however, the Queen will never accept, as far as I can judge, under the impression that, were she to acquiesce in them, it would be tantamount to renouncing the right of which she is in possession, (fn. n16) and therefore I am inclined to believe that the presentation money alluded to by Cromwell is a mere complimentary phrase.
After this Master Cromwell went on to say that the King, his master, had received letters from France, Italy, and other countries, purporting that Your Majesty was now thinking of preparing an army against him and his kingdom, and in favour of the Pope (Paul), whom he at times designated as the "Bishop," and at other times as the "Idol" of Rome,—not, however, without begging my pardon for calling him such names. He then added that, in order to kindle the fire and provoke a war against him, one bishop and papal legate had already arrived in Flanders. (fn. n17) "Notwithstanding those rumours,—which might, after all, have been spread by malicious and badly-intentioned parties,—(Cromwell observed) the King, my master, cannot bring his mind to believe that the Emperor, in spite of the great friendship existing between him and this country, of the confederations so often made, solemnly ratified, and sworn to, would now undertake such things without the least provocation or cause on our part; for, as regards the disobedience to the Pope's injunctions, the King, my master, has not said or done anything which a true Christian and Catholic Prince could not say or do according to Divine Law. I believe that nowhere in the world is Christian religion so well regulated and reformed as in this kingdom of England, where God is served, venerated, and worshipped as much as anywhere else." Cromwell ended by begging and requesting me, in the King's name, to supplement my many good offices for the preservation of the abovesaid friendship and confederations, by quickly informing Your Majesty of his master's sentiments as above expressed; adding, by way of encouragement, that his master, the King, might possibly send soon a very great and most honourable embassy to Your Majesty (provided he thought it would be agreeable), not only to represent his own sentiments as above, and bring forth other matters, but likewise to treat of the renewal of that same friendship and confederacy to which he had been invited by us, and that the King, his master, would like to know what I thought of it.
My answer was that I was not presumptuous enough to tender advice on such matters, and that I especially declined doing so on the present occasion, for fear the King should reproach me, as he did on the occasion of the earl of Wiltshire's embassy to Bologna, with having ill-advised him. What I then said was, that, should the King send Your Majesty the ambassador he then named, not only would he be well received and listened to at the Imperial court, but that Your Majesty's was sure to grant the King's request, provided it related to matters not against God, reason, honour, and Your Majesty's conscience; otherwise (said I) I had no advice to offer for or against the embassy. Such were my words at the time, and I could but repeat them on the present occasion. Cromwell made no reply; and I do really believe, from the way he mentioned this to me, that there has been no talk yet of any such embassy, and that the secretary introduced it merely for the sake of feeling his ground.
Immediately after this Cromwell said to me, "I suppose you know that the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) is again going to France as the King's ambassador, and that another bishop, that of Arfort (Hereford), (fn. n18) formerly King's almoner, is named for Germany." He said no more on this subject, but on my inquiring whether the latter was likely to go beyond Saxony, he answered that he could not tell exactly to what part of Germany he was going. The same answer he is reported to have made the other day to a merchant of this city, to whom he applied for a letter of credit in favour of the said bishop to the amount of 1,000 crs. in case he should want ready money, "which, he added, is not likely to happen, for he takes a considerable sum with him;" the letters applied for, as I am informed, being for the chief cities of Germany.
Cromwell owned a few days ago to one of my informers that the bailiff of Troyes had really and truly applied for the hand of the Princess for the Dauphin of France, and had also been the bearer of the Papal breve above alluded to.
I have likewise heard from a gentleman, who listened the other day to the reading of a letter in the royal chamber, that the duke of Holsatia (Holst) and his confederates had said that the capture of the English ships only meant the first draught of the wine they intended drinking [at his expense?], and that in order to spare the English the trouble of sending it to them, they purposed coming next spring, and drinking it here on the spot. Which threat might very well be the cause of the King levying the embargo he has put on the ships and goods of the Easterlings for fear of making the people of those north-eastern regions his enemies. (fn. n19) I hear, however, that the King, when he was lately at Pourcemout (Portsmouth), ordered his own great ship and some others to be caulked and repaired.
A Genoese, of the name of Cosmo Palabisin, once a servant of the cardinal of York (Wolsey), has been here. He spent three days at Court, and on his departure, which was rather hasty, was presented with 100 crs. The report is that he has brought to the King a book against the Pope, which a brother of his, a friar, has written, and that at the King's request he is going back to fetch the author and introduce him.
I will end this despatch by stating that Your Majesty's letter of the last day of August, announcing your prosperous arrival in Sicily (au royaulme de Cicile), at which all the good people of this country rejoice immensely, has come to hand, &c.—London, 13 Oct. 1535.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 5.
13 Oct. 214. —— to the High Commander.
S. E., L. 864, f. 55.
B.M. Add. 28,588,
f. 29.
Wrote on the 8th inst., acknowledging receipt of the Imperial letter of the 27th of September. Could not speak to the Pope before; has seen him since, and spoken according to the tenour of his late instructions. After a good deal of conversation on various topics, and coming to the two principal points, namely, the General Council and the deprivation of king Henry, he said that he approved entirely of the Emperor's sentiments, but as your visit to Naples is to take place soon the matter will be amply discussed then between you two; as also the war on the Infidel, for he had heard that the Turk was soon expected at Constantinople, and would most likely invade Europe next spring.
With regard to England, the Pope said he considered it advisable to have the intercourse of trade between the dominions of Your Majesty and those of king Henry entirely stopped. That measure, he said, would be the ruin of England, and the negotiations now pending would thereby be greatly improved. The French would gladly co-operate, said the Pope, who shows the utmost goodwill in this affair. But as Your Majesty's coming to Naples would shortly take place, he thought it better to leave until then the discussion of the three points.
In the course of conversation the Pope observed that although the General Council, the war against the Turk, and the English cause, were all of them questions of great importance, and which demanded a prompt resolution, there were other minor affairs which, in his opinion, ought to be settled at once. He pointed, among others, to that of Camarino, which, he said, was of great importance, as well as profit for him and the Apostolic See, &c.
Yesterday the duke of Ferrara (Hercole d'Este) made his public entry into this city. His affair with the Pope is not yet terminated; all the difference is about 25,000 crs. I believe they will ultimately come to terms.
After the departure of the Venetian resident ambassador I was told that he said he was the bearer of important papers for the Signory, besides a message from the Pope, bidding them attend to the advice he gave them on other occasions. When I know the particulars, will not fail to apprise Your Majesty.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
13 Oct. 215. The Same to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 864, f. 55.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 29.
Has been unable to see His Holiness before to-day. Waited on him, and delivered the various messages from His Majesty contained in the letter of the 27th ult. On the two principal points, namely, the Council and the deprivation of the king of England, the Pope declared, after much talk and reasoning, that Your Majesty's advice on both matters seemed to him good, but as Your Majesty would soon be in Naples he would then resolve. There was still, he said, a third and most important point to be decided upon, which was the undertaking against the Turk, who, he knew, would soon return to Constantinople, and from thence inflict all possible harm upon Christendom. It was imperative, for that reason, to think of defence, as well as of offence, &c.
Respecting England he advised as most expedient the cessation of commerce between the Emperor's dominions and that country. That would, he said, powerfully contribute to facilitate the negotiations, and work the ruin of England and the utter destruction of its King;—both things towards which the Pope showed much inclination. He added that the French were ready to co-operate, as they assured him; but as Your Majesty was expected so soon in Naples. the resolution on this point might be left until then. In the meantime he would proceed according to justice in all matters touching the Holy Apostolic See and his own dignity and office. He commended much, and in general terms, His Majesty's conduct in the affair, without entering into particulars, and concluded by saying that the three most important points for him were the Council, England, and the Turk; as to Camarino he did not consider it in that light, though some might think it of importance for the authority and profit of the Holy See, as well as for the kingdom of Naples.
The duke of Ferrara (Hercole) made yesterday his public entrance in this city. His affair is not yet terminated, owing to which he has not been received in public consistory. He (Sylva) has spoken of it to His Holiness, and given other external signs of His Majesty's wish to favour him. Believes that all the difference now lies in 25,000 ducats, and that in the end his offer will be accepted.
After the departure of the Venetian ambassador residing at this court, he (Sylva) was told that he was taking to the Signory some important messages from His Holiness; but as it is not uncommon nowadays for him to send and receive them from the Signory, and the nature of those messages is pretty well known, there is no particular cause for alarm. (fn. n20) —Rome, 13 Oct, mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
22 Oct. 216. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 56.
News of the Turk, his fleet and his army.
If Dr. Adam really intends behaving well he will have his pardon, and be allowed to return to Germany; but he (Chapuys) must be cautious.
As to the new negociation proposed by the English ambassador (Wallop), the answer must be postponed until he (the Emperor) has seen the Pope, at Rome, and ascertained what Francis' real intentions are. Time, therefore, must be gained till then. If the king of England persists in his obstinacy, and will not even submit the question of his divorce, as well as the validity of his second marriage, to the decision of the future Council, then he (the Emperor) cannot honourably enter into an alliance with him.—Messina, 22 Oct. 1535.
French. Original draft. pp. 4.
24 Oct. 217. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E., L. 863, f. 43.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 31.
His last letter was dated the 8th of September. Since then one has been received from the Imperial Ambassador in London (Eustace Chapuys), in date of the 25th, in which he says that both the Queen and Princess were in good health. God be praised for it! As the ambassador's letter of the 14th of the same month stated that the Princess had been unwell, but was then getting slowly better, and that he (Chapuys) had been unable to provide physicians and the required medicines for more than 10 days, owing to the Princess's illness being concealed by her governess, an aunt of the lady Anne, the King's mistress (manceba), and as neither the ambassador nor his servants were during that time allowed to see her, the news from England are so far gratifying.
From the above Your Imperial Majesty will gather how urgently the queen of England and the Princess stand in need of God's protection, especially now that the King's conduct is getting so disorderly in all matters, and waxing worse every day; for mass (in England) is publicly said to be an abuse, Our Lord Jesus Christ not to be present in the Sacrament of the Eucharistie, but only at the time of consecration; that it is a jest to say the Ave Maria, and that Our Lady cannot in any way aid those who pray, and who invoke her help, inasmuch as she is only a woman like the rest. They also joke respecting the sacred images, and utter many blasphemous words about them. In addition to which they are seizing the property and revenues of many churches, as a preparatory measure to doing away entirely with images and temples, and getting hold of the temporalities of the church.
He (Ortiz) cannot well disguise his fears that one of these days both the Queen and the Princess, whose lives are in jeopardy, may be sacrificed, (fn. n21) and therefore humbly requests her [the Empress] to order that prayers may be continually addressed to God for their safety; for, certainly in the state in which matters are, he (Ortiz) sees no other remedy unless God be pleased to take them out of England.
Has also been disappointed and sad to hear that the good earl of Kildaria (Kildare), who in Ireland had so stoutly defended the cause of the Church against the king of England, finding himself alone and deserted by his confederates, and perceiving that he could not carry out his purpose, has been treacherously induced by an uncle of his, who went from England purposely to visit him, to leave Ireland, and go to London, there to be pardoned by the King, as the uncle said. After retaining some of the King's men in Ireland as hostages, though of no great importance, the good Earl set out on his journey, and had scarcely arrived in London when he was lodged in the Tower, there to die a martyr, or else to be entirely perverted. May God permit that the former of the two extremes may be his lot! Letters from England say that in the Charter House of London various revelations have been made by a defunct monk, who has appeared to many of the brotherhood; which revelations had reference to the glorious crown of martyrdom which cardinal Rophensis (Fisher) and the other saints lately executed have obtained, thus opening for them the gate of Paradise; and that Master Cromwell, he who is bringing about all that Anne, the King's mistress, desires, has strictly forbidden the publication of the said revelations. Good Christians, however, have no need of such revelations; martyrdom for Faith, they know, opens the gates of Paradise—Rome, 24 Oct.mdxxxv.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
— Oct. 218. Mary Tudor to Eustace Chapuys.
Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229½, ii. 58.
Monsieur l'Ambassadeur. Although I am sure that, prompted by His innate virtue, goodness, and magnanimity, His Majesty has had due regard for the many and singular services which you, Chapuys, have, and are continually rendering him, yet I should feel it as one of the greatest mishaps of my sad fortune, were I not allowed time and opportunity to acknowledge those which for a considerable length of time you have rendered to the Queen, my mother, and to myself. Now more than ever those services on your part are urgently required, considering the miserable plight and wretched condition of affairs in this country, which is such that unless His Majesty, the Emperor, for the service of God, the welfare and repose of Christendom, as well as the honor of the King, my father, takes pity on these poor afflicted creatures, all and everything will go to total ruin, and be irretrievably lost. For the Emperor to apply a prompt remedy, as I hope and trust he will, it is necessary that he should be well and minutely informed of the state of affairs in this country. And although I suppose, nay believe as certain, that you have hitherto done good offices in that respect, yet, considering that His Majesty has for a long time back been occupied in that very glorious and no less holy and necessary undertaking of Tunis, and may not perhaps have acquired the information needful respecting the nature, weight, importance, and dangerous position of affairs in this country; as moreover it is not easy to convey by ciphered letters an exact and minute account of the whole, I would dare ask this favour of you,—that you dispatch forthwith one of your men, an able one and possessing such information, to the Emperor, and inform him of the whole, and beg him, in the name of the Queen, my mother, and mine, for the honour of God, and the considerations above mentioned, to take this matter in hand, and provide a remedy for the affairs of this country. The work itself will be highly acceptable in the eyes of God, and no less glory will be gained by it than by the conquest of Tunis, or even that of Africa; begging you in the meantime not to forget to solicit permission for me to live with my mother, or else obtain leave for her to come, or send her people to visit me. I should very much wish to write to His Majesty in my own hand, but not knowing how to thank him in due measure for what he has already done for the Queen, my mother, or for myself, and, on the other hand, fearing lest those who are constantly watching me should get hold of the letter, I have hitherto been unable to accomplish my wish, though I find some consolation and comfort in the idea that you yourself will supply the want, and do and say in my name what is proper and fit.
Signed: "Marye, princesse."
Addressed: "A Monsieur l'Ambassadeur."
French. Holograph. pp. 1¼.
— Oct.? 219. Divorce.
S. E. 864, f. 37.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 22.
The things objected to in the wording of the executory letters were as follows: The disinclination there seems to be to pronounce censures against kings, that they might assist and give help to the execution of the letters.
An objection was raised against its being declared therein, that after the intimation of the executory letters, and after the lapse of the eight days generally granted in such cases, the king [of England], if still disobedient, should be excommunicated, and publicly declared as such in the churches on feast days, as is customary in all executory letters granted against private persons. Instead of that, it was proposed that the Pope should be applied to for the declaratory. (fn. n22)
In the bull, which is already drawn out, censures are specified against kings, dukes, marquises, counts, &c., in general the Emperor only excepted. Faculty for declaring is likewise inserted, as customary in other executory letters.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
31 Oct. 220. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S.E., L. 864, f. 66.
B. M. Add. 28,588,
f. 34.
Wrote last on the 28th, advising what Gabriel Sanchez, the agent of His most Serene Highness the king of the Romans, had said respecting Vergerio, the nuncio, and his coming shortly to Rome. The German princes, it is said, will be glad that the Council be held out of Germany and at Mantua. Having spoken to His Holiness on the subject, he (Sylva) heard from his own lips the confirmation of the above statement. He had (he said) written to his Nuncio to come back to him, and explain what he himself had said in Germany respecting the Council. It was perfectly true that the Germans had agreed that it should not be held in Germany, but they had not fixed, as reported, on Mantua or any other town.
After this conversation His Holiness went on to say that he had ordered the deputies of the English suit to put in order and prepare all the papers relating to it, for he had determined to proceed at once against the king of England, and decree the deprivation. That his Nuncio, who resides at the Imperial Court, had written to say that, such being the case, the Emperor would not fail to help: king Francis had also promised his assistance, provided the Emperor himself took the affair in hand. His Holiness further said that the king of France had again sent one of his courtiers to the English king, and this latter one of his to France. Though the motive of such missions is clear enough, he (Sylva) failed not to inquire from His Holiness if he knew anything respecting their object. He answered that he did not, but would endeavour to learn all about it, and let him (Sylva) know. Could not help telling him that these fresh messages from the king of France to him of England could not well be reconciled with what he himself had just told me of the readiness of king Francis to assist in king Henry's deprivation.
The duke of Orleans (said His Holiness) has again had a relapse.
Cardinal Ravenna has been liberated from prison this very day, though on the conditions specified in his (Sylva's) despatch of the 3rd of September. He is exceedingly grateful for the Emperor's interference, and remains for ever bound to the Imperial service.—Rome, 31 October, mdxxxv.
Signed: "Conde de Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3


  • n1. "Y no haze mencion ninguna de la libertad de la Sma Reyna de Anglaterra, que Tomas Petiplett, camarero del Rey del Anglaterra dixo pasando por aqui para yr al Emperador, mi señor, como á V. M. escribí y por esto es de creer que lo que dixo Tomas Petiplett fue fiction, como tambien lo fue el rumor grande que aqui en Rome ha havido los dias pasados de que un hijo de Tomas Mauro avia muerto al Rey de Inglaterra á puñaladas por indignacion del martirio que á su padre havian dado."
  • n2. Giovan Michael Saraceni, bishop of Matera and Acerenza (1531–7), and cardinal.
  • n3. que para aquel efecto le alcanço [en el camino].
  • n4. See the document following under No. 219.
  • n5. "El y el doctor Anguiano las sacaron y medio despacharon estando yo en Perosa, que á la verdad, aunque estoviera presente honestamente no lo pudiera impedir sin parescer que V. Md lo havia mandado."
  • n6. The original has Kinualton, for "Kymbalton" or "Kimbolton," whither Katherine had been removed since 1533. She was formerly at Bugden.
  • n7. Clearly written Montesa, instead of Montoya, as might have been presumed, since it is evident that Chapuys had also a servant or secretary of the latter name. In July 1531, one Montoya, described as Chapuys' secretary, was sent by Katherine on a mission to the Emperor, vol. iv. part ii. pp. 214 and 967.
  • n8. "Le ballifz de troye est party dicy, yl y a environ quatre iours, et sen etourne tout bellement a sez iourneez."
  • n9. See his despatch of the 25 of September, p. 542.
  • n10. Probably a brother of Charles, the archbishop of Bourdeaux, and of Gabriel the bishop of Tarbes; about whom, see vol. iv. part ii. p. 458.
  • n11. "Et ce a cause quelle avoit este non seullement comm'ilz disoient sarrec (sic) dans sa chambre mais aussi furent closes les fenestres par ou elle pouvoit estre veue, ce que ne croys ains que, suivant ce que luy avoye escript veuillant sur ce avoir mou aduis, elle se tint tout voluntairement en sa chambre iouant de lespinalte (espinette?)."
  • n12. Dr. Edward Foxe or Fox was made bishop of Hereford in this year.
  • n13. See above, p. 543. By Monsieur Leonard, the son of Sir William Skeffynton, the King's lord-lieutenant in Ireland, is meant. Leonard Skeffington or Skevington was his real name.
  • n14. "Mais lon lui a sarre (sic) la bouche lui donnant le roy une fort grande rente, et la concubine une bonne chayne et force escuz."
  • n15. "Et sil ne tenoit que a faire present de la somme deue a la dicte royne il le feroit incontinent et de tres bon cueur, mais quil cognoissoit bien tant de la nature et condition du roy son maistre, [que] sil se iouyt a ce faire il tumberoit en suspicion destre parcial pour la dicte royne, que lui pourroit couster la tete."
  • n16. "Me disant que le dict roy, son maistre, vouldroit bien donner a la royne la somme dargent quelle sçauroit demander, et quelle print en soy la charge dentretenir sa mayson, et ce faysant luy donnoit playne faculte de tenir les serviteurs telz quil luy plairoit, le quel party nacceptera oncques la dicte royne, a ce que croys, luy semblant que ce seroit desrouguer aucunement a son possessoire en ce endroit."
  • n17. "Et que pour allumer le feu debuvit estre desia arrive un evesque et legat."
  • n18. Edward Fox. See above, p. 552.
  • n19. "Iay sçau ce iourduy dhome que ouyt lire la lectre en la chambre de ce roy que le duc de Holsatie et ses confederez avoient dit que les navieres angloises, quilz ont prins, nestoient que lessay du vin, quilz vouloient auoir, et que pour garder ceulx-cy de pene au printemps, ils cn viendroient boire sur ce lieu. La craincte des quelles menasses ouseroit (pourroit?) bien estre cause de desarrester les marchandises susdictes desauterlins pour non se faire taut dennemys." Holsatie (Holstatia?) is meant for "Holst" or "Holstein,"—the duke being at the time Christian II.
  • n20. "Que el Papa le havia dicho que segun los avisos pasados no es nuevo decirselos, ni el escucharlos y referirlos á la Señoria."
  • n21. "Yo tengo muy grande tristeza viendo el grande peligro en que estan las vidas de la Serenissima Reina de Anglaterra y de la Serenissima Princesa," &c.
  • n22. "Como es estillo en las executoriales que se dan entre otras personas, sino que viniessen al Papa por la declaratoria."