Spain: March 1534, 21-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.

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'Spain: March 1534, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886), pp. 84-100. British History Online [accessed 23 June 2024].

. "Spain: March 1534, 21-31", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886) 84-100. British History Online, accessed June 23, 2024,

. "Spain: March 1534, 21-31", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 1, 1534-1535, (London, 1886). 84-100. British History Online. Web. 23 June 2024,

March 1534, 21-31

24 March. 27. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 5.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 187.
His Imperial Majesty is thankful for what His Holiness has done. The Emperor kisses His Holiness's feet, and will write to him in his own hand. On the 23rd His Holiness, with all his cardinals (nemine discrepante), sentenced the principal cause in favour of the queen of England, as Your Majesty will see by the copy here enclosed. (fn. n1) He (the Pope) believes that in doing so he has rendered a signal service to Your Majesty, inasmuch as the sentence is so worded that you will not be responsible for its execution. (fn. n2) He is glad that the whole thing is over, as he says he will have no further anxiety on that score, though, on the other hand, the importunities of those among his cardinals, who have voted in favour of the Queen, and of many other persons professing (he apprehends) to he Your Majesty's servants, will cause him considerable trouble, for they will naturally think that he (the Pope) is bound to ask favours for them.
Letters to be written to all these with promises that when the opportunity occurs the Emperor will show his gratitude for their services. Among the cardinals who have done service on this occasion the principal are, Frenesis (Farnese), Campeggio, La Minerva, La Valle, Sanctiquatro, Matera, Naples, Jaen, and Santa Croce. I beg leave to recommend them to Your Majesty, as well as Simonetta, Luis Aragonia, and the lawyers in general.
As the Duke does not say a word concerning the estate which is to be given to him in Naples, we need not write until we hear from him. This present courier takes the report which the duke of Urbino has drawn up by Your Majesty's command. The bearer is a trusty and confidential servant of the Duke and served under him in the late wars; the answer may be safely entrusted to him.
His Holiness has deposited his share of the 25,000 crs., as appears from the enclosed copy of the deed. Will try my best to make the Sienese deposit also their contingent.
Perceiving the delay in Swiss affairs, and that the Verulan did not start on his mission, as announced, I have requested His Holiness to issue certain briefs empowering the prior of Besançon to act in the absence of the former, and, if possible, conclude a league between Your Imperial Majesty, the Catholic cantons of Switzerland, and His Holiness. I have also written to Caracciolo that he may, after holding a consultation with Antonio de Leyva and the duke of Milan, prepare the ground and negociate with the Swiss cantons, as may best suit Your Majesty's interests.
When I told His Holiness the news of the archbishop of Toledo's death (fn. n3) he said to me, "The Emperor ought not to make a new appointment for some time to come, in order that the entire revenue of that see may be applied to the relief of Coron, and to arm galleys against the Turk."
Let us know what the custom is in such cases, and a sum of money shall be put at the ambassador's disposal to that effect. I have written to the High Commander respecting the gratuities which it is customary here to distribute in similar cases. When the affair of Hungary was tried several thousands of ducats were given as douceurs (propinas), and although I do not consider it necessary in this present case to give large sums of money, yet I think that some pecuniary reward to the parties concerned will not be amiss.
The 20,000 ducats for the relief of the Catholic cantons have been duly paid at Milan.
In consequence of the Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys) having written that the English Parliament had been opened, and that it would be desirable that the sentence should be presented there before Easter—when Parliament would be suspended or prorogued—I have despatched an express to Queen Mary [of Hungary] with a copy of the sentence, that she may forward it to England. (fn. n4) —Rome, 24th March 1534. (fn. n5)
cols="3"Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 6.
24 March. 28. The Cardinal of Jaen to the Same.
S. E. L. 862, f. 97.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 180.
Of the holy and good resolution taken by His Holiness in the Queen's case, Your Majesty must already have heard by the letter of count Cifuentes. I need, therefore, make no comments at all upon it, excepting to say that it must be a great consolation for the said Queen to have the declaration made in her lifetime that the false and perverse charge raised against her under pretence of Christianity is the greatest sin and offence that could be designed against God. Were her person and life to suffer through it,—which many prudent persons think probable, notwithstanding that such a thought ought never to enter the minds of Christians,—I am sure that she will obtain in Heaven the crown of martyrdom, knowing, as I do, her noble mind, more divine than human. The affair, however, might have had very disagreeable consequences, for had it not been concluded as it has been, and had there been more delay, such bad feeling might have been engendered, both here and there, in Spain, that many evils might have arisen; because there, in Spain, there was plenty of reason for resenting the injury caused by the delay, and here (at Rome) some discontent might also have been produced by their imagining that Your Majesty did not do all that was incumbent upon you in this respect. Distrust and suspicion might have arisen, out of which generally spring those bad passions that divide and disturb great princes. Now, with the sentence, such as it is, all those evils, and many more that I do not mention, disappear entirely. Thus at the Imperial Court, for instance, they will now believe nothing except what they see with their own eyes, and here (at Rome) His Holiness will enjoy more quietness, and be more at liberty to remain, as he has been hitherto, the true friend and ally of Your Imperial Majesty.
Owing to the above reasons it would be well for Your Majesty to thank His Holiness for what he has done, write him a most gracious letter, and at the same time make an offer of your services for the defence and upholding of the Holy Apostolic See. That can be effected without danger, and, if Your Majesty considers it advisable, might be done at once. I do not fancy that these people feel much disposed just now to press the fulfilment of such promises, or prompt you to take up arms on that account. (fn. n6)
There is still another consideration which renders the sentence highly profitable to Your. Majesty's interests here, in Italy, which is that many who are influenced solely by the favour or disfavour of His Holiness, and who might have attached themselves to the contrary side, imagining that they had His Holiness in their power, will now repent and pass over to you. With this determination of the suit their malice will abate; and, if we are to judge by the diligence which our adversaries employed to have the sentence delayed, there is every probability that one of these days greater mistrust may be engendered between them and His Holiness (fn. n7) than was at first anticipated.
All this, as I say, comes very àpropos for Your Majesty's general interests in the future, especially if, as some here think, some promise has been made, (fn. n8) which I cannot bring my mind to believe. But as I write to the High Commander of Leon on this point and others, I need not trouble Your Majesty any further, and will only refer to my despatches.
I should not satisfy my conscience were I to fail in recommending to Your Imperial Majesty all those who have worked in the defence of Her Highness, your aunt. The Count in particular has done much. Cardinals Farnese, Campeggio, and La Minerva have helped with their opinion and authority. As to auditor Simonetta, and Juan Luys [de Aragonia], and Anguiano, the proctor, I need not recommend them, having done it so often already. Doctor Ortiz, a man of great learning, exemplary life, and great integrity, is well worthy of your favour; any reward Your Imperial Majesty may be pleased to confer on him will add to the consideration and respect he already enjoys at this Court.
The news of the death of the archbishop of Toledo (Fonseca) has reached us. (fn. n9) I am glad to hear that Your Imperial Court is now in that city, because you will thus have better opportunity of consulting its very stones and walls, which cannot but remind you of the signal services I rendered you during the wars of the Commons (en tiempo de las comunidades) to my great personal risk, and loss of property, by which I have well earned Your Majesty's favour. (fn. n10) —Rome 24th March 1534.
Signed: "Very humble servant and chaplain G[abrielis] cardinalis Gienensis."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
24 March. 29. Dr. Ortiz to the Same.
S.E. Rom., L. 861,
f. 94.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 191.
Just as it has on former occasions pleased God to select Your Imperial Majesty as minister in His service, and executor of His commands, making you illustrious by the frequent victories obtained over your enemies, so has He now granted you that which, in my opinion, is the crowning favour of all,—I mean the sentence in the matrimonial suit in favour of Her Highness the queen of England, and against the King of that country; for the past victories were gained over men, whereas this present one is won from the enemies of mankind, who, unchained from Hell, have come to complicate and embarrass the good cause here on earth. Indeed, the former struggles were for temporal goods and the possessions of this world, whereas this one has been for the defence of our Holy Catholic Faith and the unity of the Church, the establishment and confirmation of its decisions and sacred canon laws, to the intent that neither good nor bad Christians, heretics nor infidels, may henceforward be able to say that since the Church doubted and hesitated in determining that which canon law had so long before settled, all the rest of its determinations might likewise be disputed.
The third reason is, that it is a victory gained in a cause which was from the very beginning fraught with difficulties,—because, it being against canon law and the express regulations of the Holy Apostolic See, the suit ought not to have been instituted without sending persons who might have instructed the king of England, and enlightened his counsellors. His Holiness was badly advised in admitting it, as cardinal Gaetano says very properly, since, after three consecutive decrees of the sacred Consistory commanding that the English excusator should not be heard in court, it was considered necessary to examine the case again for the fourth time, and consequently a fourth decree was needed. In like manner, though last year the Rota first, and the Consistory afterwards, decided that the English marriage was legitimate and lawful by civil as well as Divine right, it was again thought requisite to make a fresh inquiry, and decide once more that it was both lawful and legitimate: at which some of the cardinals were much offended, complaining that the revision of a determination previously taken in Consistory was derogatory of its privileges and authority, that being the reason why they refused to deliberate upon it, and referred to their former decision. Among the cardinals who opposed most the measure was Campeggio, who said that, were the cause to be founded only on such proofs of the Queen's virginity as were contained in the remissory letters, he might himself have entertained doubts of the Queen's justice, but that, having ascertained that the marriage could only be considered illegitimate by positive rule, he could not do less than acknowledge and proclaim the justice of the Queen's cause. (fn. n11)
Indeed, so difficult and unexpected has been this victory, that though I have always encouraged count Cifuentes, and assured him that we should in the end come out triumphant from the battle, I know for certain that he had very little hope of success, notwithstanding that he himself has worked very assiduously, and so have the Queen's advocates and proctors, to obtain the final sentence. Formerly His Holiness used to say that the only cause of the delay was his expecting that the, King of England would return to the obedience of the Holy See; now he acknowledges that the delay was altogether useless, as it could never have brought the King back; and he adds, "I am afraid that I have committed a great sin, for the Queen may suffer death by it." (fn. n12)
Fourthly, the victory has been gained for this holy martyr the queen of England, whom God has endowed with so many virtues that she may be a pattern and an example for future generations.
Fifthly, the victory has been gained not only over the king of England, but also over the king of France, by whose shameless influence some universities had been induced to lean to the contrary side. A gentleman named Langest (De Langeais) was one year before in Paris trying to gain the votes of that University; in the same manner his brother, the bishop of Paris, has come, and is still here, for the sole purpose of delaying the sentence.
Sixthly; though some of the cardinals nowadays are not so inclined to Your Majesty's service as they were years ago, owing to the alliances since contracted, as well as to the grants some of them have had from France, yet it must be said that all, without a single exception, "via Spiritus Sancti," have deliberated and decided in the Queen's favour;—our Lord being pleased to infuse such a light into this case that all resolved to have it over at once, clearly stating their belief that if at the time the cause was not ended, it was no fault of theirs, but of His Holiness's. It is a very remarkable fact indeed that cardinal Tribultio (Triulzo), who is protector for France here, at Rome, should have acknowledged the Queen's right, and voted in her favour. Indeed, I am inclined to think that the French cardinals have kept away from Rome on purpose to avoid being present at the deliberations of the College, knowing, as they must have known, what was likely to be decided. Their conscience told them that they could not possibly vote against the Queen.
I will not expatiate on the merits of auditor Simonetta, who was the judge, nor of Juan Luys [de Aragonia], the advocate, nor of Anguiano, the proctor, nor of the cardinals Caietano and Campeggio, who attended the last Consistory, notwithstanding the bad state of their health, nor of that good Farnese and Sanctiquatro, nor of all the other cardinals who voted in favour of the Queen, such as San Severino, who is now applying for a pension on his own see, nor of the cardinal of Naples, who is very poor, and is also asking for some ecclesiastical pension, &c.
Two days before sentence was pronounced there came letters, from Her Highness, the queen of England, for His Holiness, for the count of Cifuentes (Sylva), and for myself. They came very apropos, for it was rumoured at the time that she was dangerously ill. Enclosed is the copy of my answer to her. (fn. n13)
Owing to certain prudential considerations, the executory letters (executoriales) have not yet been presented; they will be so now, and very opportunely, because that of the principal sentence cannot be made out so soon. (fn. n14)
About a month ago His Holiness, on the payment of 1,500 ducats, granted a dispensation to a Neapolitan to marry the sister of his deceased wife, by whom he had four children. This dispensation, I should think, would have been a sufficient argument for us in this matrimonial cause, but luckily it was not needed. (fn. n15) —Rome, 24th March 1534.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Catholic, and Imperial Majesty.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
24 March. 30. The Same to the Queen of England.
S. E. L. Rom., 861,
f. 95.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 195.
Encourages her to suffer patiently, and advises that the College of Cardinals, without one single dissentient vote, have at last sentenced the matrimonial suit in her favour, after deciding in Consistory that her marriage to the King was, by Divine as well as by natural right, quite legitimate. This was in some manner owing to Her Highness's impressive letter to His Holiness, which arrived two days ago, and gave count Cifuentes and him (Otiz) an opening for pressing the Pope, &c.
Recommends the advocate Juan Luis and proctor Anguiano, both of whom have worked most efficiently. Rome, 24th March 1534.
Spanish. pp. 3.
Copy of Dr. Ortiz's letter to the queen of England.
25 March. 31. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien. Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 228, No. 22.
The secretary (fn. n16) of Count Palatine Frederic, who left this in November last, as I informed Your Majesty at the time, returned to this court last Wednesday, after passing through France, where, he says, he has been a fortnight. Since his arrival he has told his host that he was the bearer of intelligence at which this King would be much pleased. This must be to a certain extent true, to judge from the good reception he has had, and the familiarity with which both the King and Cromwell have treated him, orders having been given to procure him comfortable lodgings and everything he could desire. Though the said secretary has only spent five days in coming [from France], I hear that he regrets having been so long on the road. He has not revealed to any living person, not even to his colleague Morette, what his charge is, except to the King and to Cromwell, and therefore nobody yet knows a word of the object and nature of his mission. True, he sent me word by one of my men, whom he chanced to meet in the street, that he would soon come and visit me, after which he sent me another message to the same effect by one of his own servants. His time, however, has been so much taken up by these people, who, he thought, would not have despatched him so soon, and he himself has had so many private affairs of his own to attend to, (fn. n17) that, what with his own hurry to return to France, and the pressure put on him by these people, he has been unable to call. He said to his host, when mounting his horse, that he will again be here at Pentecost.
I should have thought that the Palatine's secretary having spent some time, as he says, at the court of France, would have had something to say to the French ambassador here, or at least would have called at the embassy; but he has done nothing of the sort. The French ambassador, on the other hand, says that he knows nothing about him, and should have liked to bear what brought him here, but that being unacquainted with him, he dared not send for him; for unless he has brought something with him agreeable to these people, they might reproach him for his curiosity, suspect his intentions, and perhaps imagine that the King, his master, or his ministers, were not behaving well towards the English. "Had the intelligence brought by the secretary been agreeable to the English, it could not be so for the King, my master, for it could only refer to some plot or other against the Faith, or against the Pope, who is my master's friend. On the other hand, had I conversed with him, His Holiness, the Pope, might have thought that my master favoured and assisted this King in his differences with the Church."
Such was the French ambassador's answer, and yet I cannot help thinking that he is sorry at not having seen and talked to the secretary, who, he says, cannot have negotiated, as he pretends, with the king of France, for he has not been at his Court, nor had he received any notice of his being there. The ambassador further stated that he not only knew nothing of the secretary's commission, but had not been officially informed of his arrival.
I should fancy that this King is unwilling to tell me of all the intrigues he is carrying on in Germany, owing to the friendship and alliance which king Francis has with the Pope, and that the Most Christian King must have written to him some time ago a letter in his own hand, making him the most cordial and substantial offers of help, promising to stake his person and kingdom for him, provided he is not called upon to go against the Faith and the authority of the Apostolic See; at which clause this King has been sadly disappointed and hurt, the more so that the same conditions have been over and over again imposed by the French king.
What had been ordained and established against the Pope and the authority of the Apostolic See by the Commons has just been ratified by the nobility and the ecclesiastics, to the great regret of some honest members of the minority; this has been accomplished by the malpractices and threats of the King. It only remains, to terminate the affair and render the act irrevocable, for the King solemnly to sanction and append his signature to it; which ceremony he still keeps in suspense until the return from Rome of the bishop of Paris, and until he sees the effects of the pressing intercession of the French king, who is trying by all possible means to bring about a reconciliation between His Holiness and him, as the French ambassador has certified to me,—who, by the way, blames this King for causing a book to be printed, which I now send to Mr. de Praët, notwithstanding his having promised king Francis, his master, that he would not allow it to be printed and published until the return of the bishop of Paris, and until he saw that there was no longer any hope of the said reconciliation.
The French ambassador, however, has, at this King's persuasion, written a letter to the Pope, pointing out the inconveniences likely to arise out of the present state of things unless some remediary measure be immediately applied by him; thereby meaning that, unless this King is satisfied in his demands, great evils may ensue. The ambassador himself failed not, in a conversation he had with me on the subject, to exaggerate those inconveniences, saying that, notwithstanding the pleasure which this King felt in upholding Papal authority in his kingdom, and the pecuniary advantages resulting therefrom, he had often been stimulated and pressed from various parts to take action against the Pope;—not only from Germany, but from elsewhere, as for instance, by the Vayvod, and several Italian potentates; and that the Venetians themselves were attentively watching the end of the tragedy; and they were not the only ones, meaning, no doubt, the dukes of Ferrara and Urbino; so that, in point of fact, should this King disregard Papal authority altogether, the duty of having the sentence executed will naturally devolve upon Your Majesty, and on the King, his master. (fn. n18)
After a good deal of talking in this sense the ambassador began to lament himself that there did not exist between Your Majesty and the King, his master, that sincere friendship and mutual confidence which was desirable, and went on cursing those who were an obstacle to it, protesting that the said friendship would be the means of doing away with the present difficulties, putting matters in order, and reforming the whole of Christendom. In that way (said the ambassador), Your Majesty could revenge yourself at pleasure on the Swiss, the rebels of Germany, and other enemies, by merely consenting to listen to this King, and yielding what he asks. My answer to such overtures was couched in the same terms as at other times:—It was not Your Majesty's fault if the said friendship did not hold good. As to the revenge he spoke of, I was sure that Your Majesty did not wish to pick a quarrel, or cause any annoyance whatever to those people, whoever they might be; your only desire was that both Swiss and Germans should unite their forces for God's service, and the exaltation of our Holy Faith.
It is not difficult to gather from the above words of the French ambassador what are the wishes of the King, his master: he is not on good terms just now with the Swiss nor with the Germans, and would like Your Majesty to alienate their affections from yourself entirely.
I must add that, having inquired from the ambassador what would be the way of cementing that friendship of which he spoke, he mentioned the marriage of Your Majesty's daughter to Francis' son, the Dauphin.
This King, after having taken possession on his own authority of all the ecclesiastical benefices which cardinal Campeggio and the auditor of the Papal chamber (Ghinucci) had in his kingdom, has now by ordinance seized the whole of their estates, without their being summoned to appear personally or by proxy. In the same manner has the good bishop of Rochester (Fisher), the paragon of Christian bishops, in doctrine as well as in holiness of life, been condemned to confiscation of person and goods, on the charge that when the Nun [of Kent], about whom I wrote to your Majesty, came back from the King, after having told him that unless he refrained from this second marriage evil would befall him, she related to him what had passed with the King; and because the Bishop did not at the time reveal the Nun's conversation, they say that he has incurred the crime of lese Majesty; but the truth of the matter is, that this unjust treatment is entirely owing to his having defended the Queen's cause.
To-day two doctors, whom this King is sending to Rome, will leave, post haste, though a rumour is current that they go merely for their own private affairs, not for the King's. There had been no question of sending them until the first letter of the bishop of Paris arrived, but immediately after its receipt the appointment was made. They have since been conferring and debating with several other doctors during 10 or 12 days. One of them is the same person who once intervened in the process as this King's excusator, (fn. n19) and whose application was rejected by Consistory. The French ambassador tells me that both go to Rome to see what good they can work there, but that as to procuration or power they have none; for this King, being blinded by anger, could in nowise acknowledge Papal jurisdiction, even if they were to give him one million of gold, (fn. n20) as that would be tantamount to impairing the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, which is the sole foundation for his resistance. (fn. n21)
When the duke of Norfolk went last to the Princess for the sequestration of her property, he not only seized her best jewels and robes, as I wrote to Your Majesty, but likewise all others that she had. This was done, not only on account of her refusal to pay her respects to the Queen's mistress, but because she will not accompany the bastard, and will not walk by the side of her when they are taken anywhere. She is always in front of her or behind, and will not pay court to her unless compelled by sheer force.
The bishop ambassador of Scotland made yesterday his entry into this city, accompanied by about 50 men on horseback of his own train, besides 60 more of the earl of Northumberland's, who went out to receive him the day before yesterday.—London, 25th March 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 5.
30 March. 2. The Same to the Same.
Wein. Rep. P. C.,
Fasc. 229, No. 25.
Since the arrival of this new Scottish ambassador, the King has caused the Bill for the inheritance of, and succession to, the Crown in case of his death to be discussed in Parliament; and it has ultimately been declared and established, after entirely excluding the Princess therefrom, that the posterity left by Anne de Bolans (Boleyn) shall inherit the Crown; should there be none on that side, the succession to pass to the nearest of kin;—the declaration thereof being for the present suspended in order to stimulate the Scottish ambassadors to conclude the peace now being negotiated between the two countries, and allure them with the hope that their master will be named and specified in the Bill, if the King's words on the subject are to be believed. Parliament has also decided that in the event of the King dying before his mistress, the latter is to be regent and absolute governess of her children and kingdom. An ordinance has likewise been promulgated, prescribing that in future whoever shall give the titles of Queen and Princess to any persons except Anne herself and her daughter respectively, shall be considered guilty of the crime of lese Majesty, and condemned to confiscation of person and property. Which pain shall be incurred by all those who may hear, know of, or consent to such an infraction without immediately reporting or revealing the case, as well as by all those who might murmur or complain of the statutes passed by the said Parliament respecting the King's second marriage, and against the authority of the Pope and Apostolic See;—all of which are strange, cruel, and tyrannical acts. The King, moreover, not quite satisfied with this, and considering that though Parliament and the estates of the kingdom have done what he wanted in this particular, there might still be opposition in other quarters, intends for greater security to depute certain, commissaries to exact the oath from all his subjects. (fn. n22)
Last Thursday, upon the Princess, Your Majesty's cousin, refusing to accompany this King's bastard daughter, who was being conducted to another house fixed for her residence, she was, by certain gentlemen deputed for the purpose, against her will and by sheer force, placed in a chaise (lictiere) with Anne's aunt, being in this manner obliged and compelled to pay her court to the said bastard;—not, however, without her having previously and publicly protested against the violence used with her, and declaring all the time that the act being an involuntary one could in nowise prejudice her right and title for the future.
I should never have advised the Princess to go to such an extremity for fear of her over-irritating the King, her father, and giving him occasion and excuse for treating her worse than he is doing at present, and playing her some bad trick, in order to please his mistress Anne, who never ceases day and night plotting against her. Indeed I myself had written to her, in the event of threats or violence being used, that the protest she was prepared to make, at my recommendation, her filial reverence for the King, her father, as well as the violence used on the occasion were sufficient safeguards for the future, and that her right and interests would not be prejudiced in the least; but the Queen, her mother, and some of her friends, have for some time been thinking that it was better for the Princess to act thus, and show her teeth to the King. I am of a contrary opinion; I fear the Princess will further damage her cause, and I have again written to the Queen about it, saying that if she approves of it I am ready to soften down, for her honour and advantage, the rather rigorous terms I have lately used respecting the Princess's treatment.
On Wednesday, Our Lady's Day, the new ambassador from Scotland went to pay his respects to the King and to the lady [Anne] also; but there was no question then, as far as I can learn, of entering upon official business. On the ensuing Thursday the said ambassador, accompanied by the other one who resides here, were entertained at a banquet by the duke of Norfolk and others of the Privy Council, not at Court (Greenwich) but at Vvasmaystre (Westminster). After which dinner both the ambassadors remained with the said Duke and Privy Councillors until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, explaining some, though not all, the points of their joint mission. On Friday the newly arrived ambassador sent me word by the person I had sent to visit and welcome him in my name, that he was very desirous of having a familiar talk with me, as Your Majesty's friendship for his master required; and upon my man quitting the house, the resident ambassador accompanied him to the bottom of the stairs, and inquired when it would be convenient for me to receive him, as he had, he said, fresh news to communicate respecting the proposed marriage of king James to the daughter of France (Madeleine), which he said would not take place at all. The Ambassador did not enter then into more particulars, owing, as he said, to the interview which he hoped to hold soon with me. I fancy that by sending me such a message the Ambassador means that, the French marriage being broken off, his master the King is now at liberty to apply for the hand of the princess (Mary), or make another suitable alliance with Your Majesty's consent,—a thing which they, the Scotch, had not dared solicit before for fear of discontenting the French, as I have already had occasion to announce in one of my former despatches. (fn. n23)
I forgot to say that this King has had a bill passed in Parliament that in future no bishop or ecclesiastic of this realm was to interfere in the trial and judgment of those accused of heresy, that being reserved for those whom he himself would depute and appoint thereto,—a measure which is not only contrary to common right, but is also against the constitution of this realm. The bill, I hear, has met with a certain opposition in Parliament, and yet the majority has voted it. (fn. n24) —London, 30 March 1534.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 3.
30 March. 33. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
S.E. Rom. L. 861.
f. 39.
R.M. Add. 28,586.
f. 202.
I wrote on the 11th and 18th ultimo, and answered the letter from Saragossa the 17th January. Since then no other has been received.
This Signory has had letters from Constantinople, of the 3rd and 7th February, the substance of which is that the Turkish fleet, of about 200 sail, consisting of his (the Turk's) galleys, those of Barba Rossa, and other corsairs, will most certainly try to lay waste the coasts of Your Majesty's dominions this next summer, probably also undertake something of importance in Naples or Sicily, before touching at Coron. I have accordingly written to the viceroys of those kingdoms to be on the alert.
(Cipher:) Happening the other day to inquire from some of this Signory's councillors whether they themselves were not afraid of the Turk, they told me that they were at peace with him at present, but he being an infidel, and thereby not to be trusted, they intended to take precautions and arm a few "galeotas." The fact is that I hear from a very good quarter that the Turk has written assuring them that he will touch nothing belonging to this Signory by sea or land, and has besides made them all manner of offers, so that they consider themselves safe on that side. If it be true, moreover, as this Doge asserts, that king Francis is hastily arming 30 galleys, and has made some sort of secret alliance with the Infidel, great care should be taken to defend, as I say, the coasts of Italy and Spain, for they will certainly be in danger.
(Common writing:) I also hear that Jeronimo de Zara arrived at Lesbia, on the 18th, to go to Ragusa, and thence to Constantinople. Cornelio (fn. n25) must be with him; but I fear that on their arrival at Constantinople, they will find neither the Sultan nor Abrain bassa (Ibráhim Bashá) there.
Jean Jocquin, who served the king of France in several important missions, is now here. He pretends that he comes on leave of absence from his master, to marry and rest. The report is that he has already married a Genoese lady, the sister of Domenico Sauli, of the Council of the duke of Milan, and taken a house here to live privately, as he says.
(Cipher:) Yet I strongly suspect that he has come for no other purpose than to discuss with George Gritti the affairs which his master, the king of France, may have with the Turk. I am the more convinced of this that about the same time the said George Gritti, and Camillo Paolo Orsino, both of whom come from Constantinople, arrived in Venice.—Venice, 29th March 1534.
(Common writing:) P.S.—No further news from Coron, I am anxious to know whether that of the death of Machicao, which the Signory's proveditor at Corfu announced, turns out true or not.
(Cipher:) Count della Concordia is still fortifying La Mirandola. I am told that cardinal de' Medici has sent him a message inducing him to retain possession of it, and that he will do all he can to assist him, owing to dona Julia (Giulia), the widow of Vespasiano Colonna, being the sister-in-law of the Count, and also because the Pope will be glad to see him lord of La Mirandola. (Common writing:) But I hear from the duke of Mantua (Gonzaga), that they are in treaty with the Count, and intend sending me a memorandum of his claims, that I may act as arbiter between him and the heirs of the count Giovan Francesco. I strongly suspect that these are only stratagems to gain time, but at any rate let me have instructions how to act.
News of the sentence in favour of the Queen have been received here, God be praised for it!
(Cipher:) The English ambassador told me yesterday that his master was anything but pleased with the king of France, and that the intended interview will not take place, for the former says that none of Francis' promises and engagements at Marseilles have been fulfilled.
Yesterday also this Doge told me—and indeed I have since heard that he told me truth—that since his son George had arrived in Venice he had not seen him. I naturally asked him why, and he said: "Because he and his brother have in hand the affairs of the Turk."—Venice, 30 March 1534.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic and Imperial Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
— March. 34. Advices from Germany.
S.E.L. 862, f. 117.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 144.
Letters from Germany, in date of January last, say that the king of France is secretly enlisting men and engaging German captains for some enterprize he is thinking of; what that may be is not known with certainty.
We hear from Rome that the bishop of Paris (Jean du Bellay), the ambassador of France, has, by the command of his master, and at the particular request of the king of England, come here [to Germany] for the purpose of supporting (sustentar) the cause of the latter, &c.
We also hear from the same quarter that the captains and men whom the king of France is now engaging here [in Germany] are not for him, but for king Henry of England, because in that kingdom there have been meetings of notables, proposing that in consequence of the unjust and iniquitous sentence, as they call it, which our most Holy Father has pronounced against their King, measures should be taken to do him and the Emperor all possible harm. Indeed, it has been resolved not to obey the said sentence, but to oppose it as much and as long as possible. For this reason the King wishes to know from his own people whether they are or not willing to give him assistance and help in case of the Holy Father invoking the Emperor's secular power towards having the said sentence executed.
Perhaps the people of England, out of feat rather than love of their King, may promise their help and assistance [in case of war], and that is probably the reason why the king of France is now gaining friends to his (the King's) cause, and procuring him the services of certain captains in Germany.
On the 15th of February letters came here from the county of Tyrol, stating that numbers of lanskenets were daily passing through in the direction of Italy. They go in bands of 15 to 18 men at the time, and no one here knows what their destination may be. It would be advisable to make inquiries. (fn. n26) ———March 1534.
Italian. Contemporary. copy. pp. 3.


  • n1. Not in the packet.
  • n2. "Sino fuera por la grandeza de V. Md y justificacion de la causa poco aprovechara la sollioitud que se ha tenido para despacharla. En una cosa piensa haver servido á V. Md que no queda obligado á la execution, aunque muchas vezes me han tentado sobrello."
  • n3. Don Alonso de Fonseca, who died on the 4th of February 1534.
  • n4. The summary ends with the following memorandum in the handwriting of Covos: "Respecting the duke of Urbino, what his agent here says is that he " does not trust Lope de Soria. We presume that is owing to that ambassador " having once prevented the Signory from granting leave to Cesare " Fregoso. The Count should try to remove that suspicion, inspire the Duke " with confidence, and tell him that he may trust Lope de Soria implicitly, and " communicate all his affairs to him."
  • n5. The letter, of which the above is only an abstract to be submitted to the Emperor, is also at Simancas, L. 862, f. 10, and in Bergenroth's Collection, vol. xv., pp. 197–99.
  • n6. "Es mucha razon que lo tenga en mucho, y que dé muchas gracias á nuestro señor y escriva á Su Santidad graciosamente lo que conviene, ofreciendose para la defension y manutencion de la Sede Apostolica, que lo puede hazer, porque si le pareziere y cumpliese á su servicio se podra efectuar, y cuando no, de acá, á lo que siento, no le pornan mucho fuego para que al presente se move (mueva) cosa de armas."
  • n7. "No se puede dexar de creer que no se originará entre ellos y Su Santidad alguna manera de mas desconfianza de la que se esperava."
  • n8. "Maxime si oviese entrevenido alguna promision, como algunos dizen, lo qual yo no quiero creher."
  • n9. Fonseca died on the 4th of February. See above, p. 85.
  • n10. "Me plaze que V. Md en esta sazon se halle en Toledo, porque si querra tomar parezer de todas las piedras y paredes que en la Ciudad ay, soy cierto traeran en la memoria á V. Md el mucho servicio que en el mismo Tolede la hize en tiempo de las comunidades con harto peligro de mi propia persona, y mucho mas gasto de mi hacienda, y que tengo merecido del mismo Toledo recibir alguna señalada merced, y pues della mas que nunca agora tengo necesidad, estando adonde V. Md me ha puesto, conociendo el agradecimiento que suele tener á sus buenos servidores, no digo mas de suplicarle humilmente que de mi tenga aquella memoria que suele de los otros."
  • n11. "El qual dize que si esta causa se hubiera de fundar en las probanças de la virginidad que ay en las remisorias, que él tuviera grand dubda en la justicia de la Serenissima Reyna, pero porque tiene por averiguado que este matrimonio no es ilegitimo, sino solo por derecho positivo ha tenido siempre la justicia de la Serenisima Reina por indubitada."
  • n12. "Y ansi como en el tiempo pasado se deferia la sentencia diziendo que esperavan que el rey de Inglaterra viniese á obediencia, ansi los dias pasados dizien que la sentencia no era menester pues que no haria ningun provecho, y agora que se dió dize Su St. que teme aver pecado porque no maten á la Serenisima Reina por causa desta sentencia."
  • n13. See the following, No. 30.
  • n14. "Los executoriales que hasta agora prudentemente no se han presentado, agora se presentaran á muy buena coyuntura, por que los de la sentencia principal no vernan tan presto."
  • n15. "Avra (habrá) un mes que Su Sd dispensó por mil y quinientos ducados á uno de Napoles para que se casase con la hermana de su mujer, de la qual le havian quedado cuatro hijos, la qual dispensacion bastava por sentencia en esta causa."
  • n16. His name was Hubert Thomas, See Gairdner, vol. vi., No. 1481 (ii.). His arrival in London in Nov. 1533, was recorded by Chapuys, vol. iv., part ii., pp. 841-2, 855.
  • n17. "Mais yl a este surprins de ceulx-cy desquels ne pensoit estre si tost depesché, et oultre la haste quil avoit de sen aller yl a ete presse de diligenter," &c.
  • n18. "Et ma le dict ambassador fort exaggere les dicts inconvenients, mesmes pour ce que le roy, oultre la douceur quil sentoit dexcaulcer son auctorite en son royaulme et de lemolument pecuniaire que sensuyvroit, yl estoit stimule a penser contre le Pape de pluseurs cotes, et non seullement d'Allemagne, mais aussy dailleurs, comme du Wayvoda et de pluseurs potentats dItalie, et que les Veneciens estoient au guet pour veoir la fin de ceste tragedie, si estoient des autres, venillant denoter les ducz de Ferrare et d'Urbin, de sorte que le fardeau de soubstenir lauctorite du Siege Apostolique, sen allienant ce roy, tumberoit sur les espaules de votre maieste et du roy son maistre."
  • n19. Dr. Edward Carne or Karne, chancellor of Salisbury, about whom see vol, iv., pp. 50, 53, 60. The other was William Revett.
  • n20. "Car estant ce roy en lobscurite quil est (ou colere comme yl lappelle) yl ne prorougueroit en sorte du monde la jurisdiction de sa sanctite, encoirez que lon luy donnast ung milion dor."
  • n21. "Quest lunique timon de sa navigation."
  • n22. "Pour exiger jurement particulier de tout ceulx du royaume."
  • n23. See above, p. 23.
  • n24. A last paragraph has been suppressed, in which Chapuys, as usual, begs for supplies in money.
  • n25. Scepperus, whose prefix was Cornelius, see vol. iv., part ii., pp. 904, 907. As to Hieronimo or Girolamo, from Zara, in Dalmatia, he seems to have been also Ferdinand's agent.
  • n26. See above, p. 6, where this news-letter from some town in Germany is mentioned as having been received at Rome.