Spain: October 1541

Pages 364-376

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.

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October 1541, 1-31

9 Oct. 195. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 21–22.
As nothing important has occurred here since my last despatch, I have purposely delayed writing to Your Imperial Majesty, whom I beg not to attribute my silence to neglect of my official duties.
The indisposition of my man—the same whom I generally employ to communicate with the person who keeps me au courant of French intrigues—has been the cause of my silence, as it has prevented me from unravelling the mysterious dealings in which our neighbours on this side of the Pyrenean range are at present engaged. I have at last been able, not until yesterday, to discover what the French are about, as well as the intrigues of their ambassador at this court; and as there happens to be here at present a trusty messenger, expressly sent by the Queen for that purpose, I will not delay transmitting to Your Imperial Majesty the summary of the information thus obtained, though I suppose the Queen herself has by this time caused it to be transcribed, in cipher and forwarded to Your Imperial Majesty. For unwilling as I have been until now to communicate to any of my subordinates the cipher which I possess—carefully kept under lock and key—I should have been obliged to apply myself to the task of ciphering with my own hand, which, unaccustomed as I am to it, is rather slow work. The confidential person above alluded to is to send me in a couple of days, or when I like, the alphabet of four different ciphers which king Francis or his ministers use in writing to their ambassadors in various countries, and I am only waiting for my man to be completely restored to health to obtain, through his agency, some of the most important original letters in the possession of this French ambassador. And as Your Imperial Majesty will not have much time to spare in reading, examining, and pondering over the said letters, much less reflecting on and wondering at the malignity and impudence of the writers, I will not trouble Your Majesty further with them, but will send the decipherings straight to Monseigneur de Granvelle, that he may report on the whole, humbly recommending to Your Imperial Majesty the gentleman attached to the French embassy from whom I have got the intelligence and trust in future to get the original letters above mentioned. Besides being a good Latin and Greek scholar, and well versed in legal matters, the person I beg to recommend is an honest and worthy gentleman, has talent and wit, and is well disposed to serve Your Imperial Majesty in France and elsewhere. Not only is he ready to accomplish any task that is imposed upon him, however difficult, but, as there is no talk yet of this ambassador being removed, he may, as he says, still do service here. Should the embassy be withdrawn, wherever the man goes he will perhaps be as useful as he has been hitherto. Your Imperial Majesty will no doubt attend to my commendations, and at the same time have pity on me, and order that my arrears of pension be paid by the Imperial treasurers.—London, 9 Oct. 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To his sacred Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, ix October."
French. Original, partly ciphered. pp. 1½.
9 Oct. 196. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 40–60.
The day before yesterday, in the afternoon, Your Majesty's letter of the 1st inst. came to hand, as well as the copy of the articles proposed by this king's ambassadors, and the answer made to each of those articles by Your Majesty's deputies. On this last I have nothing to remark, it having evidently been drawn out with all the care and circumspection that could be desired, both as regards the substance and the form.
Yesterday, whilst I was replying to Your Majesty's letter of the 1st, I received that of the 5th, and was very glad to find that what I intended to have written to Your Majesty by way of advice is in conformity with the answer given to the English ambassadors. That will enable me to defeat these people's arguments without jarring with what has been said there to this king's ambassadors; but my opinion is that Your Majesty must insist, and, without going backwards or forwards, keep firm and wait for my answer to the communications that this king's privy councillors cannot fail to make me. It was a very good idea that of stating in the answer that, if needed and required, I would here give my reasons for suggesting the course that has been followed. That cannot do harm; on the contrary, it may be useful, as it will give us an opportunity for gaining time and waiting for the result of the Emperor's affairs in other parts. Meanwhile it might come to pass that the people of Biscaye and Gipusque (Guipuzcoa), and their neighbours on that coast, who, as I am informed, have already sent their deputies to the Prince (fn. n1) and the Council of Castille in order to obtain the revalidation of their ordinances, attained their object If so the English would become as pliant and elastic as a glove; or, at any rate, the season and time will become riper for the Emperor to decide whether he is to enter into closer confederacy with England or not. The King and his Council might also, after hearing my arguments, become more reasonable, especially when they hear from me the particulars relating to the treaty itself which Your Majesty has been pleased to send me lately. It would not be amiss for me to have at the same time a duplicate copy of the principal treaty of commerce, as well as a summary of what has been done since, in order that I may be better armed for attack or defence.
Should the English ambassadors return without coming to any conclusion—which is most probable—Your Majesty might, at their departure, hold to them gracious and courteous language as heretofore, but not so soft and measured as to make them think that we are afraid. By this means the English will little by little be deprived of the benefits of trade, as I stated in one of my last despatches. No change or alteration to be introduced in the Emperors edict except in the way and through the means which I pointed out once. Neither are we to be intimidated by their bragging discourses and threats, for it is the nature of the English to boast and brag when they are most in fear, or do not know how to get out of the scrape; for certainly, had they known of any other mart for their goods except Anvers (Antwerp), even with less profit, they would have taken their produce elsewhere, for no other reason, as I think, than that of disappointing and vexing the citizens of that town, and others, of whom they are jealous owing to the prosperous trade they are carrying on.
Up to the present time there are no signs of their being in close communication with other countries, not even with France, for although they dissemble and appear to entertain the French offers with regard to the Princess' marriage with the duke of Orleans, I fancy that all that is dissimulation on their part, and also on the side of the French, for neither would king Francis like to see his son succeed to the crown of England, for fear war should break out between the two countries fiercer than ever, nor would this king wish to have so powerful a son-in-law for his neighbour; for not being loved by his own subjects, if he should die, his son would infallibly inherit the hatred of the English, (fn. n2) and being young, without friends, allies, or relatives to assist him, might easily be dethroned. If no other causes existed to disgust those two kings with such an alliance, it would be sufficient for each of them to recollect what happened when Mr. de Nassau passed through France and proposed in the Emperors name that very matrimonial alliance which the French are now bringing forward for their own particular ends, and which this king or his ministers feign to entertain, though he failed not at the time to speak to me in the strongest terms about it.
In seven or eight days hence the King is expected back. He has not, as it appears, gone beyond York, where he has been staying for some time waiting for the king of Scotland, as the common report and the preparations made in that city seemed to imply; but it appears that the cardinal of Scotland and others of his party were averse to the interview, so that the king of that country never came. The French ambassador left York before the king; he arrived in town ten days ago. Shortly before his arrival in London a cousin of his left post-haste with despatches for France, no doubt for the causes and occasions described in the adjoined letters, which were only put into my hands yesterday evening, so that I have had no time either to copy them or to put them in cipher, which would be necessary if the letters are, as I believe, to be sent to the Emperor, now far away. (fn. n3) I therefore most humbly beg Your Majesty to have the said letters ciphered and forwarded to the Emperor, wherever he may be at present, together with my own despatch concerning this business of the commercial treaty. But above all, I beg and entreat Your Majesty that the whole may be kept a secret.
I am now expecting from the same man four more ciphered alphabets which the French use in corresponding with their ambassadors in various countries; but these are things which cannot be obtained without paying for them heavily. That is why I would beg Your Majesty most humbly to give orders for the arrears of my salary—which is low enough, and hardly sufficient to cover my own expenses, considering the dearth of provisions in this place—to be remitted to me as soon as convenient.
The bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner) started the day before yesterday in quest of the King, who, as I said above, is coming to London. I will take care to ascertain as soon as possible how his report of the negociation, in which he has lately been engaged, has been received, and whether it has given satisfaction or not.
As to their mien and countenance when they heard of the Hungarian disaster and other particulars, I should have obtained the requisite information had it not been that my secretary, who is in communication with that of the French embassy, fell ill some days ago, and is still confined to his bed; but I hope that very soon he will be up again, when I shall not fail to acquaint Your Majesty with the whole.—London, 9 October 1541. (fn. n4)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 10.
11 Oct. 197. D. Francisco Manrique to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 95,
f. 200.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 31.
After our joint despatch of yesterday's date, herein enclosed, (fn. n5) I (Don Francisco) took leave of the queen of France, who gave me a letter for Your Majesty, and at the same time charged me to thank you verbally for the favor you had done her in advising your intended journey and the motives thereof. The Queen was glad to hear that Your Majesty had given further proofs of your friendship towards the King, her husband, thus fulfilling your duty towards God and man. As to herself, she has been very ill indeed, and almost on the verge of death, in consequence of the blood running to the throat and face, as if it were the measles. She is now better, though not well enough to be able to write to Your Majesty as long a letter as she would otherwise have wished. Both this verbal message and the King's letter and her own I intend, in obedience to instructions, to keep by me until we hear of Your Majesty's landing.
As to my own journey to this place [Lyons] where the Court now is, as well as the account of what passed between the Most Christian king of France and Mr. Marvol, Your Majesty's ambassador, both he and I in our joint despatch of the 10th have given a full account. Your Majesty will see by it how closely, as I imagine, in our conversations with this king and his ministers respecting your intended expedition [to Africa] we have followed the instructions and commands received. Yet I (Manrique) deem it necessary to supplement our joint despatch of yesterday's date by saying that though king Francis said to both of us that he was glad to hear of Your Majesty's determination to sail to Algiers, he told me (Manrique) in private that he would have wished that you had given him sooner notice of your departure, "for (said he) I should not have been put to the expense of sending troops to Provence and Avignon, under the impression that the Emperor might pass through those provinces; besides which, having heard that Our Holy Father, the Pope, wished to give him possession of the castle of Avignon in exchange for other fiefs and castles given to his grandson in Italy, I naturally had to dispatch thither 400 lances."
Nor was the King's excuse for having raised troops within his own dominions more satisfactory, for he said that his object had not been to break the truce and declare war; he had seen that the Pope and other Italian powers were arming, and so did he, in order to defend himself, if attacked. In reply I (Manrique) told him, according to instructions, the reasons there were for keeping the whole matter secret, &c.
When I took leave of him king Francis manifested great pleasure at the signs of friendship which Your Majesty had been pleased to give him through Mr. de Marvol and me. He begged both of us to certify Your Majesty of his brotherly affection towards you, and say that he will always be your friend. He immediately ordered the release of all the prisoners who are Your Majesty's subjects, with the single exception of the bishop of Valencya (Valencia), (fn. n6) whom he says he does not consider as such, and those of Avignon.
I could not wait in France until Your Majesty's subjects, such as couriers and others, were released, as otherwise much time would have been lost; but the King assured me that he would forthwith send letters patent throughout his dominions ordering the release of all prisoners, or will have them placed in the hands of Mr. de Marvol, Your Majesty's ambassador, for him to make such use of as he may think proper. I myself offered to be the bearer on my way back to Spain of the order for the liberation of the Imperial courier, who, having started from Genoa [to go to Flanders], was taken prisoner in Provence. My application, however, was refused on the plea that the measure was a general one, and, therefore, that all prisoners were to be liberated at the same time, in virtue of the letters patent. Of this courier the King pretends to know nothing; he says he never heard of his detention, and that in future all Imperial couriers shall pass through France unmolested.
As far as I can gather in the few days I have passed in France, the King's intention is to keep the archbishop of Valencia in prison where he is, and in all other matters adhere strictly to the truce for the present, and not make any movement until he is better prepared, or finds a suitable opportunity for declaring war.
His Holiness, it appears, asked the King to give the archbishop [of Valencia] up to him, promising to keep him near his person until his release was effected. The King's answer was that His Holiness ought not to take this trouble in the matter, for it was by God's especial favor that the archbishop's person had fallen into his hands at such a juncture. His Holiness' application, I believe, was warm enough, but I doubt whether his own ministers backed it very strongly, because I see them very desirous now of courting the King's favor and giving him pleasure in everything he says or does.
The Papal Nuncio told me the other day that, speaking to the King about the present truce, he fully promised not to break it for the present, thus giving Your Majesty time to look out for Fragoso and Rincon, as well as for the criminals (malhechores) in whose hands they might still be. I cannot say whether these words were said in earnest, or merely with a view to boast and brag; the fact is that when he (the King) spoke to Marvol and to myself about it, he only said that by no means would he break the truce, or in any way impede so good an undertaking as that of Your Majesty, especially under the circumstances. With regard to the archbishop, I did Dot press him much, knowing how obstinate the King is on such points, and thinking that it is unadvisable for Your Majesty now to urge this case too warmly, for, after all, it concerns the Pope more than you. The archbishop is still at Semur (Saumur), in the duchy of Burgundy; he is courteously treated, though under strict vigilance. Until now the King has not consented to the Pope becoming the arbiter of the differences between Your Majesty and him. He is willing enough to place the affair of Fragoso and Rincon in His Holiness' hands, but not other controversies and disputes, such as that of deciding which of the parties first broke the truce, Your Majesty or him. This arbitrage he refuses to put into his Holiness' hands.
The King will go this winter to Fontainebleau. Whilst at Lyons he passed in muster the gentlemen of his Royal household, who had come thither arrayed for war, and who are now returning home. In a like manner, when I passed through Turin, the general in command of the French forces in Piedmont, having heard of Your Majesty's determination to sail for the coast of Africa, left immediately and came back to Court. So that evidently winter will pass without the French making a hostile movement, and perhaps, too, the whole of next summer, for, as I am given to understand, king Francis is anything but rich just now.
With regard to the Turk, it is asserted here that he intends wintering in Hungary. Indeed, Marshal Hannebault told me the other day that his information was that in consequence of the auxiliary forces raised in Germany and Bavaria, and which were already marching towards Vienna, the Turkish commander had written home for reinforcements. The French are quite sure of the auxiliary force being en route for Vienna; on the other hand, they have no intelligence of the Turks having passed Buda, which city, it appears, they entered, committing all manner of atrocities, in consequence of their not having been well received by the inhabitants when they went thither the second time. Apropos of this, king Francis said the other day to the Papal Nuncio that had not Rincon's embassy to Constantinople been prevented, the Grand Turk would surely not have come so far and done so much harm to Christendom. But I must say that though the Nuncio is very much attached to France, he could not disguise his incredulity when he heard such a statement from the royal lips.
I leave France for Spain this very day, and will make as much haste on my journey thither as I made from La Spezzia to Lyons. I could not do less than remain here ten days, because, owing to the continual sports and chase in which the King is generally engaged, some time passed before he gave me audience. The King, I must say, received me well and with great courtesy, so did his courtiers, and I am inclined to think that if those who surround him were not badly intentioned, the King's condition would be more inclined to reason.—Leon (Lyons), xi. Oct. 1541.
Since writing the above, I have heard here at Lyons that yesterday Cesare Fragoso's brother coming from Italy passed post-haste through the city. A courier overtook him here with the following intelligence:—"Fragoso's dead body has been found, and his widow was coming to France to see the King." Great lamentations were heard here in consequence of the news; but I doubt whether further notice will be taken or any more stir be made, for, in my opinion, and that of these courtiers, this king has long suspected the truth of the case.
Spanish. Original. pp. 7½.
15 Oct. 198. Secretary Juan Vazquez [de Molina] to High Commander Cobos.
S. E., L. 53,
ff. 67–8.
B. M. 28,593, f. 35.
His Imperial Majesty embarked at La Spezzia on the 27th ult., and on the 28th, though the wind was unfavorable, prosecuted his voyage to Corsica. Then following the coast he went to Bonifacio, (fn. n7) where he stayed three days, not only on account of the weather being bad, but because he himself had felt very unwell with an affection of the chest. (fn. n8) Thence he came to Sardinia and landed at Alguer (Alghero), where he stayed four and twenty hours waiting for fair weather and prosperous wind, in order to cross the gulph of "El Hierro." The weather then improved, so that two days after we landed at Menorca. At Mahon the Emperor stayed one day for the galley-slaves to rest. Next day we anchored one league from this town (Palma de Mallorca), in order to make the day after, early in the morning, the public entry, which was very remarkable. The viceroy of Sicily (Ferrante di Gonzaga) was already in port with his galleys, as well as those of Naples and Genoa. God knows how very sorry I was that those of Spain were not already at anchor there, for according to a letter from the duke of Alba they could not sail from Spain before the end of October! To-day, the 15th, perceiving that the Spanish galleys have not yet arrived, the following resolution has, with the Prince of Melphi's advice, been taken, namely, that without waiting for the Spanish galleys we should at once sail for Cartagena. May it please God that he (Doria) be right, for there are not wanting people here who think that the best plan would have been for the whole fleet to go to Formentera, and there wait for the Spanish galleys. I am, however, glad that such a determination has been taken, and that His Majesty has decided that you also should be there, for in that way you will get rid of much annoyance and worry, and your convalescence and cure will be as effectual and sure as I and the rest of the Emperor's servants wish. Gonzalo Perez has restored me to life by means of a letter from Barcelona, stating that your Lordship has been free from intermittent fever (tercianas) for upwards of a fortnight, and that you have now fixed your residence in San Hieronimo. (fn. n9) I wish your Signory could come to Cartagena in company with the most Reverend archbishop of Seville, whose health might also be improved by his stay in that port.
The Emperor, I hear, is still inclined to go to Seville and hold Cortes there, that he may attend to business and then visit Granada, and afterwards Valencia and Monçon, in which last town he purposes to have his son [prince Philip] sworn successor to his royal crown. After that, his intention is to go to Italy in the spring, so as to be present in case of emergency, so that when he writes from Algiers and lets us know where he is going, most likely we shall all meet in Seville, where, as I say, the Emperor has made up his mind to hold the first Cortes.
Both the viceroy of Sicily and prince Doria are delighted at the idea of your coming to Barcelona. The infantry from Naples and Sicily is good—all picked men. I am not so much pleased with the Germans and Italians; neither are the Neapolitan men-at-arms in such good condition and order as the viceroy represented them to be.
I believe that the determination which the Emperor has taken of leaving this port without waiting for the Spanish galleys is, besides the above stated reasons, caused partly by the rumour that Cenaga (Senan Agá) is about to send a confidential person, who, by the way, has already arrived at Iviça, for the purpose of coming to terms with him and delivering Algiers into his hands, so much so, that a brigantine has already been despatched from this port to ascertain if there be any truth in the report. May it be so, for it certainly would be very agreeable for us to take possession of the place without striking a blow.
The main body of the landing forces is to be commanded by the duke of Alva; the viceroy of Sicily is to lead the vanguard. As to the generals of the various forces, they have not yet been appointed.
I found here the count of Alcaudete, with whom His Majesty has held many a conference, as he is supposed to have much knowledge of African affairs. (fn. n10) Juan de Ma. [Mendoza?] and Ruy Diaz, Don Francisco and Don Mendo de Benavides are also here. I cannot describe to you the pleasure I have had in meeting them. They wanted to take me to Da. Juana de Ril (Eril) and to other ladies, but I am so much engaged that I have not yet been able to attend them. To-morrow, if I have leisure, I purpose taking some recreation, for, as your Lordship very justly observes, I am no longer fit for anything else. (fn. n11)
Don Bernardino de Mendoza had gone to Cartagena when we arrived here. I wish he had been with us, because the galley on board of which I am is very indifferent, not to say wretched. The one in which I formerly had a berth I was obliged to quit by the Emperor's command and make it over to Señor Ottavio, (fn. n12) who is coming here to attend the expedition. Had Don Bernardino been with us, he would have accommodated me in one of his.
The Emperor has been pleased to order that this letter of mine should go by the galleys which are taking his jewels to Cartagena. The courier goes in them, to proceed afterwards to Madrid.
At the time that the Emperor had a fit of gout, at Bonifacio, he sent for Idiaquez and for me, and told us the bad way in which he had been, and was still, and that as he might suddenly die of a similar fit either at sea, or after his landing on the coast of Algiers, without his undertaking being accomplished, he had determined to leave matters so arranged that every one should know, after his death, what his purpose and intentions were: he wished the expedition to be carried on to the end. Two instructions were then drawn up similarly worded, only that one was signed "Carolus" and given to Idiaquez, the other "Yo el Rey." I was to keep this last in my possession. Since then His Imperial Majesty has come here, and is at present in good health, though I heard him say last night that his chest troubled him occasionally. I have no doubt that on his arrival at Algiers, what with the work and fatigue he is likely to take upon himself, the acrid humour which still oppresses him will be dissipated. (fn. n13)
I kiss your Signory's hands and those of the Adelantado.—Mallorca, xv. of October 1541.
P.S.—As I am closing this letter, they tell me that a courier of the king of the Romans has just arrived by sea, and that the news is that after leaving a garrison at Buda with stores and ammunition, the Grand Turk left for Constantinople, taking with him "El Fraile," the friar. I have not seen the courier myself, but my next will inform you if he has brought other news.
Signed: "Juan Vazquez de Molina."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
26 Oct. 199. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 232,
ff. 61–8.
I enclose to Your Majesty by duplicate a copy of the answer of the king of France to his resident ambassador in this country, by which answer Your Majesty will be able to judge what little appearance there is of the marriage in question being ever effected, inasmuch as king Francis demands the extinction of all quarrels, claims, and arrears of pension on the part of England, as if this were a thing of no importance, which really is not at all the idea these people have on the subject. I still maintain my opinion (ma folle opinion) that not only is there no inclination on the part of this king to treat of such a marriage, but that the Council of France itself is not in favor of it, owing to certain reasons, some of which I pointed out in former despatches; for if they formerly made difficulties about giving to Mr. d'Orleans the hand of the daughter of Mr. d'Allebrecht (d'Albret) for fear of making that Duke too powerful in France, as the Imperial ambassador there residing asserts, more formidable would he become if he ever succeeded to the throne of England. It might perhaps be that the extreme affection which king Francis is said to entertain for the Duke, his son, has perhaps induced him to solicit the said marriage against the will of the Dauphin and the advice of his Council, and that is why he begs and intreats his ambassador not to let himself be carried away by personal affection, but to regulate his conduct according to his (the King's) wishes and intentions, and wait for fresh instructions when he sees that the negociation is really progressing.
(fn. n14)
The French ambassador came the other day to surprise me at dinner time. Thinking that I would not be able to drag out of him any information with regard to king Francis' answer, and fearing also lest in conversing about political affairs in general some expression might escape me as to make him suspect, what is really the fact, that I have read king Francis' letters to him, I refrained from touching on politics, and there was only mirth and good cheer in the evening, besides some light conversation on his own journey to York, with which he seems by no means satisfied. He is only waiting to go to Court till he knows that the duke of Norfolk is already there. I fancy that he will find him colder than ever; formerly he showed more affection, owing to his own brother being ambassador at the court of France, but since the latter has been recalled it is clear that he (the Duke) will not take the affairs of France so much to heart. The French ambassador was very sorry to hear of that official's recall, especially now that, instead of the Duke's brother, the King is sending a man of very little stuff and still smaller quality to represent him, who has never been more than a mere clerk of the Council, which is no good sign of this king intrusting to him so important a negociation as that of a marriage.
These people have made no sign yet of having received Your Majesty's answer to their ambassadors, nor do I believe that they will before All Souls' Day, for on his return from York the King has given permission to the principal members of his Privy Council to go for change of air to their respective country houses. On All Souls' Day all are to meet again.
As far as I can learn, the King and the courtiers who are near his person have expressed regret for the disaster of Hungary, and had it not been that immediately after that the news of the Turks' retreat arrived, as well as that of the truce of six months between the king of the Romans and the former, I should have looked out for an opportunity to go to Court, and again solicit the King for help against the Infidel.
The bishop of Winchester has, I hear, been well received by the King; but up to this day I have no intelligence to communicate respecting him. I hope, however, soon to get some information from the same quarter; if I do, I shall not fail to transmit it.
By his last letter the Emperor commands me to address all my despatches under cover to Mr. de Granvelle, and therefore I beg Your Majesty to order (if not done already) that my last letters to Your Majesty, as well as the copies of those of king Francis to his ambassador, be forwarded to the Emperor's Lord Privy Seal.—London, 26 Oct. 1541.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 7.


  • n1. Philip, then about 15 years old.
  • n2. "Et de lautre couste ne vouldroit ung beaufilz si puissant et si voysin, mesmes pour non estre ayme de ses subjetz et sil venoit a mourir, que son filz pourroit heriter a la hayne des dits subjectz."
  • n3. From the 1st of October to the 24th of November the Emperor was engaged on his African expedition. At the date of this letter he was sailing towards Menorca, which he reached on the 13th.
  • n4. Several letters entirely ciphered are appended, being, no doubt, those above alluded to by Chapuys as procured from his French confidant.
  • n5. No inclosure has been found.
  • n6. "Y que él mandará luego soltar todos los que estan detenidos, salvo el arcobispo de Valencya, que dize quel no le tiene por preso, y á los de Aviñon."
  • n7. The Bocca, or Strait of Bonifacio, in Corsica.
  • n8. "Porque se sintió bien malo del pecho."
  • n9. A royal convent then in the outskirts of Madrid.
  • n10. "D. Martin Alfonso de Cordoba y Velasco, first count of Alcaudete, who, after several victories gained over the African Moors, was killed at Mostagan in 1558."
  • n11. "Tambien hallé aqui á Don Juan de Ma y Ruy Diaz, don Francisco de Benavides, y don Mendo, y todos [los] henamorados. No sabria dezir el plazer que he avido de verlos. Anma (Han me) querido llevar á ver á la Sa de Ril (Eril) y otras damas, y no lo he podido hazer hasta agora. Mánana, si pudiere, [me] recrearé un poco, que como V. Sa dice, yo ya no soy para más."
  • n12. That is Ottavio Farnese, the son of Pier Luigi, who had married the Emperor's natural daughter, Margaret.
  • n13. "Llegado á Argel con el trabajo que tomara se acabara de resolver aquel corrimiento que le hace daño."
  • n14. "A mi Sa Señora beso las manos, á Su Sta y las del señor adelo. Hechura de V. Sa que sus manos besa, &c." The Adelantado is here meant for Cobos' eldest son (Diego), who in 1540 was appointed Adelantado de Cazorla, or frontier captain of Cazorla; a military post on the Moorish frontier, of which the archbishops of Toledo had disposed ever since the middle of the thirteenth century, which had formerly belonged to the Azevedos, and became afterwards hereditary in the family of Cobos, first marquis de Camarasa.