Spain: August 1547, 16-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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, 'Spain: August 1547, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549, (London, 1912) pp. 133-145. British History Online [accessed 18 May 2024].

. "Spain: August 1547, 16-31", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549, (London, 1912) 133-145. British History Online, accessed May 18, 2024,

. "Spain: August 1547, 16-31", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549, (London, 1912). 133-145. British History Online. Web. 18 May 2024,

August 1547, 16–31

Aug. 17. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Since receiving your Majesty's letters of 30 July last, I have sought every opportunity of gaining access to the Protector, but as he has been much occupied in putting in order the army destined for Scotland, our interview has been postponed until his return to London. But as it appeared to me that he was putting it off unduly I sent to him the day before yesterday to learn when it was his pleasure that I should wait upon him for the purpose of laying before him the mission with which I had been entrusted by your Majesty. He replied by my messenger that he was coming to London at the end of the week, and was himself anxious to confer with me. I have therefore, Madam, not been able to send you any reply to the contents of your letters, but I will do so without fail immediately after I have had my interview with the Protector.
I have no doubt, Madam, that you will have received information that three ships of Flushing, bearing letters and licence from your Majesty authorising them to execute all acts of war against the enemies of his Majesty, either Scots or sea pirates, had captured a pinnace belonging to the King of England, and were afterwards brought into the port of Harwich by the English ships of war. The men who had thus brought them in reported the outrage to the Protector, saying what had been done to the said pinnace and also previously to certain English fishermen who had been plundered and stripped of everything by the same Flushing vessels.
The Protector thereupon sent to me and authorised me to judge the case myself. I presume that he took this course because he thought that one of the Flushing ships, which had been separated from the others by bad weather and which had on board many of the English sailors, might have arrived in Flanders. But hearing subsequently that this vessel, like the others, had arrived at Harwich, he sent to me again to say that he would place the whole matter in my hands; and although he was of opinion that the ships might be released, he nevertheless thought it advisable that the captains should be summoned to London, in order that they might be examined as to what had taken place. I replied that for the purpose of ascertaining for myself what the facts of the case were, I had already sent to the port of Harwich my secretary with instructions to examine the men on both sides and get at the truth. On his return, I said, I should have great pleasure in sending to the Protector a full report of what had occurred.
I thanked him also for the honour that he had done me in referring to me the judgment of the matter, although I perceived that some limitation had now been placed upon the reference, inasmuch as at first he had referred the matter to me absolutely, whilst after the arrival of the third vessel in Harwich he had demanded that the captains should be detained. I accepted this, however, on the condition that the same treatment should be extended to all English captains who were accused of injuring the subjects of the Emperor. After the Protector had been made acquainted with the evidence contained in my man's report, he sent the English captain (of the pinnace) to me, and I heard what he had to say in the presence of one of our (Flushing) captains. I finally decided that there had been roughness and injury on both sides, and I informed the Protector that in my opinion our men had suffered very severely, and that he should dispose of the affair as might seem to him best. On this he at once ordered that the ships were to be released freely, all property on both sides being restored to the owners.
You Majesty will also have learnt that the French galleys that went to Scotland have returned after the capture of the castle of St. Andrews, which it is said has been razed. The English have sent a large force of horse and foot against the Scots, and the Protector himself is very shortly to follow them; but I shall be able to write all about it to your Majesty later, after I have seen the Protector; for although they have information of the French warlike preparations they do not appear to be at all alarmed at them. I will do my best to learn what is going on.
London, 17 August, 1547.
Aug. 18. Simancas Estado 806. Van der Delft to Prince Philip.
As usual, I have continued to write to his Majesty (the Emperor) everything that was happening here, presuming that your Highness would be duly advised of what I wrote; for which reason I have refrained from troubling your Highness with my letters. I cannot, however, now help writing to your Highness, to describe how these people (the English) are going with great forces by land and sea against the Scots, who recently with an army of twenty-five thousand men entered into lands held by the King of England, he having conquered them from the Scots in the last war. Here they (the Scots) captured and razed a castle, and simultaneously eighteen French galleys with some ships arrived off the Scottish coast and cast anchor before another castle called Saint Andrews, which was occupied by those who had murdered the Cardinal (Beaton); these men being much favoured and supported by the English. After a few days bombardment the castle surrendered to the King of France but the French handed it over to the Scots, whilst they (the French) returned home with large sums of money which it is said they discovered in the said castle.
The Earl of Warwick, General of the (English) army, has already started with the forces, and it appears that the Duke of Somerset, uncle of the King, who is here called the Protector, as chief ruler of the realm and guardian of the King, is also to go to Scotland. He is however detained here by the rumours that the French have collected a great force of men near the Boulogne frontier, consisting of German and Swiss mercenaries, and these people (the English) are of opinion that this force is more likely to be directed against them than against the dominions of his Majesty the Emperor. In all probability they only await some pretext for war, and I will duly advise your Highness of what happens.
A few days ago the case of Captain Renegat (fn. 1) was enquired into. This captain had seized the ship coming from the Indies to Spain, and the embargo placed upon English property in Andalusia was the consequence, upon which subject your Highness has written to me. Renegat refused to confess that he had taken so much gold and pearls as the claimants assert in their statement that they have lost, and the King's Council therefore decided to order restitution to be made to us of at least what he had confessed to have seized; and in regard, to the rest to deliver to us the person of Renegat in prison in order that justice might be done upon him as reason dictated. But as it would be more advantageous to the claimants to obtain some recompense for the loss they had suffered than to keep the man in prison, the Great Master (i.e. the Great Master of the Household Lord St. John) who at present is acting as Lord Chancellor, has agreed with me amicably to settle the whole business to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. I expect that this will shortly be done and other grievances similarly settled.
Your Highness will have learnt that the widowed Queen (Katharine Parr) has married the Lord Admiral, brother of the Protector, and he (i.e. Lord Admiral Seymour) will remain here with the Council to take the place of his brother during the absence of the latter in Scotland, after which it is expected that the Lord Admiral will be made a duke.
Madam Mary does not reside at Court, as she was sent away to the North country to inspect some properties which had been assigned to her for the maintenance of her establishment. I have since heard, however, that she did not go so far and is returning to London.
Madam Elizabeth the second daughter of the late King is staying with the Queen (Katharine Parr) also away from Court.
London, 18 August, 1547. (fn. 2)
Aug. 23. Simancas Estado 644. The Emperor to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.
In addition to the contents of our other letter which goes with this, we think better to instruct you that if after having taken all the steps directed therein you find it quite impossible to move the Pope to stop the sessions of the Council (of Trent) at Bologna, until the protest against it arrives, you will, as if of your own accord, and in the form you may consider most fitting, propose that the procedure of the said session, and the whole of the other acts of the Council shall be entirely suspended until it is seen what course is taken in this coming Diet.
It seems to us that this expedient will be less prejudicial than for us to enter into inconvenient conditions, and especially those that have been mentioned there (in Rome) and you have conveyed to us. If you see that the Pope and his friends will agree to this proposal in a way that will give us some assurance, you may certify them that you will be able to bring us to consent to it. But you must take great care that no other period or time is fixed or mentioned for resumption of the sittings, taking your stand solely upon the formula just stated: namely, “until we see what course will be taken in the Diet.”
It is considered that the Pope, with his belief—which we understand he holds—that the Protestants will not submit to the Council nor approve of its resolutions, may incline towards this idea of suspending or supercession, and the Protestants as well, especially those who will not willingly submit or agree, seeing the difficulty that presents itself to the return of the Council to Trent. This it is thought will make them consent to the suspension or supersession the more readily; and if both parties thus consent to it the Council will have to be held where and how it ought to be. (fn. 3) You will consider whether it will be likely further to bring the Pope and his friends round to the suggestion, if, as a matter of confidence, the text of the protest should be shown to them by you, or whether it will be better for you to tell them as much as you think fit of the contents.
Since the above was written we have received your letter of the 15th instant, and your account of what had passed between you and Cardinal Farnese has been most carefully considered. With regard to the matter of the Council we do not see how any other course can be taken than that indicated in the other letter and in the present.
We may advise you that since we wrote last the Legate has seen Granvelle again, and whilst confirming his assertion that he had received no fresh instructions nor particulars, he dwelt at length, as if of his own accord, upon the difficulties he had formerly pointed out to the return of the Council to Trent, and especially in view of the apprehended death of the Pope. He said he did not see that the return of the Council was now so urgent as to outweigh the grave difficulties enumerated, especially, he said, as he had understood from Granvelle that means might be found for settling the remaining questions without their being discussed in the Council. To this Granvelle had replied that, in addition to the other considerations which had been advanced by us, we pressed the matter of the return of the Council to Trent in order that the Germans might have no pretext for declining to attend it on the ground that was held in a foreign country; and also because the preachers and learned men of Germany who had usurped the ecclesiastical properties and were now enjoying them, being probably in fear of the Council and unable to give a satisfactory account of themselves if they attended it, might be drawn into some way of concord and compromise, and we did not wish to come to any agreement with them without the authority of his Holiness and the Council.
In addition to this, it might well happen that in case of negotiations for a compromise those apostate priests who have taken wives might insist upon retaining them, and the lords who had promoted or permitted the administration of the Sacrament sub utraque specie might demand toleration for this either permanently or for a fixed period, on the pretext of fears of popular tumult; and we have no wish to put our hand to any such things as these without the authority of the Pope and the Council. If the business was finally brought to some tolerable compromise it would likewise have to be passed by his Holiness and the Council, and indeed in this and other points our intention was to respect in all things the authority of the Holy See. Granvelle enlarged upon this, in order to allay the fear and suspicion which it is commonly reported the Pope and his friends entertain, of our intentions in this matter and in the Reformation generally. The Legate was embarrassed how to reply to the aforegoing; and, as if of his own accord, then proposed the supersession of the Council: the sittings in Bologna being stopped, and that the Council should remain in statu quo until it was seen what course would be adopted in the Diet: but he said that he did not wish to be quoted as proposing this, as he did it entirely on his own initiative. Granvelle however rejected the idea entirely, on the ground that this could not be apposite for the necessities above mentioned. This course was taken in order that you might negotiate in Rome with greater freedom, either in the direction traced in the former letter, or in that of the supersession, which however you must only use as a last resource; because if they will not consent to the return of the Council to Trent the whole affair would be totally quashed.
With regard to what you write about Cardinal Farnese's remarks respecting the coming hither of the Cardinal of Trent as Legate; if he will agree to either of the two solutions here set forth and they like to give him a Commission as Legate, you will not reject the idea, but encourage it so far as you may consider convenient. But this must be done cleverly, so that the Pope and his friends may not thereby conceive more suspicion of the Cardinal of Trent than they already entertain. If it is decided finally to send him you must take care to get his powers and authority as ample as possible as that will be desirable for the success of the business.
Aug. 24. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Emperor to Van der Delft.
We have thus far delayed our reply to your letters of the 24th and 27th of last month, in consequence of our having been somewhat indisposed for some days past, but now, by the grace of God, finding ourselves better and in fairly good health, (fn. 4) we are unwilling to defer any longer the sending of this letter in answer to those from you.
Referring to the first point, of the concession that the Protector has made out of consideration for us, in the matter of restoring to our subjects the estates they held in the Boulognais, the business has been very well managed, and it will be better still when the property has been actually handed over to the owners. You will not slacken in your efforts to have this effected, but will use every diligence, in accordance with the instructions that the Queen Dowager will send you.
With regard to the complaints that the Protector made to you about religion, you replied very prudently and properly. In the matter of the pension, which he says the French have offered to him, of course he would naturally refuse to accept it, if only in the interests of duty and decency. The good-will that he displays towards us must be encouraged to the utmost by you on all occasions, and you must lose no opportunity of confirming the Protector in these favourable sentiments. In order to provide you with an additional opportunity for doing this we are enclosing herewith letters for the Protector, the tenour of which you will see by the accompanying copies. You will deliver these letters to him in the most convenient way that occurs to you, and by virtue of the credence with which the letter concludes in your favour, you may say whatever you think will be most suitable to keep him firm both with reference to our regard for him personally, and with our intention to keep inviolate the treaties, to maintain firmly and sincerely our perfect friendship with the young King of England, as we have amply declared already to the English Ambassador here. Our address on the subject to the Ambassador has been put into writing, and we are sending you herewith a copy of it for your own guidance.
Referring to the passage of the French galleys towards Scotland, the wall the English are building at Boulogne, the negotiations in England of the Duke of Ferrara's envoy, and all the other subjects mentioned in your letters, you are doing very well in advising us in detail of everything that occurs, and we shall consider it a good service to us if you continue in the same course. We also approve entirely of your having spoken to our cousin the Princess (Mary) and of your discreet procedure in endeavouring to discover the terms of the late King's will with regard to the allowance, etc., of the Princess, and to her late mother's dowry. You will always act, as far as you can, in favour of the Princess and will assure her of the affection with which we regard her. In addition to this you will continue to obtain such further information on the points referred to as you can manage to obtain by any means without arousing the suspicion and jealousy of the English.
Referring to the communication made to you by the Protector of the remarks addressed to him by the French ambassador respecting the disputes between them touching the limits of territory, the fortifications, the money due to the English and the raid that the Scots had made, and especially with regard to the Protector's remark that if they (the French and Scots) went any further we were aware what our obligations were in the matter, a similiar representation has been made to us here by the English Ambassador, in accordance with special instructions that were sent to him by the Protector and the Council. In answer to this representation we used similar terms to those contained in the present letter, to which you will also adhere. If they speak to you again about the assistance (fn. 5) being given to them you will courteously confine yourself to the said reply and excuse yourself from entering further into the matter, by saying that you have no instructions. This has appeared to us the best course for us to take for the present, and the reply we have given should the more readily satisfy, the Protector, having regard to the hope which he expresses of being able to bring the Scots to reason, in which case there will be no need to pursue any further the question of the assistance.
Touching the appearance of the French galleys before the castle of Saint Andrews, the news has since reached us that the castle itself has been captured. Indeed the French are boasting about it, and are trying to palliate their action by saying that they have been able to carry through the enterprise without contravening the treaties in force between them and the English. They explain this by alleging that the place was held by some Scottish rebels, and vaunt that the fortress, being now in their possession, they mean to keep it for good, whether the English like it or not. We inform you of this so that you may let us know how the English take the capture, and how affairs in general are, and will be affected between the English and French in consequence of these events. You will use all possible diligence in advising us promptly and often of this and all other news.
With regard to the ships which they say have been captured from our subjects, we have heard nothing beyond what you tell us. Let us know anything else you hear on the subject.
Augsburg, 24 August, 1547.
Aug. 25. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
The Protector having decided to go and join the army, which he had despatched already under the command of the earl of Warwick to encounter the Scots, I took the opportunity of communicating with him for the purpose of asking him to grant letters-patent directing the restitution already verbally granted to the subjects of your Majesty of their properties in the Boulognais to be carried out, and also to discuss with him other private affairs entrusted to me by the Queen Dowager.
In conversation with him about this enterprise of theirs against the Scots, I said that I very much feared they would find the task more difficult for the want of the castle of Saint Andrews, which has been captured by the French galleys. They (the English) had, I said, as it seemed to me, been deceived by those who had held the castle; recollecting, as I did, what he had told me before; namely that these men had determined to hold the said castle in the name of the King of England to the very death. We had witnessed, I said, what a slight resistance they had offered, after all, to the French; and it appeared that they had not provided the place with any proper munitions for defence. The Protector replied to this simply that he had never been able to persuade the men who held the castle to put it into the hands of the King of England, nor could he get them to surrender to him the son of the Regent (Arran) whom they held in their power.
He then referred to the French, and said that they had maltreated some of their people (i.e. the English), and had even put some of them in their galleys at Rouen with the prisoners captured at the castle of Saint Andrews. He mentioned the great preparations that were going on in France; Germans and other troops being placed on a war footing, and he gave me plainly to understand that he had not much hope of maintaining the peace with them, although he was sincerely desirous of doing so. In any case, he said, he had well armed and provided all the strongholds and places on both sides of the sea, and consequently that they were in a position to defend themselves if attacked.
Amongst other things he told me as a great secret that Don Pier Luigi Farnese Duke of Parma and Piacenza had sent to tell him that if he was willing to come to an arrangement with him he would help him against France, and get the Pope to let them (the English) enjoy what they at present held in the same independence as at present. Continuing, the Protector said, “We know very well that Don Pier Luigi is in close alliance with the French, and is in somewhat evil odour with the Emperor; but nevertheless, he said, look what the Pope is ready to do for the purpose of forwarding the interests of his own family.” He had replied to this, he said, that under no circumstances need anyone expect that he would ever make any treaty to the prejudice of your Majesty. On hearing all this, Sire, I had some suspicion that it might well be an artfully devised plan to sow jealousy between your Majesty and our holy father the Pope. I therefore pressed the matter more closely with the Protector, saying that the whole business might very well be designed for the purpose of deceiving them (the English), and it would be well to keep in view what could be the final object of the Duke (Pier Luigi) in thus offering his assistance against his own ally, and in volunteering to influence the Pope to the extent he said. “Perhaps,” replied the Protector, “he distrusts the Emperor.” I gave him an absolute reply to this, whereupon he showed me a letter of credence from the said Duke and the signature of his surname, and said that he trusted me to keep this matter quite secret.
When I was bidding good-bye to him he said that he was leaving instructions to the Council that all affairs concerning your Majesty and other negotiations entrusted to my charge were to be promptly despatched. I thanked him for this, but nevertheless expressed my regret that the fair words extended to me had not, so far, produced much effect; though, I said, I would not communicate this to your Majesty, as I did not wish to cause you displeasure before I received the final decision of the Council on the various just complaints and claims made by your Majesty's subjects. The Protector promised me to recommend the Council to expedite matters, and he begged me to remember him to your Majesty as your humble and loyal servant.
The principal members of the Council remaining in London are the Archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) Lord Saint John, Great Master of the Household who is still holding the Great Seal of Lord Chancellor, Lord Privy Seal (Lord Russell) Paget, now Controller, Sir Anthony Browne and Secretary Dr. Petre, with one other Councillor whom the Protector did not name to me. This made me think that he might be his brother the Lord Admiral, who has married the Queen (Katharine Parr) and that he would be left here to preside over the others. But the Protector afterwards told me that his brother was to go to the West of England to see after anything that might be necessary there. The Protector said that he expected to be back here in six weeks.
(The rest of this letter is a repetition of Van der Delft's letter to the Queen Dowager of the same date.)
London, 25 August, 1547.
Aug. 25. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
After waiting for some days the arrival of the Protector in London, I lost no time after he came, and visited him immediately for the purpose of executing the instructions which your Majesty had sent me in your last letters of 30 July.
I thanked him on your Majesty's behalf for the justice he had done in restoring to the subjects of the Emperor their properties in the Boulognais; and I requested him to grant letters-patent for effecting the said restitution. He asked me why we needed letters-patent, since the restitution would be made without fail in any case; and I explained to him how very necessary they were. He thereupon remarked that the letters-patent would not be of much use, for the present at all events, because the principal governors and commanders of their places in the Boulognais to whom the letters-patent would have to be addressed were mostly now in England to go on the Scottish campaign. In his opinion, therefore, he said, it would be more expedient that your Majesty should summon to you all those who would benefit by the restitution and cause them to furnish you with an exact specification of the properties claimed by them; and he trusted that your Majesty would take such measures as would effectually prevent any person from claiming property that did not rightly belong to him. After he had received this specification, he said he would immediately take care that the restitution should take place without any failing or delay. Seeing that I still pressed my point and asked for the letters-patent the Protector said: “I pray you write what I have told you to the Queen, for I am sure her Majesty will approve of it, and the whole matter will be arranged by her, as she knows much better than we do who are the persons entitled to have their properties restored in accordance with the agreement.”
It was quite evident to me, Madame, that this answer was dictated solely by the scruple they entertain of restoring estates to people not entitled to them, and by the wish to avoid the reproach that such a thing would bring upon them (the English). They therefore are anxious that the schedule or specification of the claimants and their respective properties should come through your Majesty. On my grumbling somewhat and making some complaints, the Protector said that he had enjoined the members of the Council who were to remain in London to do every sort of justice to my claims; and he continued that I was to communicate with them anything that might arise on behalf of your Majesties, as he himself intended to start for Scotland the next day.
I observed that I was afraid that they would find their enterprise somewhat thwarted by the loss of the castle of St. Andrews, in which matter, it seemed to me, that they (the English) had been deceived, having regard to what he had told me previously as to the firm determination of those who held the castle to live or die faithful to the King of England. It seemed, I said, after all, they had not made much resistance to the French attack, nor had they laid in proper munitions for the defence of the place. The Protector made no answer to this, except that he had never been able to get these people (i.e. the defenders of St. Andrews) to hand over the castle to the King of England, nor could he obtain the surrender to him of the son of the Governor of Scotland (the Regent Arran), whom those inside St. Andrews had in their power in the castle. He hoped, nevertheless, to do well in Scotland. He complained that the French had placed in their galleys at Rouen, with the (Scottish) prisoners captured at St. Andrews, certain Englishmen whom they had found there; and he repeated to me what had passed between him and the French Ambassador here on the subject.
In this he clearly indicated that he had not much hope of a durable peace with them; and also that, although they were fully aware of the German (mercenaries) and other soldiers that the French had concentrated around Boulogne, he (the Protector) did not appear at all apprehensive of danger in that direction. They think, indeed, that they are quite safe, because they have abundantly supplied all their places on the French side, as well as the ports of England. He has even refused to accept foreign mercenary troops for special service, (fn. 6) indeed he has even dismissed the Italians who formerly served the King of England. I have heard nevertheless from a person in their confidence that Captain Courtpennick (i.e. Conrad Pennick) will be sent.
Whilst I was engaged in this conversation with the Protector the Queen entered; and in order to conduct her he left me, offering himself as he bade me good-bye for a good and loyal servant of your Majesties. He had before this mentioned to me the names of those in whose hands he had left the Government during his absence. They are, first the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord St. John, the Lord Privy Seal, the Controller, Paget, Sir Anthony Brown, a Secretary, “and,” said he, “there is one other.” As he did not name this last one I concluded that it must be his brother the Lord Admiral, and that he was leaving him here as the chief of them: but he afterwards told me that he was sending his brother the Lord Admiral to the West country to provide for any emergency that might arise there.
He himself he said hoped to be back in London again within six weeks.
Everybody here is in great expectation of the exploit that this army of theirs will effect. They have twelve thousand infantry and more than four thousand horse, besides the men who go by sea in two-and-twenty ships, well equipped and furnished. The weather has not been favourable to them, and three hundred of the best soldiers whom they had taken out of Boulogne to send to Scotland have been drowned. I will keep your Majesty well informed of what happens.
London, 25 August, 1547.
Aug. 29. Simancas Estado, 644. Granvelle to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.
The courier despatched by you on the 22nd instant arrived with your letters this afternoon, and as the matter of the protest was dealt with fully in the despatch that left the day before yesterday, I have not considered it necessary to give an account of what you say to his Majesty, as all he would do would be to refer to what had already been written to you. I will only add that since the letters for you left here, the Legate Sfondrato and the Confessor have been in conference, and the Legate gives us to understand that if the general reformation is not discussed in the Council nor the person and authority of the Pope, but these questions are left to private settlement between his Holiness and his Majesty the Emperor, the return of the Council to Trent could be easily arranged. Of everything that may be done in this matter you shall be duly advised; but do not on this account slacken in your efforts to fulfil the instructions that have been sent to you in writing namely that either the Council shall return to Trent or the whole business shall be suspended or superseded indefinitely until the course taken by the Diet shall be seen; this being the most convenient procedure for the reasons set forth in the letters sent to you.
With respect to the coming hither of the Cardinal of Trent as Legate, you will have learnt from his Majesty's letter that far from being out of the question, this would be very desirable if he brought ample powers, as no doubt he would, considering his position and high standing; and I am confident that his Majesty would be glad if you could manage to get the Cardinal sent as Legate. Apart from the advantage that would accrue to the present negotiation, it is very necessary for the Cardinal to be here for the business that may occur in the Diet. Referring to the wish expressed in Rome for information as to what Sfondrato would think of this, it may be piously assumed that he will not relish the idea of another Legate being joined with him.
In reply to what you say in the letter to his Majesty about going to Siena, and that you thought of taking with you the Auditor Mohedano and Juan Luis de Arazonia, I, with a father's privilege, to say to his son exactly what he thinks, am of opinion that it will be very inappropriate to take these two personages in your company. In the first place there is not the slightest necessity for their presence in Siena for the settlement of the affairs of that Republic, which, in effect, consist chiefly in police and government rather than in points of law. You may very well be aided in these respects by the opinion of Senor Fernando, (fn. 7) and by the information of Eraso, who has had such long experience of affairs there. The Sienese would be much displeased to see these two jurisconsults brought to make new laws for them and to curtail their liberties; and if you take them with you simply for company I should think it would be much better to take instead of them, two or three gentlemen of the short-robe. It may be that owing to the business of the protest you may not have left for Siena when this letter arrives in Rome, and I have therefore thought well to say plainly what I think about this. His Majesty gets better every day, thank God, and my legs are also improving.


  • 1. Particulars of Renegate (or Reniger's) depredations in reprisal for some injuries done to him in Spain will be found in the last volume of this Calendar. A large number of Spanish claims were made against England in consequence, and a Spanish merchant long resident in London was the attorney for the principal claimants. It will be seen in the course of the present volume that the case was subsequently settled with Carrion by the cession to him of certain immunity from Customs dues on specified goods imported by him.
  • 2. In the letters he writes to Prince Philip in Spanish Francois Van der Delft hispanolises his name to “Francisco Delfos” and the above letter is thus signed.
  • 3. i.e. in the Imperial dominions and under the unchecked control of the Emperor's representatives.
  • 4. Van de Ness records in his imperial itinerary that the Emperor was about to take his usual remedy of the newly discovered Indian bark wood on 1 August when he was attacked with jaundice which troubled him all the month.
  • 5. The assistance which the Emperor was bound by treaty to give to England if English territory was invaded. For particulars of this see the last volume of this Calendar.
  • 6. So far from this being the case Somerset at the time was in negotiation with certain Spanish captains who had served Henry VIII. at the siege of Boulogne and afterwards and were living in London on English pensions to raise fresh bodies of mercenary foreign troops, Spaniards, Italians and Burgundians to serve him in the Scottish campaign. There were many of such troops at Pinkie and the victory was stated to be in a large measure due to the dash displayed by a body of foreign harquebusiers under the Biscayan Colonel Sir Pedro Gamboa. Particulars of the services of these men will be found in the present writer's Espánoles é ingleses en el Siglo XVI.
  • 7. Ferrante Gonzaga, Governor of Milan.