Spain: April 1538

Pages 462-473

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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April 1538, 1-30

9 April. 196. Martin de Salinas to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 44,
f. 94.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 142.
Arrived at Jaca on the day and hour appointed by Señor de Azcarren, who came to meet me, and gave me a safe-conduct. Went with him to the city of Loron (Oloron), where I found the Prince. I put up secretly at an inn and staid until about 11 o'clock at night, when I called on him, (fn. n1) gave him Your Majesty's letter and commendations, and told him the substance of my mission. The Prince received me kindly, saying that he was pleased and glad to hear of Your Majesty's good-will towards him. He kept me two hours talking of past things, and of what had happened between king Francis and himself in the matter of the peace now being negociated. Ail his words, however, tended to show that a peace with Your Majesty was the thing he desired most, yet he said he had his doubts that peace would not be concluded so soon or so easily as we (Imperialists) anticipated, because he understood king Francis was determined not to go beyond the offers made at Salses by his plenipotentiaries, and as Your Majesty did not feel inclined to modify your conditions, no more could be said or done. That Your Majesty's intended journey to Nizza made people suspect that your intention was to go still further, and thence invade France.
As a person sincerely attached to Your Majesty's service, and wishing you well, the Prince said to me, "Let your Emperor mind what I say; should peace not be made now, no reliance is to be placed on the truce. Let the Emperor be on his guard, and not think that on account of that truce he can freely and at his leisure march against the Turk." From which rather enigmatical words I (Salinas) gather that this Prince, being well acquainted with king Francis' humour and disposition, knows for certain that should the present negociations come to nothing, and Your Majesty be absent, the former is sure to move on and invade Italy, if not Flanders and Spain also.
Many other things did the Prince say to me, which, not bearing particularly on my present commission, I omit for brevity's sake. His answer was short. He told me that his intention and object in asking for a trusty person to come to him on Your Majesty's behalf was to certify the message he had sent by Mr. de Lazcarren, and that he was desirous of coming to an agreement with Your Majesty, and serving you, and giving up his daughter (fn. n2) for the object he has spoken of, which, however, could not be done just now owing to her being out of his power. He wants to see first what sort of an arrangement Your Majesty is likely to make with the king of France, because (said he), should peace be concluded, the thing can easily be done, king Francis having repeatedly told him that after the peace he will be glad that his daughter marries into Your Majesty's family and that he (the Prince) makes alliance with you, but not before. If the negociations fail, and no peace is made, he (the Prince) will see what had better be done. Should the King refuse, he is determined to look out for his own convenience, and attend to the safety of his own estate. The Prince also says that all his plans are marred by his not having his daughter with him, but that he will see that the matter is cleared up sooner or later.
What the Prince in private conversation gave me to understand was this, that putting his own interests aside, there is nothing he would like so much as to be honored as king and lord of Navarre. I pressed him and begged he would be more explicit and write to Your Majesty on the subject; but he would not go beyond that declaration.
He had fully intended not to attend Francis' court, so much so that on the day of my arrival a courier came, as he himself told me, with letters summoning him to Court. He actually refused on some excuse or other, being afraid, as he says, that should king Francis have scent of his negociations with us, he might perhaps not be allowed to return to his estates for fear he should, in case of war, fortify his castles and be an obstacle to Francis' march on the Navarrese frontier.
My answer was in conformity with Your Majesty's orders and instructions. At last the Prince determined to go to Court, and charged me particularly to write and let Your Majesty know how very desirous he himself is of doing service, and how glad he would be that what we talked about should take effect.
After this I took leave and departed. Mr. de Lazcarren told me afterwards that the Prince had been somewhat annoyed at his not having been more explicit in his declarations; the principal reason being that a note which was being prepared for him to sign was not ready when I arrived. The chief man in his Council is one Mosior de la Escala, who was detained by illness four leagues from Oloron. He thinks that if he goes to the interview there will be plenty of means for Your Majesty to know what determination the Prince is likely to cake, and should peace not be concluded, should he or some other of the Prince's Council be unable to communicate with Your Majesty, he, the Prince, will send a note by Mr. d'Azcarren (sic). To prepare for all events, he would like to remain in this country and attend to the fortification of a town of his estate, a very important place, in which no less than 20,000 crs. granted by his vassals are to be spent. I fancy that he said this to me in order to magnify the power and strength of his estate; yet I believe lie speaks sincerely and with good intentions, because he seems to me an honest plain-spoken man.
He told me also that the inhabitants of his estate desired much the conclusion of the preconcerted (fn. n3) arrangement, because they liked their country and were not inclined to France.— Vitoria, 9 April 1538.
Signed: "Salinas."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3½.
9 April. 197. The Same to Mr. de Granvelle.
S. E., L. 44,
f. 193.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 144.
I arrived at Saça on the 29th ult. more wearied and fatigued than I could have wished, owing to my chronic ailment, and the hardness of the road. I can assure you that during my journey thither I was obliged more than twice to sleep on the bare straw, which in my present state of health was not at all pleasant. On the same night of my arrival at Saça, the Sieur d'Azcarren returned [from Oloron] and brought me a safe-conduct and a salmon patié, and another one of lampreys, which were no small consolation in the state in which I was after so long and fatiguing a journey. On the ensuing day, which was Saturday, I left Jaca early, and after a journey of three leagues arrived at Pié'del Puerto (Pied de Port). I staid there the whole of the following Sunday, as there was still a good deal of snow on the ground, and the air was cold. I could not, moreover, ride all the way to Pied de Port; I had to dismount several times and walk, so that I thought at one time that I should not reach my destination.
I will from this point begin a description of my journey, and relate how I executed the commission with which I was entrusted, that your Signory may know at once what has been done, and acquaint the High Commander [Covos] therewith.
On Monday the Sieur d'Azcarren went forward in order to let the Prince know of my arrival, and the hurry I was in. He met on the road a messenger riding post towards Taca, telling us to make haste for the Prince was waiting for my arrival. The messenger was also the bearer of another lamprey patté, to console me for the fatigues of the journey, and from the rain that had fallen on me, for I was literally drenched to the skin. I rode as far as one league from Oloron, and there waited for the arrival of the Sieur d'Azcarren, who, however, did not come for me until very late in the evening. I had in the morning received a letter from him saying that I was to have patience, for the Prince (he said) had gone out hunting, and would not be back until night. D'Azcarren himself came at sunset, and on the following morning he and I set out for Oloron, my suite and servants remaining behind at Saça. The Prince on that day rose late, and consequently the interview was left for the night, that his people might take repose after their fatigues of the previous day. Of what passed at the interview I have given a full account in my letter to His Majesty, (fn. n4) and, therefore, there is no need for me to repeat it. On the road to Oloron I had a long conversation with Mons. d'Azcarren about the matters in question. Perceiving that he was highly interested in them, I ventured to question him on several points, and two in particular, which he answered in the following manner. The first point was, to which side his master's subjects inclined most, to France or to the Emperor? He answered me that they would much prefer being the subjects of the Turk than of the king of France, inasmuch as the habits of the French, and their violent mode of treating people under them, was intolerable. Should the land belong to France (he said) the King would be obliged to keep there a certain number of men-at-arms to maintain his sovereignty, a sort of thing with which the inhabitants could in no wise put up; for neither did the French exercise justice, nor did they keep faith or word, just the contrary of what his Majesty, the Emperor, was in the habit of doing, for should he become the sovereign lord of this country (added d'Azcarren), and send an armed force of his own, it would be a well disciplined one and well paid, out of which the inhabitants of the country might make their profit, instead of being destroyed by Francis' men; besides which, people would have a lord to defend them against whomsoever should attack or harm them.
The second question I put to him was: What the Princess, his mistress, thought of the whole affair, because, she being king Francis' sister, (fn. n5) it is to be presumed that no overtures of the kind of those now being discussed could be agreeable to her. His answer was that he would willingly tell me the truth of what he had observed and knew for certain namely: that when the overtures were first made it was principally at her own instigation and request, with great vehemence on her part, telling her husband, the Prince, how badly the King, her brother, had treated her, particularising the injuries and affronts she had received at his hands on several occasions. On one occasion, and within his hearing, the Princess had requested the Prince, her husband, to see to her personal honor and interest as well as profit, because (said she) her brother, Francis, was doing the very contrary of that, and trying to injure her in every possible way. She (the Princess) knew that well, because, before she married him (Prince Henri), she overheard the King, her brother, say in Council, that means ought to be found to destroy him at once. Nowadays, since she had become his wife, the King and his ministers concealed their real sentiments concerning him; but still, she knew for certain that they were no friends of his or hers.
Such were, and are still (Mons. d'Azcarren assured me) the sentiments of the Princess, and, therefore, no doubt can exist as to her efficient co-operation. It was she who induced her husband, the Prince, to make a declaration in that sense, for, although he suspected Francis' bad intentions, and knew that nothing good could come from him, he had not dared speak about it to the Princess, and so it was that, without apprizing her of it, he (Mons. d'Azcarren) was the first time dispatched to the Emperor.
I then asked him whether the Princess still persisted in her former opinion about king Francis, or had changed since. Mons. d'Azcarren answered: "I must say that she is now colder than she was, for she was always apt to say and do such and similar things rather whimsically, according to the favor she enjoys at the time from the King, her brother. What I know of her is that she is a woman, and, as such, voluble and impressionable like her sex." (fn. n6)
I also inquired from him what favorites, if any, the Prince had, and whether there was one particular councillor whose advice he followed in preference to another. He answered: "None whatever, for the Prince will not trust any one of them in this particular affair; that being, in my opinion, the reason why things do not go on better. I must, however, say, that on this particular matter the Prince has consulted the bishop of Scala, (fn. n7) who is on the right side, and fully shares the Prince's opinion in this matter. I know even that for several days past he has been trying to persuade the Prince to it."
I must add that the Prince has a decided passion for hunting, and seems to be almost always engaged in it; which shows that either he has no particular business to transact just now, or else that he dislikes work, and is naturally fond of sport.
How the commission I brought here has been fulfilled your Signory will be able to gather from my letter to the Emperor. (fn. n8) I may add that when, after taking leave of the Prince, I returned to my lodgings, I found there a present consisting of a fur cloak of his own wearing (fn. n9) and a hackney. This I should certainly have refused, feeling both bashful and much concerned at it, had not Monsieur Lazcarren persuaded me to accept it: "for (said he) if you refuse, the Prince may think that there is some mystery in your mission; besides which, when I myself went to the Emperor, I received favors at his hands." I decided, therefore, to accept the Prince's present, and thanked him by one of his chamberlains, whom he named to accompany me to the frontiers of his estate.
The day after my taking leave of the Prince I remained [at Oloron] until very late in the evening; the reason was that the Prince had sent for the bishop of Scala, who came late, and went first to see his master. Then the Bishop called on me, and earnestly begged that, knowing, as I did know, his master's wishes and good intentions, I should recommend the affair to the Emperor and to your Signory. My answer was that I would certainly do so; the affair rested entirely with his master and with him.
If their proposals were only reasonable there would be no difficulty at all in the matter; I could assure him that the Emperor would say the same. The Bishop replied that he had come [to Oloron] and would remain near the Prince, his master, until the matter was cleared up.
Indeed, as far as I can judge, these people are in earnest. It strikes me though, that, to judge from the application they made at first, they ought to have given me a more explicit account of their wishes and aspirations than the scanty and rather vague one which I have sent home. No doubt, as the proposed interview is near at hand, the Prince and the Bishop think there will be then a better opportunity to explain their views. Twice did I press the Bishop to declare more openly what his master's intentions were, but it was all in vain; he would only say that he wished the Emperor to understand that both the Prince, his master, and himself were firm in their purpose, and that should the Emperor fail to make peace with king Francis, they would remain the same as they are now,—that is, the Emperor's friends. If I am to believe what Mons. de Lazcarren says, the principal reason these people had for not giving me a more explicit answer, is that a memorandum that was being drawn up for the purpose was not yet ready. It can, during the negotiations for the peace, be finished and sent through Mons. Lazcarren, who with all his party has hitherto worked, and will work, most earnestly for the accomplishment of our common project. In my humble opinion, should king Francis in any way repair the wrongs and injuries of which the Prince complains, I am not sure that the negociation we are now carrying on will ever come to anything, for although in the two hours' conversation I had with him he did nothing but speak of the little king Francis has done for him, and that if an opportunity offered itself, he would certainly pay him in his own coin, I doubt much whether his professions will stand good in the event of king Francis doing him justice and treating him like his brother-in-law as he is.
Wherever I go I find that people here suspect what we are about. I cannot positively say whence the rumour comes, but I suspect it comes from them, and that as they wish so much for the success of these negociations they cannot keep them secret.
I kiss the hands of the High Commander.—Victoria, 9 April [1538].
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 6.
15 April. 198. The Marquis de Aguilar to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 1439,
ff. 169–71.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 147.
Wrote on the 5th inst. in answer to the Emperor's letter of the 1st. Read to His Holiness that portion of it which relates to the interview, and sent orders to Genoa for the fleet to sail immediately.
Hears that the galleys left on the 8th; since then, on the 14th, the Emperor's letter of the 7th came to hand. This last he (Aguilar) is about to answer, though as the weather is fine and the Imperial galleys must have met with favorable winds, he (the ambassador) fears that his despatch will not find the Emperor at Barcelona. His answer goes by an express of the viceroy of Naples announcing that that kingdom has presented His Majesty with 350,000 ducats for the expenses of the war if it should continue after the truce.
His Holiness was particularly pleased to hear that the Emperor was only waiting for the arrival of the galleys to go on board of his and set sail. Having perused the memorandum of what the French ambassador (Mr. de Velly) had said respecting the peace, and his ratification of it before the Privy Council, he (the Pope) got into a passion and exclaimed "those are indeed most unreasonable terms on the part of the French; always inclined to boast and brag, they fancy that they can intimidate the Emperor." His Holiness thinks that such preposterous demands have been made for one of these two reasons, either for the sake of making the Emperor believe that there is no possible way to peace, and thereby preventing his coming to Italy and holding an interview with His Holiness, or because, making the Venetians despair of the peace, he wants them to come to terms with the Grand Turk, and forsake the Holy League lately form ed. His Holiness guesses well what French projects are; perceiving that neither the interview at Salses, nor the proposed one of their ministers at the island of Yères have had any effect, they are now trying to delay this one at Nizza. The King, however, finding every other door shut against him, is sure to attend this latter.
Respecting the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.) His Holiness has been much pleased to hear of the steps taken by his ambassadors to persuade him to put the castle of Nizza into his hands, &c. He himself intends leaving Piacenza for Saone on Easter Monday without fail. He will be glad to arrive there before the Emperor lands at Villafranca, because his intention has always been, and is still, to converse privately with His Majesty, and treat of certain affairs so as to come to some agreement before the official conferences begin.
The marquis del Gasto writes that the king of France brings with him 4,000 Germans, and, therefore, that in his opinion 2,000 Spaniards and 2,000 Germans will be a sufficient escort for the Emperor.
On his passage through Florence he (Aguilar) had occasion to see the Spanish infantry there and in the neighbourhood; the greater part of them are quartered at Pontremoli. They are a very fine set of soldiers, and being, as they are, at a convenient distance [from Nizza] might easily be employed in escorting the Emperor. Although two or three months' pay are owing to them, as Francisco Sarmiento, their captain, said to him the other day, they would be contented with one, and march in whatever direction they were ordered. As above stated they are well trained and well disciplined; of their pretended disorderly conduct at Florence very little turns out to be true. Has, therefore, written to the marquis [del Gasto] in this sense, and the truth is that the men cannot remain longer where they are.
Ambassador Figueroa writes from Genoa enclosing Grimaido's answer concerning Monego (Monaco). Should the latter hesitate, and ultimately lose all shame, a, portion of the above-mentioned infantry, should the Emperor approve of the plan, might be quartered in Mentone and Rocabruna, both of which belong to the lord of Monego, on the banks of the Turbia above Monego, or in another strong place of the duke of Savoy called Eza, two or three miles from Villafranca in the Riviera.
The Signory of Venice (Lope de Soria writes), hearing that the Turk intends to invade the Friol (Friuli), have decided that the 50,000 infantry to be enlisted for next summer's undertaking should be reduced to 30,000, consisting of Spaniards, Germans, and Italians, of which force the Pope is to pay 5,000, the Emperor 15,000, and they themselves 10,000; they are to be ready in May to be employed against the Turk in the Friol, should it be invaded, the fleet, moreover, to sail for that coast in order to prevent, if possible, the landing of the enemy.
Hears that two Venetian ambassadors will go to Nizza to kiss the Emperor's hands.
His Holiness is in excellent health and spirits; much stronger than when he left Rome. He has been glad to hear of the truce made between the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) and the Waywode (Zapol).—Florençola, 15 April 1538.
Signed: "El Marquis de Aguilar."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor, our king and lord."
Spanish. Original. pp. 6.
21 April. 199. Lope de Soria to the Same.
S. E., L. 1311,
f. 31–33.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 150.
Since my last of the 7th inst. letters from Constantinople have been received of the 12th ult., as I have been told by some of the nobles of this Signory, purporting that the Grand Turk had sent for all the troops he had in the Levant, which would show that he is meditating some great enterprise, as otherwise he would not leave Greece, as he is doing, without troops (Cipher). This is the reason why these people (the Venetians) think this a fit opportunity for conquering Constantinople and the whole of Greece should Your Majesty's fleet go thither, inasmuch as (they say) there are Turks to defend the latter country, and on the contrary a great number of Christians to take the offensive.
He who writes from Constantinople does not say whether he thinks that the Grand Turk will arm this year the 40 galleys they speak of. Here, in Venice, people think that he will not be able to arm them so quickly, and that the armament is destined to join Barbarossa, of whom the last news is that he is attending to the fortification of Tunis and La Goleta," (fn. n10) but that the moment he hears of the arrival in those waters of the Imperial fleet, he is sure to go somewhere else.
This Signory is fitting out her galleys with the intention of having as many as 40, that they may not be found entirely unprovided. When two of them are ready they are to be sent towards Corfu: but they do not listen to my representation when I tell them that this is the right moment for them to join their forces to those of Your Majesty, and make a holy enterprise. They tell me that such is their desire, but that they cannot do so at present, and that when the time comes they will do their duty. This notwithstanding, they are expecting letters from their ambassador at Your Majesty's Court to know for certain whether Your Majesty intends or not going with the fleet in person, as many have written here, and is most probable.
I see that they are rather anxious on this head, and certainly they will not be pleased to hear that Your Majesty is likely to come once more from Spain to Italy. The bare idea of that and of Your Majesty's most powerful fleet coming to these seas, makes them tremble, although inside their College and in Council they show great confidence at it, saying publicly that they would be glad that the Imperial fleet came to Italy, that the General Council should meet, and that they should remain at peace as they are now.
(Common writing.)—This Signory is anxiously expecting the ratification of the treaty of offensive league in the terms proposed by me, and have written to their ambassador at Your Majesty's court, sending him powers to sign it for them. There is no need, therefore, of a person coming here since all that is required for the purpose can be done here in Italy.
The duke of Urbino (Francesco) went in person to the relief of Camarino, merely to provision the castle, as he says, though he took with him no less than 5,000 infantry and 500 cavalry, He writes in date of the 15th inst., from the neighbourhood of a town called Fabriano, belonging to the Papal States, that succour had been introduced into Camarino without the least impediment, and without any harm whatever having been done to the lands of the Church. He says as much to his ambassador here in Venice, as Your Majesty will see by the enclosed copy of his letter, and seems to think that His Holiness ought not to be at all offended, since what he did was only to provision Camarino. However, letters from Rome affirm the contrary, stating that His Holiness has felt it very much and considers himself greatly injured by it. I have told the Signory and the Duke also that they ought to avoid as much as possible giving His Holiness causes for annoyance and just complaint, and that Your Majesty will then be able to defend their interests if attacked, as most probably they will be, if ever His Holiness undertakes against the father what he once undertook against the son (Guidobaldo). I venture upon these remarks because I perceive that this Doge and Council seem glad that Camarino has been revictualled. and that they secretly applaud and approve of the Duke's doings, who, thus encouraged, might one of these days do some highly inconvenient act. It would, however, be desirable to find out some means of putting a stop to such doings. In my opinion the only remedy lies in Your Majesty's authority and love of justice, as this Signory wishes sincerely for the peace of Italy, and will be glad that a final settlement of the question be made between His Holiness and the Duke.
The Duke's ambassador tells me in his master's name that he hears from France that the king of that country is about to send to him a Milanese, whose name is Nucanto Niacusan, but that he (the Duke) is entirely ignorant of the cause and object of his conning. The ambassador further asked me whether I thought it was a fit thing for his master to receive him, assuring me that on no account would he listen to any overtures or proposals against Your Majesty's interests. My answer has been that the Signory was a good brother of the said King, and that hitherto they had lived at peace with each other. My impression was that he ought not to listen to the envoy, and yet as he (the Duke) might do service by telling us what the man wanted of him, I could not do less than advise him to listen to what he had to say. Such was my answer to the ambassador, thinking that with or against my advice, the Duke, his master, would receive the man all the same, and that perhaps in putting such a question to me the ambassador's idea was to sound me, &c. We shall see what he says next.
The very same thing has happened to the duke of Ferrara. His ambassador here tells me that king Francis has sent to him a certain bishop of Limoges, (fn. n11) who was formerly French ambassador to this Republic; but the Ferrarese assures me that his master, the Duke, will never accept any offer likely to be detrimental to Your Majesty. I thanked him in your name, and encouraged him and his master, the Duke, to persevere in their good intentions. Perhaps in this manner we shall be able to learn what the French are about, and for what purpose they are trying to make friends; their object must be to disturb the peace.
Wrote on the 20th ult. to the High Commander of Leon (Covos), advising him that a man from Ragusa named Sarafin del Goso had passed through this city coming post haste from France, and that he said to a friend of his, who repeated it to me, that he was going to the Turk on a mission from king Francis to the Grand Turk, whom he was to inform of the great armament Your Majesty is preparing by sea, advising him to keep his eye on Constantinople and increase his fleet under Barbarossa, besides offering the ports of his kingdom as shelter in case of need. After leaving Venice the man went to a town of Sclavonia called Xavenigo, belonging to this Republic, and there spoke with the governor, to whom he imparted the very same information. The governor wrote to the Signory, and the Doge communicated the information to me as a piece of news of some importance under present circumstances. It appears that the man went thence to Constantinople. I hope to catch him on his return here, and will do everything that is required to secure his person. Such is the employment of the Most Christian king of France at the present moment!
The bishop of Ludeva and Jo. Joachino left before Lent and went to Verona, where they held a conference with Cesare Fragoso. Thence they took the road to Piacenza and Asti I have been told for certain that their object is to frame some conspiracy or other against Genoa and the prince of Melphi. As yet Jo. Joachino has not returned, though he lives and has his wife here. I have sent this information to Antonio de Leyva and ambassador Figueroa, that they may be on the alert, and guard against a surprise after Doria and the fleet have left for Spain.
On this very day this Signory has begged me to write to Your Majesty and assure you that the duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo) introduced nothing into Camarino save provisions; that the cavalry that escorted the convoy was not furnished by them, but was the Duke's. and that no harm of any sort was done in the lands of the Church. I understand that they have instructed their ambassador at Your Majesty's court to represent all this for fear the Pope should write and allege that the cavalry employed belonged to this Signory, whereas these Venetians maintain that it did not, and that it was part of the "condotta" the Duke holds under their pay, with the assistance of his friends and relations, not in anywise taken from the ordnance force of the Signory. As the Pope cannot fail to insinuate that on this occasion the Duke has introduced into Camarino both ordnance and ammunition, they have written to their ambassador that there is no truth in the report.
The truth is that the Pope is furious at the supposed injuries which the Duke (he says) is continually doing him with the assistance and favor of this Republic. I know for certain that no express orders have been issued for the Signory's men to attend the expedition, and yet the Duke being, as he is, the Captain-General, may dispose of its forces as he pleases. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that this Signory have seen with pleasure that Camarino has been revictualled; they would wish that the Pope and the Duke should come to an agreement about Camarino, but should the former institute legal proceedings, or attack the Duke, they are determined to defend him.
The Ferrarese ambassador called this morning on the Signory, and told them that the bishop of Limoges had arrived at his master's court to reside as Francis' ambassador, and that his mission has for its object to favor and assist him in his differences with the Pope about Modena and the rest.
Since then the ambassador has called on me to promise in his master's name that he will listen to no proposition to Your Majesty's detriment.—Venice, 21 April 1538.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original, partly ciphered. pp. 8.


  • n1. "Y estuve secretamente en una posada fasta que á las ouze oras de la noche fui á él."
  • n2. At this time Henri d'Albret had a daughter called Jeanne, who on the 20th of October 1538 was married to Antoine de Bourbon, duke of Vendôme, father of Henri IV., king of France.
  • n3. Y tambien me dixo que estas sus tierras descaban mucho este apuntamiento por que les conviene mucho para su bibienda (vivienda) y no ser mas inclinados á Francia.
  • n4. "Y el principe se levantó tarde, y asi quedaron nuestras vistas para la noche, que la gente esturiese reposada, y [de] lo que en las vistas pasó doy euenta por la carta de su Magd."
  • n5. Marguerite, by other name Madame d'Alençon, who, after the death of the duke, married Henri d'Albret.
  • n6. "y que lo que dello conocia [era que] era muger, y que aquellos impetus le procedian deste misteris."
  • n7. Baltasar del Rio from 1515 to 1540.
  • n8. See above, No. 196.
  • n9. "Una ropa de marta, de su persona."
  • n10. Ever since Tunis and La Goleta were taken by Charles V. until 1573, when another Barbarroja retook it, that city remained in the hands of Philip II. I suppose that, though dated 21 Apr. 1538, the letter, which is badly placed in Bergenroth's collection after that of Aguilar of the 15th,belongs really to the year 1535.
  • n11. Jean de Langeac, bp. of Avranches, and afterwards of Limoges from 1533 to his death on the 25th July 1541.