Spain: April 1539

Pages 137-150

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.

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April 1539, 1-30

April. 52. Consultations at Toledo for writing Despatches to Italy.
S. E., L. 15.
M. Add. 28,591,
f. 83.
Although the marquis de Aguilar writes that His Holiness is ready to fulfil his engagements with regard to the enterprise against the Turk, yet it is evident that he keeps aloof, making use of such arguments as the want of provisions and means, inefficient maritime force (his own galleys being, as he says, few and badly manned), insecurity on the part of France, and bad prospects on the side of Germany and England. The fact of the matter is that neither His Holiness nor the Venetians seem ready and willing to fulfil their engagements, but are looking out for means of postponing the enterprise or putting it off indefinitely. As on this point Andalot, the equerry, has already taken to Italy despatches and instructions both for the Marquis and for Lope de Soria in Venice, and Figueroa in Geneva, there remains nothing more for us (the councillors) to do than speak openly to the Papal Nuncio here, and, if possible, convince him that His Imperial Majesty is quite in earnest.
With regard to Lorenço Gritti's journey to Constantinople, there is nothing to observe, save that it is in our opinion a further proof that Venice is trying to make its peace with the Turk. That agrees well with Giovan Joachino's ciphered letters, which the marquis del Gasto has forwarded, from which it would appear that Venice is actually in treaty with the Turk, though in case of a truce being concluded they will try to make it general.
The General Council and matters of Faith.—Nothing more to be done in this particular than to persist in what has been lately resolved, namely: to advise the departure of Dr. Mathias for Germany, as well as the provision he takes with him to communicate the answer made to the two dukes of Bavaria, (fn. n1) as well as the conversation with the Nuncio here; to write to Rome for the Pope to send in any case 50,000 ducats, so that they (the Germans) may join the defensive league as offered, and favor the Catholics; it being worthy of remark that the marquis de Aguilar tells us nothing of the Pope's answer to the overtures of the dukes of Bavaria made through their agent at Rome.
Cardinals.—It seems to us as if His Holiness' attempt to excuse himself with His Imperial Majesty for not raising to the purple the bishop of Orleans (Sanguin), as well as his not giving a cardinal's hat to the bishop of Geneva (La Baume), besides his not answering in plain terms who are the two other prelates he has reserved "in pectore," has proved unsuccessful, for no one here believes that the motives alleged by him are the real ones.
The Duchess (Margaret) and the cardinal of Santiago [Sarmiento].—The Marquis [de Aguilar] and Lope Hurtado are to try and arrange that the Duchess goes straight to Gaeta or to some other town in the estate of the duke of Castro (Farnese), and thence to Naples, grounding her journey to those parts on the necessity of appeasing or calming for a time the envy and growing enmity of the Farnese family, and also on His Holiness' avowed determination of sending to His Imperial Majesty as ambassador—the prefect of Rome. (fn. n2)
Respecting Camarino and the marquis of Aguilar's consultation, that ambassador must be written to, and instructed to do all he can for a speedy termination of the affair, on conditions most favorable for the duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo). As to the duchy itself, and its present claimant, His Imperial Majesty has nothing to do with that. The Marquis, however, might be instructed, should he find an opportunity, to tell the Pope in the mildest possible terms that in the Emperor's opinion it would be dishonorable to retain Camarino, even for the Church, having so many times declared that he would never lay hands on it unless to do justice, which justice, however, must not be at this petitioner's expense, but at his (the Pope's) own.
With regard to Ascanio Colonna, the marquis de Aguilar ought to be told that since he (Colonna) persists in placing the arrangement of his differences in His Majesty's hands, he (Aguilar) must speak to the prince of Sulmona, making him understand in a confidential manner how awkward it would be for him to throw himself into the hands of the Pope in a case of that sort. As to the marriage of his (Colonna's) son with the daughter of the duke of Castro (Vittoria Farnese) the Pope must not in any manner suspect that His Imperial Majesty wishes to prevent it. Most likely as the engagement was made years ago, the matter may soon cool down (fn. n3); besides which, as Ascanio's son is already out of his father's power, the latter could not counsel or enforce the match, and we might in the meantime think of bringing him to Spain, as was his mother's and prince Doria's wish.
On the marriage of the Duke's daughter with duke Cosmo there is nothing to be added to what has been said on previous occasions.—Rome [April 1539].
P.S.—Sena — Doria — Viceroy of Naples — Marquis del Gasto.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 5.
12 April. 53. Ambassador Figueroa to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 14.
M. Add. 28,591,
f. 87.
Received the Emperor's letters of the 27th February and 17th March by equerry Andalot (fn. n4), who landed on the 26th ult., by which letters, as well as verbal information from the said equerry, he (Figueroa) has understood what his commission is with the Prince (Andrea Doria) and the Republic of Venice. The equerry left this for Venice ten days ago, on the 2nd; he went first to the residence of the marquis del Gasto, with whom he had a conference on the 3rd. Thence he went to Venice, but he has not written yet. As soon as an answer comes from the Signory on the two principal points of the equerry's mission, namely, the suspension of the enterprise owing to the season being already so far advanced, and the Venetians undertaking the defence of Castilnovo on the conditions described in the despatches to Lope de Soria, as well as to the viceroys of Naples and Sicily, he (Figueroa) will not fail to apprize the Emperor.
The money borrowed from bankers of this city on prince Doria's silver plate, as well as that which came in some time afterwards from the same source, and was handed over to the marquis del Gasto at the time that the king of France invaded Piedmont, has not yet been repaid. The Emperor and the high commander Cobos at Villafranca [di Nizza] last year gave bills on the Casa de Contratacion of Seville for 20,000 gold crowns; the remainder, amounting to 37,720 ducats in bills payable on the October fair at Medina del Campo, are still due, although the bishop of Badajoz (fn. n5) and the members of the Council of Finances were written to. Owing to that the Prince's silver plate is still in pawn, and besides that the Prince and I are responsible in His Majesty's name for the sum unpaid.
Out of the 30,000 ducats in bills on the Centurione, which commander Giron brought the galleys have been paid. Andrea Doria is about to send one of his own to Barcelona, in which Adam Centurione is going on his own private business. Mons. de Prat (Praet), who is expected here to-morrow, will also go in her.
Lorenço Gritti.—The marquis del Gasto has come to visit Andrea Doria; he will return to Milan to-morrow.
Enclosed are letters from Lope de Soria and from the viceroy of Sicily (Gonzaga).—Genoa, 22 April 1539.
Signed: "Gomez Suarez de Figueroa."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
13 April. 54. The Marquis de Aguilar to the Same.
S.E., L. 15.
B. M. Add. 28,591,
f. 90.
Is in receipt of the Imperial despatch brought on the 8th inst. from Genoa by esquire Andalot, who left for Venice the day after.
The bishop of Astorga died in three days. (fn. n6) Signora Costança, who a few months ago petitioned in vain for the bishopric of Pamplona for her son, cardinal Sancta Fiore, has now applied for that vacant See. As the Emperor knows quite well how devoted that lady is to His Imperial service, and what services her sons, the Cardinal and the Count, have rendered to the Imperial cause, besides those which she herself has rendered in the Duchess' business, he (Aguilar) does not hesitate to recommend both her and the Cardinal (fn. n7) to His Majesty's attention.
Has been with His Holiness twice since the arrival of Andalot. The principal affairs discussed have been: 1st. The undertaking against the Turk. His Holiness said he was sorry to hear that the Emperor was not coming to Italy, to put himself at the head of his army. He (the Pope) had no doubt, indeed he was almost certain, that the Venetians were actually negociating with the Turk for a truce or peace, and that had His Majesty come to Italy, they would never have, dared to do so by themselves; besides which the truce, if obtained, would have been more advantageous and reputable, matters in Germany might have been better adjusted, the peace with king John of Hungary confirmed, and the bad state of England remedied.
With the Emperor's answer to cardinal Pole, which the Pope has heard by his letters, as well as by those of his Nuncio at the Imperial Court, His Holiness is anything but pleased, showing his disappointment upon every occasion. That is why, the other day, talking with him on the subject, he (Aguilar) read to him the copy of the Emperor's letter to his ambassador in France, stating that the resolution of the Papal monition had not been officially communicated to him, and possibly not to the King either. The Pope's reply was that his Nuncio at the Imperial Court had by his order consulted the Emperor about it, the answer being that His Imperial Majesty approved of the whole plan. "Whereas (added the Pope) nowadays my Nuncio writes that the English question is being debated between the Cardinal (fn. n8) and him on one side, and the Emperor's Privy Councillors on the other. The latter had owned that it was so; but that the term fixed in the letters of monition had already expired, so that the king of England had no time left him within which he might offer his excuses as His Majesty thought. "But that was not my intention (replied the Pope), nor was there anything about it in my instructions to the Cardinal. The help and assistance which I asked from the Emperor and from the Most Christian king of France for the execution of the letters of monition was not for the purpose of taking up arms immediately against the king of England, but merely depriving him of the intercourse of trade, which I consider of as much importance as a declaration of war, inasmuch as trade once interdicted, his subjects are sure to rise in revolt, expel him from his kingdom, and perhaps also kill him. I know very well that war cannot be made upon England unless a universal peace with the Turk be concluded first, and, therefore, the measure of interdicting trade can in nowise affect the undertaking against the Infidel. Nor could it harm the negociations with the Separatists, either because, in my opinion, were the undertaking to be executed, such is the respect which the Germans entertain for the Emperor, and also for his brother, the king of the Romans, that they would not dare join the king of England for the sake only of avoiding the loss of their trade, since the Most Christian himself has many a time written that he will be very glad to forbid trade with England in his dominions provided the Emperor does the same in his, and also to help and proceed against the king of that country in the manner the Emperor thinks most fit and efficient. Now that the king of France is so well disposed I should like the Emperor to help and assist me to prosecute my plans, and not raise difficulties, for otherwise the opportunity will slip and perhaps, too, never appear again."
His (Aguilar's) answer was in conformity with the Emperor's last letter. Told the Pope that he knew well that the Emperor's zeal for the Faith and Christian religion, the honor of the Apostolic See and his holy person, were such that he would never find him in fault. He (the Emperor) was animated with the same sentiments as himself in all that concerned the remedy needed for English affairs; but reason and the present state of things demanded that the most efficacious and surest means should be employed, so that when cutting off the head of the serpent, as His Holiness declared to be necessary, seven other heads should not rise up instead. In short, that after seeing the opinion in writing of the Most Christian respecting the difficulties of the affair itself, His Holiness might be sure that His Imperial Majesty will do his duty in everything touching Apostolic authority and His Holiness' person.
Has heard by the last courier from the queen of Hungary, in Flanders, as well as from the Imperial ambassador in England, that the one who resided there for the King of France had left that court, and that very shortly he himself (Chapuys) would do the same, owing to the queen of Hungary having sent for him. His Holiness had received the same news from other quarters, with the addition that the two ambassadors, i.e., the Imperial and that of the Most Christian, had quitted London together and at the same time, from which His Holiness gathered that the Emperor and the king of France had agreed to suspend trade with England.
With regard to the General Council, three motions were made in the last consistory held before the Holy Week, namely, to open it at once, to prorogue it, or to close it altogether. The majority of the cardinals were in favour of the opening, but since then it appears that most have changed their mind, and voted for the closing. Having heard this much from one of the cardinals, he (Aguilar) went to the Pope and asked His Holiness point blank what had been resolved. Told him at the same time what he knew of Dr. Mathias and another person on the part of the Separatists going to the Emperor, and that he (Aguilar) was daily expecting instructions on that point. Spoke to him of the rumour afloat that he (the Pope) had decided for the closure, but that a suspension seemed more expedient and acceptable. His answer was that something of the kind had been already, and would again be, proposed in order to select that which seemed the better course—suspension or closure. The former measure (he said), after so many prorogations, seemed to him a dangerous course to follow, on account of the loss of authority it would entail, and also because people would naturally say that the Council had been initiated and convoked merely "pro forma." Even if it were to be closed now (added the Pope) there would be no difficulty in re-opening it when convenient. Poggio himself thought so, and had written to him (the Pope) that within ten days he would send him the Emperor's decision thereupon. Nevertheless he (Aguilar) has persisted, and will persist, in the suspension; the more so that the French ambassador tells him that His Holiness has assured him that he intends sending legates to continue or prorogue the Council, and that he himself intends to preside at the opening and then close it. This message he (the Pope) gave the other day for the French ambassador to convey to his master; and, if so, the measure, after all, does not seem so inconvenient as that of closing it altogether, since by one single prelate protesting against it, the Council can be kept open all the time that may be necessary.
After this His Holiness held a congregation, wherein the prorogation was decided upon. Cardinal Santa Croce having been sent to Vicenza for the purpose of announcing the suspension, Ginuciis (Ghinucci) and Bologna said at the meeting that the legates ought not to be sent until a notice had come from the Emperor and from the Most Christian, both of which notices were expected soon. After the congregation, the former of those cardinals remained behind in order to speak to the Pope on the subject, and the consequence was that the latter changed his opinion, and decided not to send the legates until he actually heard from His Imperial Majesty.
Letters from the Spanish prelates to the Pope urging the expediting of the bull concerning the first fruits—Bull of dispensation [of marriage] for the commanders of the Military Orders—Cardinals' hats—
He (Aguilar) has hitherto been unable to get the cardinal's hat for the bishop of Geneva, though the Pope still promises to appoint him on a future occasion. Neither has he (Aguilar) been able to ascertain the names of those ecclesiastics whom His Holiness reserves in pectore for that high dignity of the Church. He affirms and maintains that he never promised, and that if at Genoa any reference was made to a reserved hat, he understood that the ecclesiastic meant was no other than the old man, (fn. n9) which would then make no less than five cardinals' hats for the Emperor's subjects only. (fn. n10) His Holiness complained of his (Aguilar's), saying that had his (the Pope's) answer on this business been faithfully reported, there would have been no such insistence on the part of the Imperial Court. His Holiness further says that his Nuncio, debating this very affair with the Emperor's privy councillors, had distinctly declared to them that His Holiness bad never made such a concession.
This last statement was made so passionately, and in such angry words, chat there is every reason to suspect that the Pope's ill-humour proceeds from no other cause but his own discontent and annoyance at the result of the last creation. Indeed, His Holiness is not at all satisfied with the issue of certain affairs, like that of Sena, Cosmo's marriage, and others, which have not turned out exactly as he wished. A letter lately received from his Nuncio [in Spain] must also have put him out of humour. Indeed, that ecclesiastic (Poggio) tells him, no doubt with the best intention, that he has had much to do to appease and calm the Emperor in the Camarino affair, and in this one of the hats. Nor does lie seem less disappointed at the turn the English business is taking, a business which he has much at heart, as His Imperial Majesty must know by this time. Talking lately to him on this subject, and on the Emperor's probable inability to come to Italy this year, owing to the advanced season, he (Aguilar) observed that he (the Pope) no longer laid such a stress on the danger of the Emperor's absence, as if he thought this to be a better chance for his own projects against England, which projects, as stated above, seem to occupy all his thoughts just now.
Lope Hurtado and Duchess Margaret—The five bishops of Hungary—Bishop of Transylvania—Secretary Gabriel Sanchez, Ferdinand's agent at Rome.
Viceroy of Naples and Mme. [Margaret's] affairs. The 300,000 ducats of her dowry to be deposited in Ansaldo Grimaldo's bank. Mme. Margarita to go to her estates in Naples; His Holiness wishes that Ottavio Farnese, her husband, should go also thither, that both may live together under the same roof.
Recommends warmly cardinals Sancta Croce and Symoneta: this latter worked admirably once in the English business, as His Imperial Majesty well knows, and is now doing the same in any other matter of importance that passes through his hands, or those of cardinal Ginuciis (Ghinucci). — Roma, 13 April 1539.
Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
16 April. 55. The Same to the Same.
S. E., L. 15.
B. M. Add. 28,591,
f. 106.
His Holiness has retained the Nuncio's secretary two days running in the expectation of news from France. Yesterday a secretary of cardinal Ferrara (Ipollito d'Este), who left the court of the Most Christian, arrived here [at Rome] and related in substance what follows:—
He said that on cardinal Pole's arrival at Girona, (fn. n11) he suddenly became afraid of the ambushes laid for him by the king of England, especially, through a certain emigrant or exile from England, to whom the King of that country had promised the pardon of all his misdeeds and crimes provided he should slay the Cardinal. (fn. n12) On that account the Cardinal did not journey beyond that town, but sent to an abbot who frequents the court of the Most Christian a report of the audience he had had from the Emperor, as well as of the answer the latter had made him. The abbot had gone to the French court and delivered the Cardinal's report, but he had not yet obtained an answer, owing to the King wishing to wait for the arrival of the cardinal of Scotland, (fn. n13) with whom he was to communicate this and other affairs relating to England.
The Most Christian had assured him that no event, however untoward, would disturb his peace with the Emperor. The bishop of Tarbes had written to a friend of his, who showed the letter to the Nuncio, confirming the King's words, and telling him to consider the peace as most certain. His Holiness says that although the news seems good and highly acceptable, he cannot cast away from him the suspicion he entertains about the Venetians and also about the French. Shewed him a letter from Dalmatia, of the 1st inst., advising that as the governor of Clipsa (Clyssa) was laying siege to a town in the Venetian territory called Salona, Lorenço Gritti, who had lately gone from Venice to the Turk, arrived there from Constantinople. Gritti went straight to the captain and told him that he was the bearer of peace between the Grand Turk and the Signory of Venice, and shewed him letters to that effect, which, after being read, were thrown into the fire and committed to the flames. Upon which the Turkish governor withdrew his army from before Salona, peace was proclaimed, and rejoicings took place in consequence. Then both the governor and Lorenço Gritti dined together on board one of the galleys, which the Venetians had there for the protection of that coast.
There is no saying what displeasure and sorrow His Holiness has shown at the receipt of this intelligence. If the news be true, as is generally believed (says the Pope), this cannot have been done without a certain participation of the king of France. This very afternoon as the two ambassadors of Venice, the old one and the new, and he (Aguilar) were discoursing with His Holiness on the Camarino business, the Pope took out of his pocket the above-mentioned letter of news, and read it in the presence of the Venetian ambassadors, who said they knew nothing about it, upon which he (Aguilar), under pretence that he had business to transact, took leave of His Holiness and retired.
Andalot has not yet returned from Venice. No news from Lope de Soria.
His Holiness has announced his departure on the 22nd or 23rd inst. for Our Lady of Loreto and Camarino, intending to return at Whitsuntide. (fn. n14)
The dowager duchess of Camarino refuses to accept the 16,000 ducats of her dowry, and the Casale (Palace) of Rome in exchange for the cession of her rights to that duchy. The duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo della Rovere) and his wife have written to say that they are glad to make the cession of theirs in the manner preconcerted, and on the payment of 84,000 crs. The Pope has agreed, and issued orders to his Treasury for the payment.
Mme. Margarita has been slightly indisposed with fainting fits, but is now better.—Rome, 16 April 1539.
Signed. "Marquis de Aguilar."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor, and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
19 April. 56. Instruction to Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.
S.E., P. Rl.
Diversos de Italia
Venecia A.
Having decided to employ elsewhere D. Lope de Soria, Our ambassador to the Signory of Venice, We have chosen you to represent Us there with the Signory.
Don Lope has orders to remain at Venice at least fifteen days after your arrival, that he may acquaint you with the state of Our relations with that Republic.
You are to keep up constant communication and correspondence with the marquis de Aguilar, and inform me of whatever incidents may happen or come to your knowledge respecting the League and the enterprise against the Turk.
The same may be said concerning prince Doria, marquis del Gasto, the viceroys of Naples and Sicily, Our ambassador to Genoa, and other ministers in Italy.
To report to Us and to Our brother, the king of the Romans, all the news you may get there, or any information you may obtain concerning the Turk.
Of the services of Ferrer Belt ran, Catalonian merchant, residing in that city, you may make such use as you think proper. We recommend him to your notice as being a faithful subject, well inclined to Our service.
Martin Çornoça, (fn. n15) resident consul of the Spaniards at Venice, has been of much use to former ambassadors; you had better employ him whenever you want his services, for he is a very worthy man, well experienced in the affairs of that Republic.—Toledo, 19 April 1539. (fn. n16)
Signed: "To el Rey."
Countersigned: "Idiaquez."
19 April. 57. The Marquis de Aguilar to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 868,
f. 13.
M. Add. 28,591,
f. 145.
I had hardly finished writing my despatch of the 16th when Your Majesty's letters of the 21st of March and 22nd inst. came to hand, announcing the Empress' death. Told the Pope of it, who will send Cardinal Farnese to offer his condolences.
With reference to the Council, His Holiness showed me what his legate had written respecting the Emperor's opinion, and the difficulties attending its meeting, for, in the first place, many of the prelates could not come, and the king of the Romans has sent him word by his Nuncio that should the proceeding be hurried on, some impediment might supervene to thwart the good beginning and demonstrations made by the heretics; L'Esleu d'Orange has said the same on the part of king Francis.
I have heard that since the armistice the Venetians have refused to give the town of Vicenza for the celebration of it. Will try to ascertain what the Pope's intentions are respecting this.—Rome, 19 April 1539.
Signed: "El Marques de Aguilar."
Addressed: To the Most Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor, and King, our Lord.
Spanish. Original, pp. 2.
25 April. 58. Luis Sarmiento [de Mendoza] to the Emperor.
S. E. Port.,
371, ff. 244-6.
M. Add. 28,591,
f. 127.
The King sent for me yesterday, and said that the Queen's confinement, which took place during the Holy Week, and various engagements had prevented his conversing with me on the proposed marriage of the Infanta Doña Maria, his sister, and that now he was about to tell me what his wishes were in that particular. The Infanta, his daughter, was already a woman, and though she was not so old as the Infanta, his sister, yet she was as much developed. That, in the present state of his finances, he could not well furnish the dowry of one, much less of the two princesses. He had, therefore, decided to have his own daughter married first, especially after the many letters that had passed between Your Imperial Majesty and himself on the subject. He had, moreover, heard from France that it was publicly reported there that his sister was about to be married to the son of the king of the Romans, and that in order to declare to me his intentions and wishes as to that he had deliberately sent for me. He did not expressly desire me to write home, yet he could hardly believe that I should not inform Your Imperial Majesty thereof.
My impression is that the King is not in favor of either marriage now, and that he only wants to gain time, so as not to have to lug out the dowry. The age of the Infanta, his sister, will not henceforwards admit of much delay, and, therefore, before the negociation cools down, it will be necessary to inform the queen of France, the Infanta's mother, that she may declare her intention and wish on this point to the King, since after all it is those two whom the affair concerns more particularly. (fn. n17)
The Papal Nuncio here said the other day to me, that when King Francis proposed the marriage of his eldest son, the Dauphin, who died, with the Infanta, an application had been made to Rome for the brief dispensing queen Dona Maria's marriage with king Dom Manoel, and that although a most scrupulous search had been instituted then and many a time since, in the interest of Portugal, the bull of dispensation had not been found. Many people here say the same. If so, the only legitimate daughter of king Dom Manoel is the Infanta Doña Maria. This is so important a fact that it would be desirable to arrive at the truth, for if this king knows of it, he will prevent, as long as he can, the marriage of his own sister, and I must surmise that his behaviour, as well as the nature of her education and treatment, makes me suspect that there must be something of the kind. (fn. n18)
The King told me also that he had news from his possessions in Africa, that merchants and other persons of those kingdoms of Your Majesty were continually sending over great quantities of arms to sell to the Moors; that in Fez alone there were more war implements of Castilian manufacture for sale than could be made at Milan itself; that spears were smuggled inside bamboo-canes, and smaller arms concealed among goods. He begged me to write to Your Majesty about this, and ask that a commerce so injurious to the Christians of both Your Majesty's kingdoms and his should be stopped.
Whilst conversing on the above matters two couriers arrived with the news of the Empress' confinement. He (the King) was glad to hear that the mother was doing well, though sorry to hear of the death of her son. The Queen and the Infante Dom Luis begged me to express the same sentiments on the occasion. (fn. n19)
The Prince has been, and is still, ill with the small-pox, having intermittent fever. He is now in the 12th day of his illness, cannot eat anything, and has been seized with diarrhœa, which is often dangerous in boys seized by the small-pox.—Lisbon, XXV. of April, MDXXXIX.
Signed: "Luys Sarmiento de Mendoza."
Spanish, Original draft. pp. 2.
27 April. 59. Prince Doria to the Same.
S.E., L. 1371,
f. 170.
M. Add. 28,391,
f. 130.
As no one could give Your Majesty a better account of the resolution taken by His Holiness and the Venetians as Sr. Andalot, (fn. n20) who has intervened in all the affairs concerning the League and the enterprise against the Turk, I will not detain him, that he may arrive at Barcelona before the departture of Miçer Adam Centurione. I will, therefore, refer Your Majesty to him entirely.—Genoa, 27 April 1539.
Signed: "Andrea Doria."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
28 April. 60. Maioris to the Queen of Hungary.
Imp. Arch.
p. P. Fasc. C. 231,
ff. 12–3.
Although since my arrival here, nearly two months ago, (fn. n21) I think I have done faithfully my duty—writing to and informing Your Majesty of whatever has come under my notice, yet during my stay here I have received no letters in answer to my despatches, which naturally has thrown me into a state of perplexity and doubt. This has been considerably increased by the fact that up to this time I am completely ignorant when and how I am to get any money to cover my personal expenses, which will be considerable, if I am to represent duly the Emperor and Your Majesty at this English court. That is the reason why I would beg your Majesty to provide speedily for my wants, as otherwise it would be impossible for me to bear such a burden as this embassy is. Should there be no likelihood of my being able to return home before St. John's Day, I would beg and entreat Your Majesty to send notice to my colleagues in the Chapter of Cambray that I am actually employed in the Emperor's service, in order that during the present year, 1539, they may consider me as resident, and pay me my wages as usual, for, otherwise, I should be the loser by a considerable sum. Some time before my departure I gave notice of this to the Chapter, but they answered me saying that I should be back in six weeks. As that can no longer be the case, and there is every probability of my remaining in this country till after St. John's, I again pray and beseech Your Majesty not to forget me.
The King goes on making preparations for war. It was thought at first of having a general muster passed in this town, but the councillors have since changed their mind, and separate ones are now being made for each parish; the former measure would probably not have been carried out without danger. (fn. n22)
On Wednesday last eight Germans arrived here, among whom is a Chancellor of the duke of Saxony. There is a rumour that more of them are coming, in order to attend the meeting of Parliament which is to be convoked next week. It is to be feared that the business discussed therein will be anything but agreeable. I have not yet obtained permission to go and present my respects to the King, and communicate to the Princess the friendly commendations with which I have been intrusted. The Princess is very sorry, and so am I also. To my continual applications and requests, the answer is that I must have patience and wait. I hope, however, that in the end, the permission to see the King will be forthcoming.—Londres, 28 April 1539.
Signed: "Maioris."
French. Original. pp. 2.


  • n1. There were at this time two dukes of Bavaria, William and Lewis, who held conjointly the ducal throne from 1508 to 1550.
  • n2. Sea para ir derecho á Gaeta, ó á algunas tierras del estado del duque de Castro para passar de alli á Napoles, fundando que con esto se sancaria mejor el enojo ó invidia que tienen los de la Casa Fernesia, y tambien por lo que el papa dize que quiere embiar á V. Md el prefecto de Roma.
  • n3. "La platica resfriará."
  • n4. See above, p. 137.
  • n5. Don Geronimo Suarez till September 1545.
  • n6. Alvaro Osorio, from 1515 to 1539. Gams places his death on the tenth of April.
  • n7. Bosio Sforza, count of Santa Fiore, had by Costanza Farnese, his wife, four sons—Guy Ascanio, and Alessandro, both of whom became cardinals, Mario and Carlo, who followed the career of arms. The former was count of Valmontone, the latter prior of Lombardy. Yet there must have been another son of Bosio Sforza and Costanza Farnese, for the author of the Genealogies Historiques, Vol. II., p. 227, mentions one Ascanio, count of Santa Fiore, who died in 1575, and was much attached to the Emperor. In this passage the Cardinal must be Guy Ascanio, born in 1518, cardinal 1534, whose death took place in 1565.
  • n8. By the Cardinal, Alessandro Farnese is here meant, for he was at the time legate in Spain. The Nuncio was still Poggio.
  • n9. Labaume?
  • n10. "En fin se refiere á lo que ha dicho, affirmando enteramente que nunca tal concedió á V. Mt y que si en Genova se le habló en reservado, siempre entendió por el viejo, y que con aquel eran cinco los capelos concedidos á subditos de V. M."
  • n11. "La Girenda."
  • n12. See Vol. IV., Part II.
  • n13. Betoun.
  • n14. Pascua de Spiritu Santo.
  • n15. Martin de Çornoça, Imperial consul in Venice, Vol. V., Part IV., pp. 233–7.
  • n16. The date as in the copy before me: Dat. en Toledo á XIX. de Abril de MDXXXI. años; but this must be a mistake of the clerk, or, more probably, of the copyist, who, instead of MDXXXIX., by omitting the last X, made it 1531.
  • n17. "La hedad (sic) de la Señora Infanta su hermana ya de aqui en adelante no lo sufre, y antes questa platica pasasse mas adelante seria necessario que la Christianissima reina, su madre, supiesse esto y sa declarasse en esto, su voluntad con el Rey, pues es á quien, mas toca."
  • n18. "Y segun la manera que en esto lleva y su crianza y govierno de ella, algo de esto debe de haves."
  • n19. The confinement was followed by her death on the 1st of May.
  • n20. Esquire Jean d'Andalot, whose mission to Venice has already been recorded.
  • n21. No doubt his arrival at Calais is meant. See above, p. 134.
  • n22. "Le roy continue tousjours [a] soy preparer à la guerre. Lon avoit advise faire les montres generales de cheulx de ceste ville; mays le conseil est changie et se font seullement particulieres par paroisses, et est vraysemblable que la grosse multitude n'eust este sans peril."