Spain: Appendix

Pages 513-527

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.

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— March.
252. Francis I. Declaration respecting the Truce of Nizza.
S. E. Roma, L. 875,
f. 44–6.
After perusing the articles brought from Spain by Mons. de Brissac, (fn. n1) as well as the letters of Our ambassador, the bishop of Tarbes (Castelnau), both of which bear testimony to the desire which Our good brother, the Emperor, entertains of living in perpetual harmony and friendship with Us, We cannot but declare that We have been exceedingly pleased at such a manifestation of his goodwill towards Us. That the Emperor may, therefore, know how much We Ourselves desire to keep up that friendship and render it indissoluble and everlasting, We now promise under oath to keep the following engagements:—
1st. We faithfully promise to him (the Emperor) on Our word of honor to be constantly, and as long as We live, a good and loyal brother to him, to aid and defend him and his honor, as We ourselves would aid and defend Ours; to help him against all his enemies, whoever they may be, and otherwise procure his greatness, exaltation and honor, as We would procure Our own; to take under Our protection, and during his absence, his wife, the Empress; and to assist with all Our force and power his Spanish subjects, as well as those of Flanders, Burgundy, Low Countries, Naples and Sicily, whenever they may require or want Our help, and as many times as they may claim it. In a like manner We should wish the Emperor to act towards Us.
We also promise and swear to keep inviolably, and observe faithfully, the 10 years' truce made at Nizza, and after the expiration of that time to keep at peace with him during Our natural life, preferring his friendship and alliance to that of any other Christian king.
With regard to the marriage of Our nephew, the prince of Spain, (fn. n2) with Our much beloved daughter Margaret, (fn. n3) and the promise made by the Emperor in the presence of Messieurs de Tarbes and de Brissac not to contract any marriage alliance during the 14 years of the Prince's minority, We have taken the same engagement for Our daughter in the presence of the Imperial ambassador.
Respecting that of Our beloved son, the duke of Orleans, to Our very dear niece, the infanta of Spain, (fn. n4) the Emperor's eldest daughter, or to the second daughter (fn. n5) of the king of the Romans, We approve entirely of the excuses offered by the former to Messrs. de Tarbes and de Brissac, and his late answer on the subject. We, therefore, promise and swear in Our son's name to consider it from this time as an engagement not to many until the said Princesses be of marriageable age.
We further approve of the articles which the Emperor has written and signed respecting this very matter, wherein he declares that he will dispose of the duchy and state of Milan in contemplation of the said marriage in such a manner that We shall have cause to be contented. We have perfect confidence in Our good brother, that past differences between Us being thus settled, everlasting peace will be secured, and that means will also be found to arrange matters between Us and the duke of Savoy.
For the sake of greater security We have signed this present declaration and had the seal with Our Royal arms appended to it.
Spanish translation from the French. Contemporary copy. pp. 11.
—Sept.—Oct. 253. Pope Paul's Instructions to Card. Rosario, (fn. n6) going as Nuncio to Austria.
S. E. Roma, L. 875,
f. 55–6.
After Our most cordial salutations you will declare to the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) what pleasure and joy We have experienced at hearing of the peace he (Ferdinand) has just concluded with king John. Already at the beginning of Our pontificate We had endeavoured to put a stop to the effusion of blood, sending you (Rosario) both to him (the king of the Romans) and to the then waywod of Transylvania for the express purpose of making them mutually lay down their arms, and attend to the defence of Christendom menaced by the Turk. All your efforts were then vain; now We send you again to those countries to congratulate king Ferdinand on the peace, which has at last been effected at Our instigation, for bishop Martinuzzi having come to Us on behalf of king John, soliciting Our mediation, We could not do less than take up the latter's cause, and try to persuade the king of the Romans to come to some sort of agreement with him.
You will, therefore, request the king of the Romans to ratify the peace with king John for the reasons We have already stated, and need not repeat here. You will then declare those you yourself have for your journey to Hungary and Poland, namely, to the latter country to convey and give to the new king, Sigismond Augustus, (fn. n7) the sword and the cap blessed on the night of Christ's birth, and to Hungary that you may put into the hands of the new bishops the Apostolic letters confirming them in their respective bishoprics, (fn. n8) and at the same time exact from them the customary dues and fees, which are to be exclusively spent in the fortification of towns against the Turk.
Our chamberlain will also tell the king of the Romans that when We asked the Transylvanian bishop (Martinuzzi) (fn. n9) what number of men his master, and likewise the king of Poland, could furnish as a contingent towards the general expedition against the Turk, that bishop answered Us that he had no mandate from his master to that effect. That is why We wish to know now what number of men king John and the king of Poland will raise in case of a Turkish invasion, and We send thither both the bishop of Modena (Morone) and you (Rosario), Our chamberlain, for that particular purpose.
You will signify to the king of the Romans Our deep regret for the death of cardinal Trent, (fn. n10) in whom both he and the Emperor have lost a valuable and virtuous ecclesiastic, and the Roman Church one of its most zealous defenders.
Lastly, you will inquire from the King whether there be anything that you can do for him there, in Hungary.—Rome,———1540.
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
30 April.
254. The Sentence against the People of Ghent.
S.E., L. 654,
f. 25.
Let it be known to all how, after mature deliberation in Our Council, composed entirely of knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, ministers, masters of Requests, and other worthy personages, We say and declare, as Our definitive sentence, that the inhabitants of Ghent have no right whatsoever to the claim they advance, and that notwithstanding the three privileges which they allege—one of count Guy in 1296, another in 1234 of Louis de Nevers, and a third of Madame Marie in 1476, they will have to pay all dues to Our crown, besides all the expenses incurred by Us during their last rebellion, as well as be compelled to refund with interest all the money they may have borrowed from merchants of the town and others, &c.
Spanish translation of the Emperor's Sentence in Flemish.
n. d. 255. Pope Paul's Instructions to the Cardinal of Brindisi. (fn. n11)
S. E. Roma, L. 875,
f. 64–6.
Arrived at the court of Ferdinand, king of the Romans, the Cardinal will offer him Our greeting and congratulations on the peace concluded between him and king John [of Hungary]. He will likewise congratulate him on the marriage of his daughter Isabella (fn. n12) with the son (fn. n13) of the king of Poland [Sigismond].
After that he will tell him that by letters of Giovane [Morone], the bishop of Modena, and Our Nuncio near His Majesty, We knew already that he was of opinion that some sort of agreement should be entered into between Catholics and Lutherans, and that We should send Our commissaries to that effect; and We, who upon every occasion have always had due regard to the King's piety, zeal for the Catholic religion and other good qualities, have determined to follow his advice, and send you and your colleague to Germany for the said purpose. You will make Our excuses for the involuntary delay by such suggestions as may come to your mind, which will not be a difficult matter to manage, it being well understood that such affairs cannot be disposed of in a short time.
You will tell him that had no other cause influenced Us in the step We are now taking of sending you thither than his own sincerity and zeal for religion, that would have been quite enough to urge Us on to accede to his wishes. But that in the present case, besides the King's authority and reputation, there is another object to be attended to, which is the reintegration of the Church. He who built the edifice of that Church intended it to be one and indivisible (unicam, integram), and, therefore, it is worthy of consideration that the union of temporal and ecclesiastical rights in Germany cannot co-exist without conformity of religion, or if it does exist, cannot last but a very short space of time, and yet as far as Germany is concerned—especially now-a-days that by its advanced position it is called upon to defend Christendom from the Turk—there can be no doubt that the aforesaid union may be profitable.
It is, therefore, incumbent upon Us to send you thither; it is principally for the reintegration of the Church that you are sent, and yet it is both advisable and convenient that wherever you may happen to stop on your journey, you may say, if asked, that the object of your mission is quite different, lest the Lutherans should, as they have done at other times, construe that acquiescence and unity of Ours into a sign of weakness and fear. This is merely said for your own instruction, rather than to be repeated to king Ferdinand, to whom We have frequently written on the subject.
You shall have two sets of instructions concerning the said reintegration of the Church, of which one is fuller than the other. You may show the one and the other to king Ferdinand; to other people you will only show that which is the less explicit (debilius). Our object in thus doing is this, that if no treaty be made there be less injury done to Our Apostolic dignity.
You will explain these things to king Ferdinand, and if by chance he should tell you that in his opinion a larger number of commissioners is required, you will answer him that considering the small importance of the affair (attenta debilitate principii) two people are enough for all purposes, but that should there be a chance or probability of the matter coming to a conclusion, then, in that case, We shall be glad to increase that number.—[Rome,———1540.]
Latin. Copy made by Berzosa. pp. 2.
n. d. 256. Instructions to the Cardinal of Brindisi.
S. E. Roma, L. 787. Whereas by letters of the venerable father John, bishop of Modena, (fn. n14) Our Nuncio at the court of Ferdinand, the king of the Romans, We are informed that he has some hope of being able to reduce to the pale of the Church those inhabitants of Bohemia who once separated from it, and although that reduction has frequently been attempted, though in vain, We have thought that when you visit Hungary on certain business intrusted to your care, you may go also to the neighbouring country of Bohemia, and see what can be effected there for the good of the universal Christian church.
You will signify to king Ferdinand, without whose authority nothing is to be done in the matter—that in the present state of political affairs in that country (Germany) it would be much better for him not to have anything to do with it. You are, therefore, before all things, to investigate what may be the King's ideas on the subject. Should he agree, you may at once proceed on your journey; but if for some reason or other he (the King) were of a contrary opinion, you will abstain from it and not go on, taking care, however, that no one knows that you had a mission from Us and that the object of that mission had not been accomplished.—Rome,———1540.
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
— Mai. 257. Instructions to the Same.
S. E. Roma, L.
f. 581.
On your arrival at the court of Our son in Christ, Ferdinand, king of the Romans, you will try to ascertain whether king John will see you with pleasure; because if he should not, as some do assert, you are not to go to Hungary, but shall remain in Austria, without, however, telling anyone that you had such a mandate and commission from Us. If, however, you should hear from king Ferdinand or from a person of authority at his court that your visit will be agreeable, you will then go to him, salute him in Our name and congratulate him on the conclusion of the peace between king Ferdinand and himself. Then you will try, with your usual dexterity and experience of affairs, to ascertain how much each of those princes believes himself to be indebted to Us for having advised and promoted the said peace between them; and above all you will endeavour to arrange matters in such a way that your journey thither, if undertaken, may not appear as virtually dependent on king John's will, or that We Ourselves had any doubt in the matter, but you will try to make people believe that you are sent thither merely to congratulate him on the peace lately made, as it has always been the custom of Our predecessors to do whenever peace is concluded between two Christian princes with the intervention of the Holy Apostolic See.
And whereas king John's ministers have written to Us that their master wishes Us to confirm certain nominations of bishops made by him, you will tell him, should he speak to you on the subject, that you have from Us a mandate and commission to that effect, and that when you have reported to Us on the qualities and merits of each of the ecclesiastics appointed, We shall not fail to confirm them And let not king John suspect that We consent to that in order to secure the dues and rights of the Papal Chamber and College, since, considering the poverty and distress to which his subjects have been reduced by the past wars, We fully intend making a motion in Consistory proposing the suppression this time of all fees and perquisites due on the occasion.
And whereas another petition of king John was laid before Us to this effect—that We be pleased to pardon and absolve from censures those ecclesiastics who during the past troubles and civil discords, which have afflicted Hungary, had taken up arms and committed homicides, We are determined to please him also in that respect.
Other petitions of king John have likewise been presented. We say nothing about them now, because the King's agents here at Rome have already received an answer on each of them. That you may, however, know what to reply to the King's questions, if interrogated concerning them, We enclose you a memorandum of what has been resolved about them. (fn. n15) — Rome, May 1540.
Latin. Copy. pp. 1½.
— May. 258. Instructions to the Bishop of Modena.
S. E., L. 877. Whereas John Faber, the bishop of Vienna, at the preparatory meeting, held before the diet of Spires, said and declared that it would perhaps last longer than people anticipated, should the said diet be prorogued, as there is every appearance that it will be, and should religious matters be discussed therein, there can be no doubt that Our Most Holy Father, the pastor of the Christian flock, will, for the sake of saving his sheep, send thither one or more legates, and do everything else that may be deemed necessary for that purpose.
So it was that after receiving the letters from cardinal Farnese, and from the legates residing at the court of His Imperial Majesty and of his brother the king of the Romans, dated Gandavi (Ghent) 12,14, 16, and 27 of April, and having likewise read the Emperor's instructions to his ambassador, the marquis de Aguilar, His Holiness, after consulting his College of cardinals at the first Consistory, decreed as follows:—That owing to the pressure of time, which did not allow of sending to Germany a member of the Cardinals' College, the legate once sent to the Emperor's court, and who was still residing in Flanders, should again be sent to His Imperial Majesty, and to his brother the king of the Romans.
There was in the same consistory a motion in favour of another cardinal being appointed to accompany cardinal Neocastro, and although His Holiness at first did not object to that, but was rather in favour of the appointment, yet considering the shortness of the term fixed, the dangers and fatigues of a long land journey, and above all the age and infirmities of the one who might have been chosen for the purpose, he decided not to appoint any one. There was still another reason for that, namely, that legate Farnese had written on the 22nd of April that the Emperor would shortly signify, through Poggio, the Nuncio in Spain, what faculties and authority His Holiness' legate was to take to the Diet. His Holiness, therefore, refrained from naming then any cardinal to accompany Neocastro on his mission, though it was then settled that should the news from Germany and Flanders be different from what they were at the time, the appointment and nomination should be made. Meanwhile the bishop of Modena (Morone) was appointed, &c.—Rome, 15 May 1540.
Latin. Copy by Berzosa.
9 June. 259. The Emperor's Instructions to Mr. de St. Vincent, his Ambassador in France.
S. E., Francia,
L. 878.
King Francis having sent to his ambassadors, the bishops of La Vaur (Selve) and Hellin, a memorandum and instructions respecting the truce and the investiture of Milan, of which affair the King himself spoke to you and to Mr. de Peloux, gentleman of Our chamber, in a very different manner from what We anticipated, We have deemed it necessary to have the following memorandum prepared for your guidance.
After placing in the King's hands the holograph letters, as well as the credentials of which you are the bearer, you will tell him how pleased We have been at hearing by the instructions to his ambassadors, as well as by his conversation with you, that he is aware of Our perfect readiness to fulfil the engagement taken with the bishop of Tarbes and Monsieur de Brisach (Brissac), on the very same terms proposed and stipulated in the instructions which you and Mr. de Peloux took to France. Indeed, We flattered Ourselves that in doing so We not only fulfilled a duty and prepared the way for the settlement of Our mutual differences, and the establishment of a lasting peace, but did also a great service to Christendom—threatened by the Turk. But since it is not so, and king Francis refuses to accept either of the means proposed in Our last memorandum, adding that it is better for the present to leave matters as they are, We charge you to express to him Our sincere regret that neither of the two means proposed for the cession of Milan to him has met with his approbation.—Brussels, 9 June 1540.
Signed: "Charles."
Countersigned: "Bave."
French. Original draft. p. 1.
n. d.
260. The Chancellor of Milan to the Emperor.
S. E. Roma, L. 870.
f. 1.
To-day the ambassador of the Most Christian king residing at the court of His Holiness (Paul III), accompanied by a gentleman sent expressly by the king of France to treat of the Fragoso and Rincon affair—asserting on the part and in the name of the said king that the above-named Cesare Fragoso and [Antonio] Rincon had been (salteados) and made prisoners on the Tissino, at its confluence with the river Po, in the duchy of Milan, and carried away by some of the Emperor's soldiers, by order and command of certain Imperial ministers in Italy—called in Consistory, demanding that the said Cesare Fragoso and Rincon be delivered from the prison in which they are or may be, and placed in the hands of the Holy Father, as well as all those whom the French ambassador accuses of having been implicated in their capture, according to the information and reports obtained by the king of France, which the ambassadors then and there exhibited before His Holiness.
The French ambassador further asked His Holiness for his judgment and decision on the case; that the prisoners be at once placed in his hands for the sake of evidence, and that all those whom His Holiness may wish to examine as witnesses be also brought to his presence; for, as the ambassador alleges, His Holiness, owing to his Papal dignity, has full right to interfere in such cases, especially in those relating to the observance of treaties of peace between Christian princes, the more so that the truce existing between the Emperor and the king of France was effected at his prayer and intercession.
The answer of the Imperial commissioners present at this demonstration of the French ambassador was as follows:— That His Holiness must be fully aware of the measures and steps taken by the Emperor, as well as of the legal enquiries made in the case of Fragoso and Rincon, which were well known and patent at the time, and could be proved by his own letters to his ambassadors at the court of France, by the account of what the King himself said to the Imperial ambassador when first he heard of the case—which letter was shewn to the Most Christian King and to his ministers —as well as by the judicial enquiries which Your Majesty's ministers had instituted in the State of Milan, enquiries in which a gentleman sent to the Marquis del Gasto by the wife of the said Fragoso to complain of the case, also took part. Besides which, at the request of Mons. de Velly, ambassador of king Francis, and of a cousin of his, sent to the Emperor for the purpose, the latter sent them all the papers and documents relating to the case, which papers and documents the French ambassador's cousin, with the intervention of the very gentleman sent by Fragoso's wife, did carefully examine, having also enquired minutely into the case, interrogated witnesses and so forth, as has already been declared and demonstrated, His Imperial Majesty having besides offered to place in His Holiness' hands any other testimony or proof that might be required. In addition to which, the Emperor, for the sake of peace and of his own justification, and that His Holiness might be persuaded of his real sentiments on that score, as well as of his respectful consideration for his person, and his wish that Christendom at large may understand that his wish in this, as in other things, is to keep and observe the treaties of whatever kind they may be—chiefly those closely connected with or affecting Christendom, and especially those concerning Papal authority and his own person—besides what he himself has testified to His Holiness, as well as to the said ambassador and gentleman, has over and over again declared that he never knew that the aforesaid Cesare Fragoso and Antonio Rincon had ever been or were actually in any part of his dominions, much less prisoners in his power. If they really were, he at once would declare them free and amicably surrender them to the king of France. That he is very glad to hear that His Holiness is about to take up the case of Fragoso and Rincon, and consents to his becoming the judge thereof, and deciding who it is who has wilfully broken the truce—himself or the king of France; and that for such a judgment and declaration His Holiness be invested with full power to enquire minutely into all the alleged cases of contravention by the Emperor of the truce made at Nizza, and ratified at Aigues Mortes in 1538. That the inquiry be made in all the dominions and territorial possessions belonging to the Emperor, and that His Holiness' commissaries may for that purpose have access to all fortresses and castles where they may suspect that the said Cesare Fragoso and Antonio Rincon are kept in prison, as well as for the examination of witnesses, and ultimately proceed to the punishment of those who may be found guilty. The same to be done in all other cases of contravention which may be brought against him. All the above, provided the king of France shows readiness to make a similar submission on his side, and that the same rule be observed in all cases of contravention, whether they concern the Emperor or the king of France.
The above act of submission in the form and manner above detailed has been signed on the part of His Imperial Majesty by ———, and on the part of the king of France by ———, both promising in the name of their respective masters to have the said convention ratified or inviolably observed.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 5.
Aout—Sept. 261. The Same to the Same on the Answer to Mr. de Hannebault's (fn. n16) Overtures.
S. E., L. 877. What language is to be held to the French gentleman sent by Mr. Hannebault, supposing that he will only speak in general terms, and merely say that king Francis is inclined to keep the truce?
Ought His Imperial Majesty's ministers to accept simply such a declaration, and make a similar one on the Emperor's part, without, however, mentioning or alluding to past differences and to king Francis' most intimate relations with the Turk? Or is the person deputed to bring the said message and overtures to be informed of certain rumours afloat respecting the King's intention to break the truce?
Is king Francis to be reminded through the said gentleman of certain words uttered by Mr. de Langes (Langeais), and by the generality of his own ministers, implying that the truce must be considered as broken, and war as certain, at the same time assuring the gentleman in question that the Emperor could never imagine that such words had been uttered by king Francis, since he himself has lately written to Mr. de St. Vincent that he is, on the contrary, ready to observe the truce most faithfully?
It is very important to decide whether on this present occasion, and others that might supervene, it will be expedient to speak to the envoy about the increase of French forces in Piedmont, at the same time touching incidentally on the German levies which the Emperor intends to make, explaining the cause thereof, and maintaining that both the Germans and Italians are raised for no other purpose than the defence of Christendom and the invasion of Turkish territory, and, therefore, that Piedmont does not require in the least to have its garrisons increased. This last question is of much importance, and some resolution or other ought to be taken before His Imperial Majesty embarks for his expedition against Algiers.
It will also be necessary to know what else is to be done respecting the legal proceedings instituted in the case of Cesare Fragoso and Rincon, so as to clear it up altogether to the satisfaction of the French. This ought to be done at once, whilst the Emperor is in these parts, since the French have had recourse to His Imperial Majesty, and suspect the marquis del Gasto, governor of Milan, to have had a hand in it. It is the more needed that unless the French are positively convinced that His Majesty's ministers are not mixed up with the affair in question, they may, whenever it suits them, do the same, or take it as a specious pretence for breaking the truce, or else keeping it no longer than it suits them. That they (the French) will detain Mr. de Valence in prison, in whose release His Imperial Majesty is particularly interested, and which he will promote by every means out of respect for the Bishop's person, as well as for his own reputation, and likewise on account of the co-adjutorship of Liege, which church, for want of a prelate, might be exposed to serious inconveniences. For if the said archbishop of Valencia be still kept a prisoner, His Majesty will have still greater reason to complain to the Holy Father of that prelate's detention, as well as of the non-observance of the truce, and beg him to make the French understand that sufficient justification respecting the case of Fragoso and Rincon having already been offered, the archbishop ought at once to be released, and the money and jewels taken from him restored.
It will therefore be requisite that His Majesty, either motu propio, by letters patent, or through councillor Boissot, the Imperial commissioner appointed on our side, with the consent and approval of the French ambassador, do order a legal inquiry to be instituted, and that the French themselves may examine the witnesses, even the twelve individuals whose testimony, according to Mr. de Langes, might be adduced, and generally make any other they like, or pretend to make, relating to the case.
Besides the above-mentioned steps, in order to ensure the observance of the truce, it seems important to take measures for the security of this State of Milan, and generally speaking of the whole of Italy, so as to keep the latter at the devotion of His Imperial Majesty. Already the inhabitants of this State are much pleased at the mere announcement that His Imperial Majesty is about to visit them, and are disposed, as well as prepared, to show their affection in every possible way. That is why, were the Emperor pleased, as the occasion and opportunity offered, to show to the Milanese, generally and individually, the reciprocal affection he feels for them, that would be a most desirable step under the circumstances. Besides which, as everything will depend upon the conduct of the French, and the wish they may have of observing the truce, and also upon what may be treated with the Holy Father with respect to Milan, it seems as if, at the present juncture, it would be advisable that the security of the Duchy should be provided for, as in that manner the Milanese (les manants et habitants du duche) will show still greater affection for the Emperor, and assist him with their persons and property.
To this end it will be advisable to inquire in what state of defence the fortresses and castles of the Duchy are at present, and also those that the duke of Savoy (Carlo) still retains. Likewise if it should be necessary now or in future to raise levies of men, horse and foot; where those levies are to be made; of what nation, and how they are to be paid, and above all in what manner the inhabitants of the Duchy can help towards its defence. As to the duke of Savoy (Carlo) it has to be considered how we are to deal with him and his subjects; how we can help him in case of need, and secure him against the ill-will of some of his own servants, now that president Lambart has died. The same may be said of his son, the prince of Piedmont (Emmanuele Philiberto), and of the castle of Nizza guarding against the danger of the Duke's son or the castle falling into the hands of the French.
Nor will it be amiss to take precautions about Gennes (Genoa), considering the insistance of the French to get possession of that city somehow, the inconstancy of the Genoese themselves, and the inclination of part of the inhabitants; for if the French once set foot in it, one may easily conceive the inconveniences that may arise.
It would be desirable to find means for the renewal of the confederacy made at Bologna in the year [15]33 between the late Pope Clement, His Imperial Majesty, the dukes of Ferrara and Mantua, and the republics of Florence, Genoa, Siena, and Lucca, stipulating the sum which each of those states was to contribute, and appointing Antonio de Leyva commander-in-chief, with several captains under him, which confederacy lasted until the death of that general. It may, however, be apprehended that there will be great obstacles in the way of that confederacy being renewed; for, in the first place, there is His Holiness' visible inclination always to remain neutral; then there is his disinclination to expend money (debourser argent); and last, not least, on the side of the duke of Ferrara, there is his being now allied by marriage to the reigning family of France. As to His Holiness, the cause of the defence of Italy might be described to him, as it was to his predecessor [Clement], under such lively colours that his scruples may perhaps be surmounted. The same may be said of the duke of Ferrara. It is also to be considered whether the overtures for this confederacy—in case of the plan being approved by His Imperial Majesty—are to be brought forward immediately, or delayed until the Emperor has had his interview with the Holy Father. In the former case, whoever of the parties proposes the thing first, is sure to raise the suspicions of the other; whereas, if the matter is delayed, there is the danger of the Pope being unwilling to sanction it.
Siena ought to be looked after; it is important to know how the government of that Republic is to be conducted, and in whose hands it is to remain for the future.
The lord of Pomblin (Piombino) and his lordship. He must not dispose of it without the Emperor's previous knowledge.
Are all the Swiss cantons, or some of them, Catholic or Protestant, to be addressed on these matters, and touching the Valesians?
French. Original draft. pp. 3½.
n. d. 262. Ferdinand, King of the Romans. Instructions to Diego Lasso de Castilla and Bonacorsi (Buonaccors) di Grino, his internuncios at Rome.
S. E. Roma, L. 2005,
B. tom xv., fol. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 151.
They are to deliver their credentials and make the following declaration:—
1541. The Apostolic Nuncio residing at this court, and Otho of de Fruchsiis, gentleman in waiting to His Holiness Pope Paul, have declared in the presence of the Imperial ambassador, and of the commissioners of the Catholic League, that His Holiness, the Pope, is ready to join the confederacy, and yet that he can in nowise approve of the recess of Ratisbone (Regensburgh). If, however, two of the articles of that recess are altered, the Pope would accept the offer made to him of becoming a member of that league. The ambassadors are to assure His Holiness that neither the Emperor, nor he himself (the king of the Romans), nor, indeed, the rest of the members of the Catholic League, intend in the least to do, or will permit anything to be done, likely to impair or diminish the authority of the Apostolic See.
They are, nevertheless, to beg His Holiness to contribute one fourth part of all the expenses of a league, which has been concluded for the express purpose of defending the Catholic religion and the Holy See, especially as he (the king of the Romans) and the Emperor, have taken upon themselves to contribute also another fourth part to the expenses, notwithstanding that they are rendering services in the League in other respects. The remainder of the total expenses to be defrayed by the other members of the League individually, who, in addition to their contribution in money, will have to expose their states, subjects, and even their own persons to great dangers and inconveniences from the moment that war breaks out.
They are, in short, to beg His Holiness to keep in readiness 60,000 ducats for the above-mentioned purpose. (fn. n17)
Latin. Copy from the Archives at the Vatican made by Berzosa.
n. d. 263. Idiaquez to the Archbishop of Toledo.
S. E. L. 52, f. 356.
f. 23.
By the ordinary courier from Flanders a letter of the 27th of June, from the marquis de Aguilar has been received. Martin Alonso arrived [in Rome] on the 19th of that month. Finding that the Pope was absent, he went after him, met him at Pagliano, had a talk with him, spoke according to the instructions he had from the Emperor, and then continued his journey. The principal topic of his conversation with His Holiness was the diet [of Spires]; the resolution being that which Martin Alonso himself communicated by the last post, to which communication an answer has already been sent.
Martin Alonso says in his letter that both the Legate and His Holiness' Nuncio complain bitterly of D'Andalot. It appears that the Pope ordered the arrest of one Hieronymo di Carpi, who had been once a chamberlain of the duke of Florence [Alessandro dé Medici], and that the duchess [Margaret] was rather in favor of him owing to his having been once her husband's servant. Whilst he was being conducted to prison by the "barracelo," Andalot, followed by some of his own household servants, came out of his house, and rushing upon Hieronymo and his escort delivered him. He was then taken to the Quirinal and presented to His Holiness by the Duchess, Ottavio Farnese, and by the Cardinal [Alessandro], as well as by the marquis de Aguilar, saying that he was innocent of the crimes imputed to him, and urgently requesting that he should be examined. The charge against him is that he has said, among other things, that the Pope did actually order the death of cardinal Medici. His Holiness, on the Duchess' intercession, pardoned the accused, but is still very indignant against D'Andalot.
There are letters of the 16th of June from the viceroy of Naples [Toledo]. At that date Martin Alonso had not yet arrived in that city. Eighteen fustees of Turkish privateers were infesting the coasts of Pulla (Puglia). Letters from that locality say that the privateers had made some havoc and carried away prisoners; whilst others assert that Scipione di Somma had attacked and defeated the Turks, slaying some of them, so that the enemy had gone away without causing any harm on that coast. (fn. n18)
Spanish. Original. 1½ p.


  • n1. Mr. Charles de Cossé-Brissac. See above, pp. 75, 100–1.
  • n2. That is Philip, born in 1527.
  • n3. Marguerite de Valois, youngest daughter of king Francis, born the 5th of June 1523.
  • n4. Maria, born in 1528.
  • n5. Catharine, who in 1549 was married to Francesco Gonzaga, duke of Mantua. Her elder sister (Isabella) was already betrothed to Sigismond II., king of Poland. Ferdinand had at this time another daughter called Eleanor, born in 1534, and who in 1561 was married to Guglielmo Gonzaga, duke of Mantua.
  • n6. That is Virgilio Rosario, vicar of Rome since 1537, and who died in 1559.
  • n7. Sigismond Augustus had not yet succeeded his father, Sigismond I., or the Great.
  • n8. On this confirmation of Hungarian bishops, appointed by John, see above, pp. 113, 116.
  • n9. About this bishop, whose full name was Georgio Martinusio, I find in Moroni's Dizionario di erudizione storico - ecclesiastica (Venezia, 1847, Vol. XLIII., p. 179), that he belonged to the family of Wisenowiski in Croatia, but took early his mother's name. That in 1508 he entered the cloister at Castoconiano (?) in Poland, where he became acquainted with John, waywode of Transylvania, then an exile, owing to the king of the Romans having expelled him from his estates. In May 1534 John had him appointed bishop of Peter Varadin, then councillor and minister of Finance, and, lastly, regent and tutor of his son, John Sigismond. He became a cardinal, and died in 1551. There is a life of him by Antonio Bechet, Storia del ministero del cardinal Giorgio Martinusio, Paris, 1715.
  • n10. Bernardo de Clesis, who died in September of this year.
  • n11. Hieronimo Aleandro di Mota, from 1524 to 1572, cardinal in 1536.
  • n12. Isabella, the King's eldest daughter. See above, p. 514.
  • n13. That is Sigismond Augustus, who, after his father's death in 1548, inherited the throne, and reigned until 1572, when he died without posterity. His marriage to Isabella had not yet taken place.
  • n14. Giovan Morone. See p. 280.
  • n15. The memorandum alluded to is not in the packet.
  • n16. Claude d'Hannebault, Annebault, or Annebaut, lieutenant-governor in Piedmont, and marshall of France. See above, pp. 202, 345, 370-1, 415.
  • n17. There is no date to these instructions, which bear some resemblance to those in Vol. IV., Part II., pp. 21 and 955.
  • n18. The letter, which has no signature at all, is besides undated, though it appears from the endorsement that it was written by Alonso Idiaquez—then the Emperor's chief secretary or minister of Foreign Affairs—to the archbishop of Toledo (Juan Tavera). The Emperor was in Italy at the time on his way to Lucca, where his interview with Pope Paul took place (13 Sept. 1541), and therefore it is natural to conclude that Idiaquez' letter must have been written between the 22nd of August, when the Emperor reached Milan, and the 18th of September, when he left Lucca. See Gachard, Voyages, &c., and Bradford's Itinerary of Charles V., pp. 526–7.