Spain: September 1547, 16-30

Pages 150-162

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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September 1547, 16–30

Sept. 18. Simancas Estado 806. Italian letter, unsigned, dated from London, giving an account of the victory of the Protector Somerset over the Scots.
I have thought well to send you the present letter to inform you of the good news received from Scotland, where the army of our King of England entered on the 2nd of this month, and on the 10th encountered the enemy, who had a strength of 40,000 men. Thank God our side gained the victory with great destruction of the Scots, 15,000 of the latter being left dead upon the field, besides a multitude of prisoners captured, the greater part of the Scottish nobility being killed or taken. The Governor (the Regent of Arran) has escaped. They say that about 800 of our men were killed, and a few taken prisoners during some skirmishes early in the engagement. The Earl of Warwick, the general of our army, has laid siege to Edinburgh the capital of the country, and by this time it has probably submitted to him. The fleet had met the Scottish fleet and there was a severe fight between them, but, thanks be to God, our side proved the stronger, and our fleet is now at a place called Leith, which they intend to fortify; so that it may be hoped that our King (Edward VI) will have the whole country subject to him, either by force or agreement. The Queen has retired to a castle called Stirling which can hardly hold out against our force, for the Earl of Warwick is only four miles away, and the Protector with a fine force also; so that it may be captured if desired.
Sept. 19. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Learning that Controller Paget had come from Court and had immediately proceeded to the French Embassy, I sent to ask him to say when he was pleased that I should wait upon him. The following day he himself came to see me, and amongst much discourse touching the complaints of the Emperor's Flemish subjects against the English, I mentioned the really scandalous proceeding they have adopted in the casting down of the images which were here in the churches. I could not imagine, I said, that God would tolerate such actions for long, and especially since they were accompanied here by such contumelious behaviour, He replied that it was quite true that they had ordered to be removed the images of saints which were worshipped as miraculous, but that if anything beyond that had been done, the fault must lie with the Commissioners who in that case would be punished.
He then laughed and said: “Of course that was the reason why you sent and asked when you could speak to me”; whereupon I said that the reason why I had done so was that I wished to put an end to all the complaints and points of dispute, especially that of Lope de Carrion, upon which there was only one insignificant point now outstanding. I hoped, I said, that he (Paget) who had successfully found a solution for several other troublesome claims made by the Emperor's subjects, and had even brought Lope de Carrion's almost to a conclusion, would finish the work. He promised me to do so, and indeed, he effected it there and then, so that Lope de Carrion is now satisfied and will be recompensed by the enjoyment of certain privileges with regard to customs duties, in the form of what are called here licenses.
Since then Paget has sent me word that he has received letters from the Protector with great and glorious news of their victory over the Scots, and in order to learn full particulars of the matter I sent at once to Oatlands, where the King and Council are, with my hearty congratulations for the victory. Paget caused me to be informed that after the entry of the English forces into Scotland, the enemy had endeavoured to hold certain passages, but had always got the worst of it. The Protector had penetrated so far into the country that he was only four miles away from Edinburgh itself, and knowing that the whole army of the Scots to the number of twenty-four thousand men were advancing towards him, he had decided to be beforehand with them and to occupy a mountain which stood between the two armies. In order to do this he sent a body of two thousand light horse for the purpose of reconnoitering, who came into contact with an ambuscade of the enemy some of whom were killed and some captured.
On the following day, which was the 10th of this month, when the Protector was advancing towards the said mountain, he heard that the enemy was approaching him in order of battle; and he sent out his cavalry to skirmish with them. Upon their approach the advance guard of the enemy, who were on horseback, dismounted, and crossing their lances, which are in the same fashion as pikes, they stood together in such close order that the English could not do them much harm. The two forces were all the while marching towards each other until they were so close that they exchanged shots. The Protector then decided to send the Earl of Warwick with a good body of horse to take the enemy in the rear, and in order to carry out this operation more unobservedly, he took advantage of the wind and had some smoky fires lit. This enabled the Earl of Warwick to surprise the rear guard of the enemy who were so completely taken unawares that after making a very slight resistance they took to flight, the conclusion being that those who began the panic were those who have an understanding with the Protector. When the rest of the enemy's army saw their rear guard in full flight they followed its example, and they were so actively pursued by the English that there were some fifteen thousand of them either killed or taken prisoners, the Earl of Huntley being amongst the latter: he having been in command of the rear guard, and one of the principal of the Scottish nobles. When this Earl was led to the Protector's tent he said that all the Scottish nobility had been undone on that day, and that with two thousand horsemen the English might range whithersoever they pleased. (fn. 1)
The Governor (the Regent Arran) who led the battle escaped, and from what I can understand George, Earl Douglas, who formerly belonged to the (English) King's party, but had afterwards assumed another attitude, did his best for the advantage of the English during the engagement. On the same day that this battle was fought the King's (of England) ships with other vessels loaded with victuals entered the port of Leith, whither it is believed that the Protector has gone, and has sent a part of his forces with his Scottish adherents to take the city and castle of Edinburgh, where it is presumed that the Regent has taken refuge.
The courtiers here are not boasting so much about this victory, although they believe now that they hold the whole of Scotland in the hollow of their hand. They are even saying that it is not the valour of their men that has won them this great victory but the grace of God alone, since the enemy being so powerful and resolute to fight, was nevertheless so quickly defeated and with so little loss on their side. They calculate that they have not lost in all more than two hundred men, although private letters are to hand which speak of five or six hundred, amongst whom, however, there was no person of quality. The Earl of Warwick is greatly praised. Lord Grey, captain of Boulogne, was wounded, as well as others of position but none dangerously.
The French Ambassador here is sending a gentleman of his to Scotland to-day; but I have not been able to discover what his object is. I observe clearly, however, that this Ambassador is not so brave in words towards these people as he was before. In order to find out something about it, I asked Paget on what terms they were with the French; to which he replied: “We are fighting the French with words and the Scots with arms”; and at once changed the subject.
In the matter of this visitation of the churches and the introduction of certain articles in the services it is said that the bishop of London (Bonner) in accepting the same employed certain expressions very little indicative of obedience; as the Commissioners, who are none too favourable towards him, interpreted them. He has therefore been put into prison where he still remains. (fn. 2) I expect that the Bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) wise and circumspect as he is, will be more careful how he bears himself, and will accommodate himself to circumstances.
London, 19 September, 1547.
Sept. 19. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
(In a letter of this date, of which the first portion is identical with that of Van der Delft to the Queen-Dowager of the same date, the following additional paragraphs are contained, referring to the interview described at length between the writer and Paget.)
During the course of the same interview, in answer to an enquiry from him (Paget) as to whether I had received no letters from your Majesty, and how you were in health, I told him that I had good news of the convalescence of your Majesty, whereupon he rejoiced greatly. I told him also that I would not conceal from him that I had rendered such a report to your Majesty of what the Protector had communicated to me that your Majesty had sent me a favourable letter for the Protector. It seemed to me that this was exactly what he (Paget) had wished for, as he endeavours to support the interests of your subjects here more than anyone, and to respect all agreements with you, in order to keep your Majesty friendly and contented, in close amity with the King of England. This your Majesty will have understood by my letters touching the practices of the Duke of Parma and Piacenza; and, in good truth, there is no other member of the Council who so closely takes to heart all that concerns your Majesty, or who knows so much or can do so much as Paget, seeing that the Protector himself does nothing of importance without him. Your Majesty may perhaps think it advisable to confirm him in his attachment by a gracious word or two in a letter.
London, 19 September, 1547.
Sept. 19—Oct. 15. Simancas Estado 644. The Emperor to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.
In consequence of the Emperor's indispositions and frequent journeys, Mendoza's letters of 12, 16 May, 5, 19, 26 June and 14, 16 July have remained unanswered. The present letter will deal with all the open points in them.
Your arrival in Rome and reception by the Pope, with the various addresses you have made to him in our name in discharge of your Embassy are all noted and approved; as is also what passed between you and the Legate Sfondrato at Viterbo, respecting the Council, the peace with France, the submission of England to the Church and the various points touching the Pope personally.
You have already been informed of the proposals made to us by the Legate at Bamberg, where he met us on the road from Saxony, and our reply to him. As he has not since then proceeded any further in his mission there is nothing more to say about it until we see what else he has to add.
Everything that you have said and done in the matter has been marked with the good sense, prudence and cleverness we always expect from you. If they should again broach to you the matter of peace with France, about which the Legate has not said a single word to us, you must get out of the subject with general expressions saying that you have no instructions, or authority to discuss the matter, referring them to us. You did well in visiting our daughter the Duchess of Camarino, (fn. 3) and at present there are no instructions to give you on the matter you enquire about. When anything is to be done we will advise you. Nothing but good can come of the compliments, etc., you have paid to Cardinal Farnese and the other Cardinals, but you must always be on the alert to be guided in what you do by your knowledge of the tendency and behaviour of each one of them.
With regard to the Council we refer you to what we recently wrote to you by the special courier who carried the protest. We have only to add that we entirely approve of all you have done and said on the subject. . . . . You may know however, that the Legate Sfondrato spoke with Granvelle lately, and said that a bull had been promulgated on the reformation, both in the matter of the rights of the datariate (fn. 4) and also touching the prelates. Granvelle replied, that in order that any such reform should be effected properly and sufficiently in the circumstances in Germany, it was desirable that before the bull was issued it should have been discussed with people who were conversant and experienced in what was needed to be remedied and redressed, especially in these parts. The Legate was unable to deny this, saying that such had been the intention, but it had been finally left as it was. If they speak to you in Rome on the subject of reform you may reply in the same way. Referring to your conversation with the Legate about the Pope, and your belief as to the instructions given to him to speak of the confirmation of Parma and Piacenza, (fn. 5) and even to touch on the matter of Siena, the Legate has not said a word on the subject yet. You will take care if they hint at it in Rome, to slip out of the subject with vague expressions, referring them to us.
They need be under no apprehension, as you say they are, about the honours and reception to be accorded by us to the Legate. He was received fittingly and in accordance with his position as Legate, and we are sure he will have reported as much to Rome. What you replied to the meddlers, who exhorted you to intercede between the Pope and us, was appropriate; and you will continue in the same course.
Referring to Cardinal Farnese's professed desire to serve us, we need only remark that there is nothing to add to what we said on the subject when you arrived in Rome. We entirely approve of the way you have treated this matter, but you will always be on the look out to watch his (Farnese's) proceedings, especially if this new relationship with France by the marriage of Horatio (Farnese) be effected; for although it appears to be a matter of very small foundation, it is easy to see that they want to make the most of it, and it is quite possible that there may be some secret negotiation. It is not likely that the Pope and his friends would depend alone upon the settlement of this marriage, since this cannot, in the nature of things, be effected in a short time, and cannot be guaranteed sufficiently.
As to Cardinal Farnese's talk to you of the wish to send Flaminio Ursino to France, it will be seen in due time that it is all nothing but vain babble unworthy of credit.
We approve of the change you have made in your habit of dress, the reason for it being that stated by you. With regard to your returning to long robes again, you will act with your usual discretion, as you may judge best, for the mission entrusted to you and your position.
We thank you exceedingly for the care you take to inform us of all you can learn from all parts as well as in Rome and we beg you to continue to do so.
Regarding the advice you send us of an alliance made between France and England, the alliance in question has been such a simple one that neither party has been satisfied with it nor assured by it. The present rulers of England have shown a desire, both by words and acts, to maintain, in any case, peace and amity with us, and in the agreement with France this has been specially stipulated by the English.
The bull for the 400,000 ducats from the half fruits and the fabrics of the churches which came to Sfondrato, was duly received and we thank you for your diligence in getting it despatched.
With regard to the treasure of the churches, it will be spent in this form until we get detailed advice from Spain of the amount that can be obtained from that source, and with what facility or otherwise, because it is said that it will not be so much as was thought and it would cause much scandal and ill-feeling.
Referring to what Cardinal Farnese said to you about the intention of the Pope, to the effect that if we did not approve of the assembly of the Council in Bologna he would make it all end in smoke; and would hold a provincial Council in Rome effecting therein a good reform; his Holiness, from what we hear here, will take very good care he does no such thing. Your own advices of his fear that we may put into effect what we said to his Nuncio on the matter, namely that we would go ourselves to the celebration of a Council in Rome, confirms this; besides his Holiness will never willingly agree to make any such reform. With regard to Count Fiesco's galleys, no documents have been produced here to prove that they belonged to his Holiness or to Pier Luigi (Farnese) but it is only known that they (the Farneses) received eleven thousand crowns and occupied two places which belonged to Count Fiesco, and the galleys are held jointly on account of the purchase. It will be well for you to let his Holiness know this, continuing in the course already laid down for you on the matter.
Touching the request to the Auditor Mohedano to go to Bologna, we need say nothing more than has already been written to you, and we are obliged to the auditor for his having excused himself from going. The reports you send to me of the negotiations and marriage treaties they have in hand with Sr. de Pamblin, which may piously be assumed to have the French behind them, are a further reason to desire the exchange; and we therefore beg you to manage to get this effected as you were instructed to do in our recent despatch.
We approve of your action with the Pope and Cardinal Farnese as soon as the disturbances in Naples occured, and of the reply you gave to their offers. You did well also in your reply to the Prince of Salerno's question to us. Thanks also for your promptness in seeking the money, and the precautions you took in case of need. We thank you for the advice in your letter to Idiaquez, respecting care of our person, and for your careful enquiries; but God, in whose hands all things are, will dispose of us as He may deem best, and we can only trust in Him. Thanks to Cardinal Coria for his desires to serve us. We are writing to him direct, but you will also express our thanks to him, treating him with all honour and confidence, as he will be so useful and advantageous in our affairs.
The Bishop of Arras (i.e. Granvelle) spoke to the Legate Veraldo on our behalf, expressing displeasure that he should report things from here which were inaccurate, but he flatly denied it all. You will see him there (in Rome).
A letter of thanks enclosed for Cardinal Cornaro, saying that we are pleased with his action in our affairs. You can add what you think best in our name.
Nothing has been said to us yet about the marriage of Victoria (Colonna) with the Duke of Urbino. Your reply about it to Farnese was good. As to the rest of the plan, that Don Guiglio should be able to retain the dukedom of Sora, although he is a Cardinal; we judge he will certainly act as he should with regard to our interests, and consequently we have conceded it.
Touching your remarks as to the way you should behave towards the Pope and his friends, and the course you propose to follow in this respect until you see a decided issue, namely that you should appear to be friendly with them; it appears that they are making great capital with the people out of their professed friendship with you, especially (Cardinal) Farnese and you ask us whether these demonstrations are injurious for any other reason. You know all the circumstances, and in conformity therewith you may be guided in this particular by your own discretion, in which we trust entirely. You observe that, as the Duke of Camarino (i.e. Ottavio Farnese) is our son-in-law, it is desirable that you should know how you ought to treat him in the matter of precedency, etc. In this you will follow the same course as our other Ambassadors have adopted, behaving towards him (Ottavio Farnese) as towards others of his rank, and, besides this, having proper regard to his relationship to ourselves.
It is very wise to order the people of the Sienese who were in Rome to return to their republic and so to avoid the discussions that might have taken place with them.
The illness of the Duke of Camarino was at once recognised here, and, so far as was decently possible, we endeavoured to detain him. But as he has now arrived in Rome you will discuss the matter with Lope de Guzman and his wife as far as you may consider fitting, with a view to preventing the Duchess from catching the disease, taking care that no more scandal and annoyance may arise than can well be avoided.
We have seen the notes given to you by the lawyer, Juan Luis de Aragonia, respecting the churches of Germany. The business is not practicable but you may thank him for his zeal.
We will bear in mind about the Marquis de Cañete, and the services of the Cardinal and his brothers.
If you discover anything more against those who governed Naples at the time of the tumult, especially as to their understanding with the French, let us know. Do the same with regard to those sent secretly from Siena to ask the Pope for support, and take notice whether they go any further in that direction, which, however, is unlikely, seeing that the place has now submitted to us. The answer that our daughter the Duchess of Camarino gave to Cardinal Farnese about this Siena business was very wise, and was a fitting hint to them how they must negotiate with us.
We learnt immediately from Don Juan de Mendoza, of the deliberation of the Seigniory of Venice on the proposal for a defensive League put forward by the Pope and the French, the decision being such as you have always said it would be. We shall thank you always to send us the reports you get from there (Venice) and elsewhere, knowing also that you will still do all you can with the Venetian Ambassador in Rome, as you did when the talk about the League was current. (fn. 6)
We have never had much belief in the marriage of Horatio (Farnese) with the bastard daughter of the King of France. Find out whether it goes forward, and if they are still giving to Horatio the Lieutenancy of the Island of Poncia; and inform yourself what damage or disadvantage may be caused to our interests if they build the castle there, as you say they propose doing, etc.
The Cardinal of Jaen is in fear that because he was at Trent and did his duty with regard to the Council, the Pope may try to deprive him of the pre-eminence in the church to which Cardinals are entitled. It is not right that, either for this or any other reason, the cardinal in question should be injured in any way. He resided in Trent in discharge of his service towards God and ourselves. As we are moved by the same object, we desire you, if necessary, to speak to the Pope about it, endeavouring that the Cardinal shall not only receive no injury for what he has done but all possible grace and favour.
You will already have been informed of the dispute between his Holiness and the Prince (Philip Regent of Spain) about the claim to the inheritance of the deceased Bishop of Sagon. So much time has passed without any decision being arrived at, and the Prince has had such strong representations made to us that it is unjust that he should be denied justice any longer. We have accordingly written to the Viceroy of Naples, telling him to take possession of it (the inheritance) in the way laid down in the copy of the letter you will receive with this. We send it you, so that if you are spoken to about the matter in Rome you may answer in conformity therewith. We may remark that the Pope has on several occasions pressed us to have justice done in Naples, but we have always deferred the matter, or have conceded the request with the limitation that attempts should first be made to settle the matter by a friendly agreement.
You will see by the enclosed narrative of a Dr. Saco, a close familiar of Count Fiesco, who was saved from the galley that fled from Marseilles, and who is now in Turin, how the plot of Genoa was woven, and who were those that took part in it, with the connivance of his Holiness and his son Pier Luigi. You will be informed by this, and you will make use of the intelligence as may be convenient. You will also enquire who is this Chevalier Fodrato who managed the business, and see whether you can lay hands upon him.
We note what you say about the election to the Pontificate, and the detailed particulars you give, showing that the choice is limited to a few persons who appear most convenient or least prejudicial to us, of all of whom you give us the tendencies and record, etc. This business is all the more grave and important, inasmuch as we have seen and experienced the great disadvantage and dis-service to God's cause and to our holy faith and Christianity at large, arising from the election of unfit Popes. It is true that, with very great reason, we have always wished to avoid any interference with the elections to the Pontificate, as they are affairs which should be guided by the Grace of the Holy Ghost and by means ordained by law and canonical sanction. But in times such as these, with Christendom in its present condition, we could not with due regard to our conscience, seeing the evident peril of ruin to Christianity, stand aloof from the business, nor neglect to do what we could to secure the election of a Pontiff favourable to God's service. In order that the trouble that we have taken to this end may not be impeded by the election being conducted improperly we have had every detail examined and considered, in order that the next election shall fall upon a person favourable, or least prejudicial, and we have considered closely the personal information given by you. The result seems to be that the competition lies between Cortes, Sadoletto Sfondrato and Moron; but as we have so slight a knowledge of their parts and inclinations, and considering that their present attitude might change the moment the Holy See was vacant, we cannot easily decide which of these would be best. We have therefore determined to refer the matter to you. The importance of it is so great, and the secrecy and tact in dealing with it so vital, that we depend upon your forwarding it with all necessary care and caution, inquiring and watching closely which of these persons has the greatest following and the most apparent chance of being elected. At the same time you will reject the others that are unsuitable, being guided throughout by extreme caution, especially with regard to Cardinal Farnese. Your own remark respecting this latter will guide you, he being, as you say, such as he is and with so little courage. As to the tendencies of Santa Flor and Salviates in this respect it may piously be concluded that when the grandfather (i.e. Paul III) dies many of those who adhere to him now would change their attitude. It may be that amongst the Cardinals favourable to us there may be some from whom light may be gathered as to the most suitable action to be taken, and you may enquire from them with all secresy their opinion, and find out whether Cortes is a statesmanlike person. Cardinal Carpi has always shown himself to be a good adherent and servant of ours, and excellent reports have come to us of his exemplary life and virtue; you will consider and enquire if he offers any prospect of success when the opportunity arrives and the help we could give him, etc., etc.
Closed 7 October, 1547.
Sept. 21. Vienna Imp. Arch. Granvelle to Van der Delft.
Your letters of 25 August and 2nd and 6th of the present month were duly received some ten days ago; but as the Emperor left yesterday on a hunting expedition to recuperate his health after his long illness your letters have remained unanswered. The English Ambassador resident here is desirous of sending off a courier with reference to the reply which his Majesty has given him in the audience of yesterday, his Majesty having referred him to me to enter more fully into communication on the matter. I have therefore thought well not to miss the opportunity of writing to you, in order to inform you what has passed with the English Ambassador, and at the same time to tell you that his Majesty will be glad if you will write him very ample news of everything that is passing in England.
His Majesty was gratified to learn particulars of your conversation with Secretary Paget. You may assure him and others that there shall be no shortcoming in the good and sincere friendship at present existing. I am enclosing you herewith a duplicate of the information we have received from Italy detailing the death of Duke Pier Luigi (Farnese), which you may convey to the above mentioned Councillors as you think most convenient.
With regard, now, to what has passed with the English Ambassador here: he opened his discourse by expressing to his Majesty the pleasure with which the Protector had received the reply recently given by the said Ambassador, of which reply a copy has already been sent to you. He then proceeded to say that the Protector had gone to Scotland with a powerful army, and hoped whilst there to perform some worthy exploit: he was, however, very desirous, if possible, to learn what his Majesty thought was the best course to adopt in coming to terms if peradventure in the presence of the English army the Scots should show themselves more reasonable and conciliatory than hitherto. The Ambassador incidentally, and as if on his own account, here remarked that it seemed to him that the French were trying by means of their usual tricks to sow distrust between the Emperor and the English.
The Emperor in reply said that he had heard with the greatest pleasure the good news of the favourable progress of the (English) army, and with regard to the suggestion of a possible arrangement with the Scots, he must defer a definite reply until the Queen Dowager had been consulted on the matter. As to the intrigues of the French referred to by the Ambassador, his Majesty said that he (Dr. Thirlby) should be convinced of his friendship and determination to fulfil the treaties with England; but that he might discuss affairs at length with me (Secretary Granvelle), and I would declare fully to him what has passed here with the Sieur de Lussac.
The English Ambassador afterwards came to me for this purpose, and we discoursed on the abovementioned subjects. With regard to M. de Lussac's negotiations, I told him that Lussac had prefaced his address by asserting emphatically the inviolable intention of the King (of France), his master, to observe strictly the treaties that had been made by the late King (Francis) his father. He then went on to say that he had proposed a marriage between Madam Margaret of France the King's sister and the Prince of Piedmont. This was all that was said by Lussac, and the Emperor in reply said that he, for his part, also intended to fulfil the treaties in force. As no mention had been made by Lussac of the King of England it was thought unnecessary for the Emperor to refer to him, having regard to the inclusion of England in the treaty of Crépy. Referring to the matter of the marriage, the Emperor replied that that was a subject which principally concerned the Duke of Savoy, and the Emperor therefore desired before proceeding further to learn the Duke's wishes with regard to it. Nevertheless his Majesty would be glad for the marriage referred to to take place, as a means for the general welfare and the tranquility of Italy conditional upon the authority and rights of the Holy Empire being duly respected. The best news I can write to you in addition to this is that his Majesty the Emperor is now quite well. You will do well to write as often as you can all the news from England.
Augsburg, 21 September, 1547.
Sept. 22. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Madam: To-day Controller Paget and the Chancellor of the Augmentations (fn. 7) came to my lodging to inform me that after the victory that they (the English) had gained over the Scots, (fn. 8) the Governor (the Regent Arran), who is staying with the Queen (of Scots, the Queen Dowager Mary of Lorraine) at a castle called Stirling, expressed a wish to treat with the Protector. The latter, however, having regard to the treaty at present in force between the King of England and the Emperor would not conclude any arrangement with the Scots without the consent of his Majesty. They (the English Councillors) continued that they were aware that the French were extremely irritated by the said victory and had sent all their galleys to sea, presumably in order that they might attempt something to the detriment of England. They (the English) were very anxious to prevent any such enterprise and to end the matter with the Scots; but nevertheless they would not, even with this object, enter into any understanding until they obtained the acquiescence of his Imperial Majesty, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty. As his Majesty was, however, so far away and time pressed, they begged me to tell them what my opinion on the matter was, as their greatest desire was to fulfil scrupulously the terms of the treaty.
I replied to them that they were quite right in wishing to respect the treaty with the Emperor, as his Majesty had always observed it inviolately, and they knew that the Emperor was at present in a state of war with the Scots solely in fulfilment of the treaty obligations. The Scots, I said, had sought by every possible means to bring about an agreement with the Emperor, but their advances had always been rejected in accordance with the treaty. Having regard to all this, I said, and seeing that the Emperor was maintaining the state of war with the Scots solely out of consideration for them (the English), my opinion was that his Majesty would be glad that the war should be brought to an end with as little bloodshed as possible, always on the condition that his Majesty and his subjects were fully satisfied.
He (Paget) replied that no arrangement that did not effect this would be concluded by them, and all through he gave me to understand that the proposal for agreement was brought about by the victory. He prayed me to write to your Majesty with all speed, in order to learn as soon as possible your Majesty's wishes on the matter.
Madam, so far as I can perceive, these people (the English) will not make any agreement with the Scots unless they can obtain posession of the young Queen and the occupation of all the ports. The Protector is inside Leith and has sent some of his troops further up the river of Leith (i.e. the Forth) which is about a German league broad; and there are some islands there, of which the Protector thinks of fortifying one, which would suffice to guard the whole of that coast. The victory was gained without any great loss on their side in the way I described in my former letter to your Majesty. Since then they have captured all the largest of the Scottish ships to the number of thirteen. It looks to me as if they had no doubt about being able to make themselves masters of the whole of Scotland. Copy to the Emperor.
London, 22 September, 1547.
Sept. 22. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
(The letter is in substance identical with that of Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager of the same date.)


  • 1. It is somewhat curious and certainly intentional that in this account of the battle of Pinkie sent by a minister of the Emperor—King of Spain, no mention whatever is made of the important part taken in the battle by the Spanish mercenary captains and other auxiliary troops mainly recruited from the Emperor's dominions. It will have been observed in a previous letter from Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager that he mentions that Somerset was dismissing his foreign mercenaries. So far from that being true the Spanish captains who had been in the service of Henry VIII were being assiduously courted by Somerset and their services as recruiting officers made much of. Particulars of these mercenaries and their services at the time will be found in the present writer's Españoles é Ingleses en el Siglo XVI.
  • 2. On the 1st September Bonner had taken the prescribed oaths of abjuration and supremacy in St. Paul's Cathedral: but when the Injunctions of the Council and Cranmer's homilies were presented to him he protested against compliance with them. He was summoned before the Council on the 12 September and retracted his protest. This submission, however, did not save him, and, as an example to other recalcitrant clerics, he was sent to the Fleet prison where he only remained until the beginning of October, being then released on cautionary bail.
  • 3. This was Margaret of Austria, the natural daughter of Charles, who had married Ottavio Farnese, the Pope's grandson, and became Duchess of Parma.
  • 4. The dataria was the office of the Papal Chancery.
  • 5. That is to say the confirmation by the Emperor of the cession of the dukedoms to Pier Luigi Farnese.
  • 6. Mendoza had formerly been Spanish Ambassador in Venice.
  • 7. Sir Edward North.
  • 8. The battle of Pinkie.