Spain: July 1536, 6-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

'Spain: July 1536, 6-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538, (London, 1888) pp. 187-205. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol5/no2/pp187-205 [accessed 20 April 2024]

July 1536, 6-15



8 July.	71. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc.	On the 1st instant (fn. n1) I wrote to Your Majesty in full detail all this news on this side the Channel. In the morning of the 3rd both the ambassador of France and myself dined at Court, and shortly after dinner I was introduced by the Chancellor (Audley) to the King's chamber, where I was quickly followed by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the rest of the Privy Councillors, the French ambassador remaining all the time in the ante-room by himself without any attendance. On my entering the Royal Chamber, I told the King that I had in my possession a copy of Your Majesty's reply to king Francis' answer to your declaration in Consistory. It had been forwarded to me (I said) for the express purpose of communicating it to him, as the prince in the world best qualified by his virtue, wisdom, and long experience of affairs,—the most important of which had passed through his hands,—and he to whose judgment and approval Your Majesty would most gladly submit all your actions. Your Majesty's reply (I continued) would show the innumerable wrongs and provocations by which you had been beset, as well as the futility and vanity of Francis' answer, and above all the sophistical arguments of which the French ambassador had made use on the preceding Sunday,—arguments of which I then and there gave him a summary account, at the same time taking care to refute all and every one of the statements made by the Frenchman on the occasion.
	This notwithstanding, the King seemed still inclined to support the French ambassador's cause, hinting that as king Francis recognised no superior he had no need of having recourse to the ways of justice in order to have reason of Monsieur de Savoie, who, moreover, was not Your Majesty's vassal, though he really belonged to the Holy Empire; and that even if it were so, and that king Francis had invaded that Duke's territory, and that Your Majesty on the other hand had, a right to expel the French from Piedmont, yet neither that nor the French incursions across your frontiers authorised you to invade France, even on the side nearest to your own dominions. That it was precisely to prevent that invasion on your part that his treaties with France had been made, alleging at the same time that he himself had concluded several with France, even after that of Cambray between Your Majesty and king Francis, from which he owned no point had been derogated. Then he went on to say that if Your Majesty would abstain from making war on France, many expedients might be found to bring about a settlement of your present differences.
	After the King had uttered the above and many other propositions of the same kind and nature, I stated that it was my firm conviction that no one was a better judge than himself of Your Majesty's blamelessness in the matter, and at the same time of the very just reason you had, not only to repulse French violence, but likewise to revenge yourself and carry on war until the complete satisfaction of the injuries and wrongs inflicted on you. I, therefore, concluded that the objections started were rather intended to test the acuteness or bluntness of my wit, and that although there was no need of that, yet in order to satisfy him, and comply with h is wishes, I was ready to reproduce part of my arguments delivered before his Privy Council the other day. This I did as fully as I could, though not without several interruptions on the part of the King, and as many interpolations and replies on my own—he himself persisting most obstinately in his idea—until perceiving that he could not, notwithstanding all his argumentation, resist the truth, the King passed on to another subject, alleging that perhaps he himself had a more legitimate and just cause of complaint against Your Majesty on account of the rupture of the friendship and alliance previously existing between you two, than, you really had against king Francis, inasmuch as lately, at Civille (Seville), an Englishman, his subject, had been imprisoned for having exhibited before a Court, in a lawsuit, certain instruments and powers of attorney, in which among other titles he (the King) was called chief sovereign under God of the Anglican Church, adding that he did not conceive a greater insult or injury than to endeavour to take away from him titles and prerogatives which God and human reason had conferred upon him. And although I could have offered plausible excuses for the mans imprisonment, yet, as the time and circumstances were not favorable for the discussion of such a point, I contented myself with saying that I knew nothing about that affair, and that if I was furnished with a note stating the name of the individual and the cause of his imprisonment, I would immediately write home about it,—sure, as I was, that Your Majesty would answer in a manner to give complete satisfaction thereupon. He then begged me to write to the Empress, and to the Inquisitors, which I fully promised to do. The note, however, has not yet been sent to me, and from what I hear, it appears that the Englishman in question was set free eight days after his imprisonment.
	That incident over, I resumed the thread of my discourse, and asked point-blank whether, in case of Your Majesty's army marching from Flanders and invading France, he intended or not to declare against you. The King made an evasive answer, saying that his intention was to observe strictly the treaties he had with you, as well as those he had with France, and that what he had said and discussed with one could in nowise be indicative of his final resolution; he had not yet made up his mind on that, as he did not consider he had sufficiently clear information to act upon.
	I fancy after all—and in fact Cromwell has since told me that I am right in my conjecture—that in thus maintaining a contrary opinion, the King is chiefly influenced by his natural propensity to dispute on all matters, and his excessive pleasure and glory in making people believe one thing for another, and also making Your Majesty feel the importance of his aid should he ultimately decide in your favor.
	And inasmuch as Master Cromwell and the duke of Norfolk also had said to me that their master, the King, had shown much surprise, as well as regret, that since the beginning of the negociations no step had been taken on the part of Your Majesty, and no answer had come likely to advance and promote the overtures once made, I took the opportunity of recounting the progress of the negociation from the very beginning till the present hour, making the King and his privy councillors understand that it was not Your Majesty s fault if the matter had not been thoroughly settled; reminding him of the circumstances attending the negociation, as well as of the many expedients employed to delay the whole affair. The King knew not what to answer, save this, that, had Your Majesty been as anxious for a settlement of the question as I represented you to be, a duplicate of the existing treaties would at once have been forwarded to me with sufficient powers to treat. I replied that as the original treaties were here in England there was no need at all of asking for the duplicates; and with regard; to the powers, that it was unreasonable for me to apply for them before the preliminary articles of the intended treaty had been decided upon. Your Majesty had already declared what your will and intentions were in the matter; it was now for him to declare his. The King's answer was, "I am continually pressed on all sides to speak my mind explicitly, but I will do nothing of the sort; it is for those who make the request and who have behaved ill towards one to speak first." At this juncture I reminded the King of what he had once told me, namely, that he was very much afraid that treaties made with him now would be as little observed as those after Francis' capture at Pavia; the meaning of which words seen to me to be, as fir as I can gather from the expression of similar sentiments on other occasions, that the King was then, and is still, trying to ascertain beforehand how far Your Majesty is willing to assist him in his attempt to become king of France, as stipulated in the old treaties. (fn. n2) I fancy, therefore, that he finds it strange that neither by word nor sign has the least hope of that been thrown out to him, and, therefore, that he is delaying as much as he can a categorical answer to our overtures.
	Our conversation at an end, the King took a most gracious leave of me, adding that he would reconsider the matter with his Privy Council, and as to me that I might quit till another day, when he would send for me in order to examine Your Majesty's answer to the French king, and talk about it. He, however, recommended me to communicate immediately with his Privy Council.
	Shortly after my leaving the King's presence the privy councillors also quitted the Royal Chamber, and followed me into the Hall, where, as I said above, the French ambassador was still by himself, who then entered and had a short audience from the King, perhaps not one-tenth of the time that had been granted to me. The ambassador came out of the Royal Chamber by no means in such good spirits as when he went in. Suddenly, without exchanging words with, or saluting any of the councillors who were sitting with me to hear the reading of Your Majesty's answer, he went away and left Greenwich.
	Having then read to the privy councillors the whole of Your Majesty's reply slowly and most distinctly so that every word of it might be well noted and weighed, I was praised and complimented by the audience in the most remarkable and almost incredible manner, for at each period of my lecture the councillors made such exclamations as these: "Bravo! well said!" except, perhaps, the duke of Norfolk, who showed anything but pleasure at it, his mind being, no doubt, a little obscured by the pension he receives from France, and the stopping of that which he used to have from Your Majesty. As Cromwell said to me afterwards, the Duke bears no ill will to you; yet he is of a fickle nature, and rather too ambitious; he wants to show from time to time that he is not altogether ungrateful, and that it is not for nothing that he still receives a pension from the French king.
	After reading the aforesaid document with the necessary declaratory notes, additions and rubricks, I begged the assembled councillors to use all endeavours as the prudent and wise councillors they had been up to the present, in persuading the King, their master, to declare at once in favor of Your Majesty according to the tenour of the preceding treaties. "That," I said, "would be an act well worthy of the magnanimity and virtue of the King, their master, one from which would result not only a singular service to God, but likewise the peace and tranquillity of Christendom at large, owing to the reasons I had already laid before them." I then proceeded to explain in a summary manner the various incidents of the negociations for the establishment of peace and friendship between Your Majesty and the King, their master, all the time making slight observations on the utility and the necessity of that peace, as well as on your love of it, and the many sacrifices you had already made in order to obtain its blessings. I ended by requesting them to do their utmost towards the conclusion of it.
	My address at an end, the duke of Norfolk said to me, "If that be the case, let then His Majesty, the Emperor, speak first, and let us know what he wants." My answer was, "That has already been done by me in my master's name; I have often requested the King, your master, to declare against France in this present contest, intimating that if the ancient treaties were insufficient for that purpose, a new one should be made with more binding clauses." He (the Duke) replied that the debate on such matters had already commenced in Council, and that he hoped shortly to be able to report to the King, his master, on the whole, assuring me that he and his colleagues would do their best to bring the affair to conclusion.
	Notwithstanding these assurances from the Duke, I deemed it necessary to enter into further details as regards the progress and state of that negociation, the more so that the Duke himself had privately told me on one occasion that the King, his master, was displeased at healing that I had been treating and holding conferences with Cromwell without coming to any conclusion, and that the Secretary himself had been so much put out by my arguments, that he dared not mention the subject to the King again. I recollect very well that two days after the Duke held such a language, Cromwell said to me that he (Norfolk) was furious at the King having chosen him as negociator instead of himself. And I recollect also that before my last visit to Court the King showed some discontent on that account, though I must say that matters are now very much smoother than they were between Cromwell and the Duke.
	For the above reasons, therefore, I deemed it advisable to enter into particulars respecting the conduct of my negociations with Cromwell, and show the Duke that it was no fault of mine if the business had not progressed more favorably. I had the more cause to do so that I had been told that the day before my audience from the King, as the French ambassador was coming out of the Royal Chamber, he happened to meet the duke of Norfolk, and said to him, "I have made, as I think, a very good hit this day." Now, as the Duke himself has assured vie that, in his opinion, Your Majesty was evidently aiming at universal monarchy, I naturally concluded from the words of the ambassador and those of the Duke that some suspicion of the sort lurked in the mind of this king and of his Privy Council, and that they had altogether a had impression of Your Majesty's affairs. Having, therefore, taken Cromwell apart, and acquainted him with my misgivings, he answered me, "Do not mind that at all, and take no notice of the Duke's words; I can assure you upon my honor and life that the King, my master, never intended or wished to declare against the Emperor." Yet, notwithstanding the Secretary's assurances, I cannot help thinking that the accusation, if seriously entertained, means that in order to remove suspicion entirely, and prove to these people that such is not your aim, Your Majesty ought to have offered them a good portion of France in the event of your coming out victorious in the present war, as it is to be hoped and expected that you will. I also spoke to Cromwell of the French cruisers in the Channel. He promised me to mention the fact to his master, as of his own accord, without telling him or anyone else that I myself had made the application.
	Having on the 5th, inst. received Your Majesty's letter of the 18th ult., I immediately informed Master Cromwell that I wanted an audience from the King, but wished to see him beforehand. He answered that if I would only take the trouble of calling at his house in town about the hour of vespers, he would be glad to see me, and that the day after I should have audience from his master. I accordingly called on him at the appointed time, and found he had just returned from Greenwich, where the French ambassador had been negociating nearly all the morning, filing, as he gave me to understand, the King's ears with his wonted bravadoes and threats, trying to make him believe that your Italian army was of no consequence at all, and that very soon it would be known by experience that you had no sufficient force to oppose to them in that quarter. Master Cromwell told me that, unable to hear any longer the Frenchman's rhodomontades, he had made two or three opportune remarks that caused him to hold his tongue.
	After this the Secretary showed me a packet of letters which he was about to dispatch to France by express messenger, containing, as he said, an answer which would be rather unpleasant to king Francis; and yet, he added, the answer is so reasonable, and couched in such terms, that it will be impossible for the French to resent or find fault with it I was to believe, he continued, that the affairs we were discussing would ultimately be settled to our common satisfaction, only that the matter required consideration and thought, as well as very great circumspection, in order to safeguard the honor of the King, his master, who only the day before, about four o'clock in the afternoon, on his return from a wedding and masquerade, disguised as a Turk, had called at his house in town, and hardly spoken of anything else save the establishment of the said friendship, (fn. n3) towards which he (Cromwell) had found him wonderfully well disposed.
	With regard to the Privy Councillors themselves (Cromwell added) that, with the only one exception of the duke of Norfolk, all kept daily importuning him to take the affair in hand, and try and persuade the King, their master, to take Your Majesty's part against the French.
	In this manner, passing from one subject to another, Master Cromwell went on to tell me confidentially and under reserve that this very morning, the 8th of July, having told the King that I and he purposed to meet in the afternoon in order to hold a conference, he (Cromwell) was particularly requested to express regret in his (the King's) name as to the very slow and indifferent manner in which our negociation was conducted, commanding him at the same time to use all possible diligence and stir me up in the matter.
	My answer to Cromwell was, "There must, indeed be some hostile element in the atmosphere just now, for I can assure you that I myself have come to you with the full intention of complaining bitterly of your coldness and indifference in a matter of such importance, and press you to come at once to a determination. (fn. n4) So much so (I added) that here am I ready for the contest, and armed with fresh weapons in the shape of letters received this very morning from the Emperor, besides papers and notes of an older date.
	Upon which I began to read several paragraphs out of the former, and had thus the immense pleasure of convincing him that Your Majesty had openly and frankly given orders that I should be officially written to respecting the obligation under which the King, his master, was of assisting you in your present contest with France, and at the same time calling my attention to the fact that Your Majesty regretted immensely the procrastination and delay that seemed to reign in the King's Council concerning the whole business. "I myself (said I to Master Cromwell) regret it the more that the Emperor, my master, may one of these days impute that delay to me, and accuse me of negligence in the matter, especially considering that in the meantime, during the many months since the overtures were made, some good might have been worked for the benefit of Christendom at large.
	Master Cromwell failed not on this occasion to acknowledge that I was perfectly right in my views. He himself had always thought so, more particularly (he said) now that he could detect no trace of dissimulation or deceit on Your Majesty's part. And upon my assuring him— nay, taking my oath upon it—that Your Majesty was fully in earnest, he (Cromwell) promised again to speak to the King on the subject more openly and frankly than he has done hitherto. He said more; he assured me that I should soon hear of his friendly interference in the affair, all the time declaring to me that the French had lately resorted to devilish devices and inventions to induce the King, his master, to lean to their side, "Indeed (said Cromwell) I suspect that the Venetian secretary at this Court, either gained over by the French ambassador (fn. n5) or of his own accord, is now working in favor of king Francis; for the other day, as I was drawing up a despatch for France, he called on me, and. began to brag about the forces and power of the Grand Turk (Solyman), and his immense warlike preparations against the Emperor, thereby implying that your Imperial master's affairs are not in so prosperous a condition, as has been represented;"—all this being said, as I suspect, that I might somehow modify my despatch to our ambassador in France, which he (the Venetian secretary) well knew could not be favorable to the French.
	Master Cromwell further suggested that it would be advisable that Your Majesty addressed a letter to this king, reminding him of the many injuries the French have inflicted upon you, and likewise those which the King, his master, has occasionally received from the same quarter; at the same time exhorting him to renew his former alliances with the Empire and Spain, and take up arms against the inveterate enemy of England. And upon my assuring Cromwell that Your Majesty had already commanded me to say thus much and a good deal more on the subject, as I had already done on more than one occasion in obedience to express commands, he (Cromwell) seemed satisfied, and no longer insisted upon the letter being written.
	Should I be allowed to state my own private opinion in this matter, (fn. n6) I should say that Cromwell's application for a letter from Your Majesty, stating your complaints and griefs against France, and desiring this king to take part with Your Majesty in the present contest, has no other object than to show your letter to the French ambassador here, and thus exercise a pressure on them, since, as above stated, these English still cling to Francis for fear of the Pope.
	Towards the end of our interview Cromwell said to me, "Perhaps you will not be able to see the King to-morrow, for he is going with his Queen three miles out of town, privately on a visit to the Princess. In my opinion, it is far preferable for the good issue of the business in hand that I should not speak to the King until his return; for, most likely, after witnessing the beauty, kindness, wisdom, and many other of the Princess' endowments, the King, her father, will no doubt show greater zest for the matters under discussion. Besides which I can assure you nothing will be lost by the delay, as that will give one more time and leisure to ascertain the King's wishes and intentions in the matter, and prepare beforehand the special arguments to be used when we come to speak of these matters.
	Although on previous occasions Master Cromwell had assured me that the garrison of Foussan (fn. n7)had actually offered, to surrender unless succoured within a calendar month, and had also promised to show one the proofs thereof in writing at our next meeting, I must say that no allusion to them was made at this interview of ours. As far as I can gather, the last news from the French camp, since I was at Greenwich, have considerably helped to soften matters. At any rate, after my speaking to the King, I shall be able to inform Your Majesty more at length how we stand with this king.
	On the day before yesterday (the 6th of July), early in the morning, the King and Queen left this capital with a small retinue of private attendants, on a visit to Madame the Princess, three miles hence, remaining there until yesterday about the hour of vespers. It is impossible to describe the King's kind and affectionate behaviour towards the Princess, his daughter, and the deep regret he said he felt at his having kept her so long away from him. It appears, however, that the King has been quite repaid for his loss, since in the short time he passed at the place, there was nothing but conversing with the Princess in private and with such love and affection, and such brilliant promises for the future, that no father could have behaved better towards his daughter. The Queen presented her with a very fine diamond ring, and the King himself put into her hand a check for about 1,000 crs. for her "menu plaisirs," all the time exhorting her not to trouble herself in future about money for her private expenses, for she would get as much as she wanted merely by applying to him. At dinner, and in her own rooms, the Princess was served with greater solemnity and pomp than she had ever been before. At his departure from the place, the King told her that hi three or four days he would send secretary Cromwell and other high officials for the purpose of fixing at once her state and household, and that if she would only have patience for a while, and live in the house where she had been formerly, on his return from Dover and the seacoast, whither he himself was going, he would send for her and she should reside at Court. This done, I have no doubt that the Princess, whose wisdom and discretion are remarkable, will of herself attend to the remedy of past evils, and that, if she remains long at Court, it will be necessary to procure a suitable marriage for her. No opportunity ought to be then lost of promoting that of the Infante Dom Luiz [of Portugal], which marriage, though hinted at, has not been proposed in a formal and official manner. (fn. n8)
	It was naturally expected—nay, it teas the common belief among the people of England—that after the Boleyn catastrophe the King, her father, would immediately proclaim the Princess presumptive heiress to his crown. But if such was ever his intention, he must have changed his mind since, for a statute has lately been made and promulgated, purporting that should the King have no legitimate male children, he can appoint whomsoever he chooses to succeed him on the throne, such appointment and declaration having the same validity and vigour as if it had been made by his own Parliament There is, however, no fear for the present of the Princess losing her right to the throne of England, for the King's bastard son,—I mean the duke of Richmond,— cannot, according to the prognostication of his physicians, live many months, having been pronounced to be in a state of rapid consumption.
	Master Cromwell tells me that M. de Velly (fn. n9) has sent news into France, of the army which is being raised in Flanders and the Low Countries, under the command of Monsieur de Nassau, and that the French are in terrible fear of an invasion of their territory by that frontier. I must add that the duke of Suffolk, particularly, is now showing great attachment for Your Majesty, and declares that he would very much like, as I have occasionally written, to be able to prove his devotion by entering the Imperial service. He himself told me some days ago that he recollects having heard severed reliable people abroad say at the time when there was a talk of waging war on the Turk, that the Emperor Maximilian (fn. n10) used to say in public that the kings of France deserved a more severe punishment than the Grand Turk himself, and if the Emperor Maximilian applied, that observation to the king then reigning over France (fn. n11) still greater reason was there of saying so of king Francis, who, if the predictions are true, will be the first and last king of his name and dynasty.
	I must not forget that the Chancellor (Audeley), after reading attentively Your Majesty's unanswerable reply to king Francis' answer, said openly before the members of the Privy Council that it was a pretty game the French were playing, for, in the first instance, they had addressed themselves to the Pope, whom they knew to be their master's enemy; then they had intrigued, God knows how much, at Rome; and, lastly, not knowing where to go to for sympathy and help, they had applied to England. I have already on a previous occasion commented on these words of the Chancellor, yet, at this time and on the occasion alluded to, I could not do less than supplement his statement by disclosing some of the French practices and intrigues with regard to this country, adding that king Francis pretended to excuse his invasion of Navarre by the declaration of Calais, (fn. n12) which caused the Chancellor and almost all the members of the Privy Council to exclaim, "That is indeed enough for us to judge of the rest of the French answer, which is entirely full of lies and misrepresentations." —London, 8 July 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Original. pp. .
8 July.	72. The Same to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Rep. P.C., Fusc. 229, No. 35.	The last time I was at Court I heard that the duke of Norfolk had really made to (Soliers de la Morette), the French ambassador, the assertion concerning the Scotch marriage, about which I wrote to His Majesty, though rather doubtfully, in my last despatch but one. (fn. n13) Master Cromwell is certainly doing the most he can to establish the friendship for which we are now negotiating, and he tells me that the very moment that is effected, he will die the happiest and most glorious of men for having been the instrument and the means of reconciling the Princess with the King, her father. "That being done, and the treaty concluded (Cromwell says to me), I shall not care a straw to live one hour more." Indeed, he is continually giving me hopes of that treatys and I must say that the news he himself imparted to me the other day of Master Valoup (Wallop), this king's resident ambassador in France, having been appointed to go to Your Majesty, is no small indication of his good wishes in that line, since both the King and his Secretary know that ambassador to be devotedly attached to you.
	Some of the Princess' household servants have said to the physician of the late good queen Katharine, who has just come to report it to me, that they greatly apprehend this king will shortly compel her (the Princess) to marry in this country, lest she should, when out of the kingdom, annul all she has done and said in confirmation of their iniquitous statutes, and perhaps, too, with Your Majesty's assistance, easily dethrone her own father. They even apprehend that he intends marrying her to Master Cromwell, which I cannot in any wise believe; indeed, I take it that had the offer of her hand been made, he (Cromwell) would not accept it. (fn. n14) The apprehensions and fears of the Princess' servants are, in my opinion, founded only upon the very great favor the King has shown to his Secretary ever since his return from the visit he paid her, as Your Majesty will be able to judge from the following facts.
	Immediately after his return to Court the King took the office of the Privy Seal from the earl of Wiltshire, and conferred it on secretary Cromwell; the wages of which are four ducats a day, besides the privilege that the holders of it are called "Monseigneur," instead of Master, which is the Secretary's title. In addition to that, the King has made him lord of a fine lordship, the name of which I do not yet know. (fn. n15) And certainly the great services which Cromwell has hitherto rendered well deserve that, besides the title of lord, he should have also the property and domain of the place.
	The statute by which the concubine's daughter was constituted legitimate heiress to the Crown has been revoked, and she herself declared bastard, not indeed as the daughter of Master Norris, as might have been implied more honestly, but owing to her marriage with the King having been pronounced illegitimate on account of his having previously had connexion with her sister. (fn. n16) On such grounds did the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) pronounce the sentence of divorce one or two days before the execution of the concubine; of which sentence, however, there was no need at all, as you are aware, since the executioner's sword and her own death were virtually to separate and divorce man and wife. But if such was their intention it strikes me that it would have been a far more decent and honest excuse to allege that she had been married to another man still alive. (fn. n17) However that may be, it pleased God that by making such a statement a still greater abomination should become manifest, —one for which the King cannot find a possible excuse, since he himself cannot plead ignorance neque juris neque facté. May God permit that this may be his last folly.
	Since the above was written I have tried to ascertain from the late Queen's physician who could be the author of the report respecting the Princess' marriage. He has named to me one lord and one gentleman, both of whom are certainly honourable and good men, and desirous of the Queen's welfare and prosperity; yet, with all that, I attach no faith to the report of the Princess' marriage, nor do I think that Master Cromwell goes for anything in it. I really believe that they will never allow her to marry out of England; but I am also sure that she will never consent to marry anyone in this country, save, perhaps, Master Reginald Pole, now at Venice, or the son of Mr. de Montagu. (fn. n18)
	What I have told His Majesty about this king's singularly kind behaviour to his daughter, the Princess, when he saw her the other day, I have on the authority of one of her own servants, the very same one who for some time past has been the bearer of her messages to me. Yesterday, as he was imparting the said news, and conveying his mistress' commendations to me, I naturally concluded that he himself was speaking in the Princess' name; but I am afraid such is not the case, and that the man only repeated what he had heard, for I have since been told that, mixed with the sweet food of paternal kindness, there were a few drachmas of gall and bitterness. But, after all, we must set that down to paternal authority, and pray God to inspire the King to behave still better to the Princess, and work with more zest and sincerity than he has hitherto done towards the establishment and extension of the confederacy with Your Majesty, which, as may be gathered from my previous despatches, has hitherto been surrounded by much artifice and subterfuge.
	I hear by letters of secretaire Perrenin, (fn. n19) that you had been pleased to bear in mind in the present distribution of ecclesiastical benefices the genteel master of Tholedo, (fn. n20) when there was a question of designating those who deserved them most. I gratefully thank you in the name of the said master, assuring you that there is no man or thing of which you can more freely dispose in this World than of him, his women, and his property.—London, 8 July 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph. pp. 6.
9 July. S. E., L. 865, f. 10. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 1.	73. The Emperor's Answer to the Papal Legates [Caracciolo and Trivulzio].
	They are to thank His Holiness in his name for the trouble he has taken, and is taking, in this affair of the peace; but as the king of France seems to persevere in his bad intentions, has since his [the Emperor's] departure from Rome tried to conquer the rest of Savoy, dismissed the Duke's ambassador from his court, and ordered his men on the frontiers of Flanders to make occasional raids into that country, he (the Emperor) cannot do more than he has hitherto done for the preservation of peace; since he is provoked, he must needs defend himself. —Savillan (Savigliano), (fn. n21) 9 July 1536.
	Indorsed: "The Emperor's answer to the Papal Legates Caracciolo and Trivulzio, when they came to Favillan (sic) to persuade him, in the Pope's name, to make peace. It was put into their hands on the ix. of July 1536."
	Spanish. Original minute. pp. 4.
13 July.	74. The Privy Council to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 34, f. 20. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 3.	The following are the difficulties to be met with in the Emperor's intended expedition to France.
	First of all the want of money, for, even if enough were procured for the pay of the troops in July, unless borrowed in sufficient quantity to cover also that of August next we might find ourselves in a fix. Neither is it certain that the fleet from New Spain will have arrived by that time, and brought the gold and silver bullion required. Every effort, however, shall be made to procure the money from the bankers in Genoa and Milan, as well as from those of Naples and Rome.
	The second difficulty lies in the store of provisions. Though sufficient amount has already been procured to last the Imperial army as far as Nizza, it must be ascertained first what supplies may be obtained beyond that city, and whether it be true or not that king Francis has ordered all the crops in that part of his dominions bordering upon Savoy to be destroyed. For this purpose a trusty person should be sent thither to make the enquiry, and return here before the Emperor sets sail.
	The third difficulty is that the season is far advanced— only two months remaining for a military campaign—and that the present undertaking is directed against a kingdom abundantly provided with food, and well fortified both by sea and land.
	The fourth is that the moment Your Imperial Majesty passes the Alps, the French are sure, as reported, to concentrate the troops they have in Italy, send more from France, and then get possession of all they can. To which end they trust that the moment your army invades France the Pope and the Venetians, who are jealous of Your Majesty's aggrandizement, will make common cause with your enemy and desert your cause.
	The fifth difficulty is, what is to be done with the Imperial array after September; for if it is within French territory it is not easy to disband it, and as to keeping it during the winter and again beginning operations in the spring, it is too dangerous and ruinous an experiment to try.
—	75. The Same to the Same. (fn. n22)
S. E., L. 310, f. 21. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 5.	Considering the preparations made, and the publicity given to the undertaking, Your Majesty having come here expressly for that purpose, it seems as, if once abandoned, much credit would be lost, and there might possibly also be dishonor attached to it.
	The same difficulty, however, which is want of money, exists, whether Your Majesty go to France in person, or not.
	Should Your Majesty not lead your army in person, the king of France, armed as he is, might possibly invade Spain; besides which Mr. de Nassau would be placed in jeopardy, Flanders and the Low Countries in danger, and by Your Majesty not appearing before your vassals and subjects of those countries, they might perhaps refuse to pay the money they have already granted; perhaps, too, revolt and receive harm from Gheldres. The duke of Savoy would be completely ruined; at any rate he would lose all he has beyond the Alps, and Saluzzo also.
	Another consideration is, that, should Your Majesty not attend in person, king Francis will become so excessively proud and arrogant that he will not consent to any peace that is not highly advantageous for himself; he will next year make alliance with the Turk, and the General Council will thus be prevented.
	Another consideration is, that as long as the war lasts there is no place where Your Majesty can safely reside, for with such a loss of reputation as Your Majesty's absence will necessarily entail, the Pope and the Italian potentates will make no further league and confederacy with Your Majesty, and may, on the contrary, lean more towards France.
	As to England, with whose King we are at present negociating in order to separate him from French alliance, should Your Imperial Majesty not command the invading army in person, he is sure to make still closer alliance with king Francis, will never return to the obedience of the Roman Church, and will, moreover, place in jeopardy the countries of Flanders, Lubeck, Denmark, and others in those parts.
	With such loss of reputation as is consequent, should Your Majesty be absent during the future campaign, not only will much credit be lost with the German soldiers, who are in hope of invading France, but with the Prince-electors and states of the Empire; the result of it being that the separatists from the Faith will take courage and join the kings of France and England, to Your Majesty's and the king of the Romans' injury, that they will continue in their errors, and, possibly, through despair, bring the rest of Germany over to their opinions.
	In addition to this, the Vayvod (Zapolsky), who is on the point of coming to terms with the king of the Romans, and who, according to information received from Hungary, is only waiting to hear of Your Majesty's passage, will most likely refuse to sign the treaty, and perhaps, too, occupy the whole of that kingdom.
	Even the Turk will take courage, and, with or without the help of king Francis, be sure to make war on Your Majesty and on Christendom.
	On the above considerations it seems to me (fn. n23) as if it were far preferable that Your Majesty went personally into France at the head of your army, than remain here [in Italy]; for even should the effect not be such as I and my colleagues here imagine and hope, yet nothing would be lost by it, as more convenient and plausible excuses might be adduced there than here for your not advancing into the enemy's country.
	Spanish. Original minute. (fn. n24) pp. 5.
14 July.	76. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Wien Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229, No. 36.	Although, as I duly informed Your Majesty by my despatch of the 8th inst, the sieur de Cromwell (fn. n25) had given me good hope that as soon as the King returned from his visit to the Princess I should have audience from him, and get some good and final answer to my overtures for the establishment of friendship and closer alliance, as well as to my incessant requests of help and assistance against the king of France, yet, whatever my instances, there has been no means up to the present of obtaining an audience or getting a categorical answer to my application, only fine words and gracious apologies sent by Cromwell from day to day. This morning, for instance, I received another message from him with fresh excuses for the delay. In order to show that he is working openly and most earnestly for the good issue of the affair in hand, as he is continually assuring me, he declared to one of my servants that the delay was merely caused by their waiting for news from France, and that he in particular had put forward certain propositions which he would communicate to me at the earliest opportunity, and which he had no doubt would be extremely agreeable (fn. n26) All this is very well, and certainly, as far as words and avowed intentions go, nothing more could be desired on Cromwell's part; yet, as Your Majesty must have seen by my previous despatches, small progress, if any, has been made in this business,—not, as I think, by Cromwell's fault, who seems to me wonderfully well inclined towards the accomplishment of our views,—but because neither he, who is the soul of the affair, nor the rest of the Privy Councillors dare attempt to shake off the opinion of the King, or persuade him to follow a different course in politics, unless the idea comes from him first; for otherwise, should he (Cromwell) or they originate any measure, the King is sure to suspect them, and dissent from their opinion, even if he should otherwise deem it acceptable, and in conformity with his own views. This is what Cromwell has repeatedly given me to understand.
	The more I think of it, however, the less am I able to guess what new plan or expedient these people may have thought of to promote the success of our negociation, or what news they may be expecting from France, unless it be what I have surmised in one of my previous despatches, namely, that king Francis is willing to ally himself with England against the Pope, whose authority in ecclesiastical matters these people are continually trying to undermine. Indeed, ever since the arrival here of the Papal bull for the convocation of the General Council a statute has been made and promul- gated, forbidding, under pain of death, the said convocation to be held as good and legitimate; and, what is more still, they have confirmed and re-enforced former statutes against the Pope, making it a crime of lese majesty to mention him in any public document It is even reported that they intend making people of all classes in the kingdom swear to the statutes against the Apostolic See, as well as against the marriage of the late Queen, or legitimisation of the Princess, imposing pain of death on all those who should dare give the latter that title. Nor is that all. On the arrival here, ten days ago, of the bishop, who a few months ago was sent to Saxony, a motion was made in Parliament for the reformation of the state and ceremonies of the Church in imitation of what has been accomplished in that country; a measure which Parliament has hitherto refused to pass. These and other acts will show Your Majesty the detestable obstinacy of these people, who most probably would not persist in so disorderly a behaviour if they did not expect favour and help from other quarters, knowing Your Majesty beforehand to be too Catholic a prince to aid them in their damnable undertaking (fn. n27) Indeed it may be, doubted whether remorse of conscience and fear of the punishment to be inflicted by Your Majesty will be strong enough to deter them from the path they are now following, and, consequently whether they sincerely wish for, as they pretend, Your Majesty's prosperity.
	Three days ago the French resident ambassador said to a worthy man, who reported it to me, that he had great fears of the ruin and destruction of the King, his master, owing not only to Your Majesty's superior forces in the field, but to other causes, such as his being hated by the nobles of his kingdom, who publicly accuse him of being entirely in the hands of the Grand Master (Montmorency) and of the Admiral (Brion Chabot), at whose instigation, and urged on by his own capricious folly, he had launched into such a number of imprudent and rash enterprises and wars, that there was scarcely a noble family in France that had not to regret the loss of some of its members, in one of which he himself had fallen prisoner in battle. Besides which, added the ambassador, the French people, oppressed as they are, and comparing their own miserable condition with the relative happiness and comfort of Your Majesty's subjects, are already beginning to grumble and murmur, the more so that in the midst of their sufferings and miseries they apprehend that the coming harvest will be very scanty. The ambassador also said that it was nevertheless a matter of consolation for him and his countrymen to think that the English would inevitably share their fate, and be punished hereafter. (fn. n28)
	This King has had news of the duke of Olst (Holstein) and his confederates having taken a castle on the frontiers of Norway, and given the government of it to a captain of Lubeck, formerly in his service; at which news, as I am informed, the King is exceedingly disappointed. I shall not fail, when the opportunity occurs, to represent to the King that and several other injuries inflicted on the palatine duke Frederic, to whom he seems to be sincerely attached, so much so that I have Cromwell's word and promise that as soon as Your Majesty's affairs with his master are fairly settled every favor shall be shown to the said duke Frederic.
	Again three days ago did secretary Cromwell send me a message by one of his principal servants, begging me not to take in bad part the delay of the audience I had solicited, which, he said, was caused entirely by the press of business in hand. At the same time, in order to the more fully excuse, as it were, his want of punctuality, he sent me word that on the ensuing day he would, for my sake, implore the King, his master, to order the release of the bishop of Llandaf, (fn. n29) the confessor of the late Queen, whom these people had incarcerated and intended to keep all his life in prison for no other reason than his being about to quit this kingdom without the King's leave.
	Cromwell also sent me word by the same messenger that on the following day he would communicate certain views respecting my negociations, which he had no doubt would be very agreeable; but that he would also request me, in his master's name, to do the same thing with regard to the principal affair. This promise, however, he has forgotten entirely, except to ask for the release of the Bishop, who was conducted to this embassy by the very people in whose custody he had been, and set at liberty; which conduct on the part of Cromwell I appreciate the more that since the Bishop's arrest I had not spoken about it to the King or to him, except indirectly, for certain considerations on which I need not dwell at present.—London, 14th of July 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Original. Ciphered. pp. 5.