Spain: October 1547, 16-31

Pages 177-191

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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October 1547, 16–31

Oct. 17. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to President Loys Scors (Lois de Schore).
I cannot avoid writing the present letter to you, because the principal members of the Council here have very urgently requested me to write to her Majesty the Queen, praying that good and prompt justice should be done in the cause of the bearer of this letter, one Derek Bourne, a servant and factor of the late Duke of Suffolk, in a case now pending before the Council of Brabant against Pierre Imhoff. It appears by the memoranda and certificates that the Council have sent to me, for the purpose of attaching to my letter to her Majesty on the subject, that the Queen has on a former occasion given closed letters to the same end; and consequently I have not considered it advisable to importune her Majesty in the affair again. I am therefore sending to your Lordship the said memoranda, etc., by which you will see that every sort of delay and procrastination has been employed there (i.e. in Brabant) and that the closed letter of her Majesty has produced very little effect. During the Duke of Suffolk's life I was very frequently requested to recommend this lawsuit to the tribunals at Antwerp, so that a prompt judgment might be obtained. I have also been pressed to grant similar letters by the opposite side, who begged me not to give credence to everything that was alleged against them. In view of this it certainly seemed to me that it would be most expedient that the question at issue should be submitted to and decided by arbitration, and I am still of that opinion. Your Lordship would be doing a good service to both litigants if you got two arbitrators appointed to decide between them, one arbitrator to be a member of the Privy Council (of Brabant) and the other a member of the Chancellery. Monseigneur Scheiff was formerly fully conversant with the details of the case, as it was thoroughly ventilated at Antwerp. I would have enclosed herewith the letter the Duchess of Suffolk has written to me about the affair, but I am unwilling to worry your Lordship too much in the matter.
London, 18 October, 1547.
Oct. 18. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Defft to the Emperor.
When the Protector arrived here from Scotland I thought it would be most advisable for me not to wait upon him until I was invited to go and inform him of your Majesty's intentions with regard to the treaty that might be made with the Scots. I was confirmed in my opinion upon learning that the greater part of the troops that the English had in Scotland were being withdrawn and returning, and also that the Scottish Commissioners who were expected here to discuss conditions were to go to Newcastle and negotiate with the Earl of Warwick who has remained in that town. In view of this, moreover, it appeared to me unlikely that the Protector would leave the enemy's country in the full flood of his success without some sort of treaty, understood or projected with the Scots, nor would he, I should imagine, leave the whole settlement to the Earl of Warwick. I was also, not yet informed of your Majesty's absolute intention, and I consequently deferred my visit to Court pending the receipt of more definite and special commands from your Majesty or from the Queen Dowager, and to see whether the Protector would communicate to me what had taken place. But up to the present I have not been summoned nor has anyone been sent to visit me, of which I know not the cause, unless it be their old custom in their times of prosperity.
The day after the arrival of the Protector the French ambassador was with him at Hampton Court, with a gentleman who has been sent hither by the King (of France). So far as I have been able to gather, the mission of this envoy concerns the release of the ships embargoed on both sides, which they appear to have arranged; though the envoy was not here long and did not have much communication with them. Perhaps the Protector has put off sending for me until he returns to London, where he is expected within the next two or three days. I will promptly advise your Majesty and the Queen of what passes.
The Bishop of Winchester is still held prisoner, and firmly maintains that he is not bound by the new regulations recently published with regard to the services of the church; since they were not ordered during the lifetime of the late King Henry, (fn. 1) nor sanctioned by an act of parliament, although I understand they very shortly will be.
London, 18 October, 1547.
Oct. 18. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Emperor to Van der Delft.
We have received your letters of the 22 of last month, and have learnt what Controller Paget communicated to you touching the treaty proposed between the English and the Scots, which he tells you is being sought by the Queen and the Regent of Scotland, but which they (the English Government) will not discuss without our consent, in order not to contravene the provisions of the treaty with us, and he Paget requested you to acquaint us with the fact and also to inform the Queen Dowager of Hungary.
Since then the Queen Dowager has sent us a copy of the letter she wrote to you on the subject in answer of your letter, instructing you fully how you should proceed with the English if the treaty referred to is concluded by them. It will therefore be unnecessary for us to give you detailed instructions on the matter here, and we enjoin you to be guided entirely by the letters of our sister, and let us know as frequently as possible the state of affairs there. If the treaty is negotiated please also send us the particulars of it, and of all else that occurs. We send you herewith a letter for Controller Paget, in accordance with what you wrote to us recently, to the effect that he displayed some signs of jealousy at the letter we addressed to the Protector. You will dispose of this letter to Paget as you think desirable for the interests of our affairs, and in order to confirm Paget still in his attachment and devotion towards us.
Postscript.—Since writing the above we have received your letter of 6th instant and have made ourselves acquainted with the progress of events in England up to that date. We thank you very much for so constantly keeping us informed of occurrences there, and we enjoin you to continue to advise us of all events. For the rest we refer you, as we say above, to the instructions that were given to you by our sister touching the proposed treaty between England and the Scots.
Augsburg, 18 October, 1547.
Oct. 18. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Emperor to Controller Paget.
Very dear and well beloved. My ambassador resident in England has informed me of the good affection that you constantly display towards the preservation of the friendship and amity between the King your master, my good brother and cousin, and myself, and in all other things concerning and tending to the good neighbourship between our respective subjects and the restitution of property on both sides. The ambassador has also acquainted us with the confidential information you have given to him on the state of affairs generally. We thank you very affectionately for all this, and you may be assured that on my side the most sincere and entire reciprocity shall always exist, and if at any time it may happen that I can give you pleasure I will do so. I shall always be singularly desirous of hearing good news of the progress of the King's affairs, as my ambassador will tell you more at length. I beg you to give full credence to what he says, and also to believe me when I say that you will find me very ready to do anything that may give you pleasure.
Augsburg, 18 October, 1547.
Oct. 21. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Flemish Council of State to Van der Delft.
Since the Queen Dowager's departure from this city and her Majesty's enclosed letter was written, the Lady d'Egmont has informed us that in order to obtain an order for the release of her lands situated in the Boulognais she had sent to the English ambassador resident here to ask him kindly to give her letters of recommendation to the Captain of Boulogne, so that she might gain a good issue of her affair and secure the disembargo of her lands the more expeditiously. The English ambassador had thereupon told her that the King of England did not intend to restore to the Flemish subjects the lands they had held in the Boulognais, and consequently he did not see his way to oblige her in the manner stated. He added that he knew very well that the intention of the English Councillors was not to restore the estates in the Boulognais. This is entirely contrary to that which you have written to the Queen Dowager, to the effect that the Protector was willing to make the restitution, but that for certain reasons he did not wish to give a written warrant to that effect.
There has also arrived here the Sieur Dyne, the father-in-law of Sieur de Mourbecque, lord of the manor of Souverain Moulin in the Boulognais by right of his wife the daughter of the said Sieur Dyne. The latter gentleman declared that Sieur de Mourbecque, in conformity with what you recently wrote to the Queen Dowager, had sent to the English authorities at Boulogne, a clerk to obtain the raising of the embargo on the said manor of Souverain Moulin; but he had been told that it was not their intention to restore any of the property situated in the territory in their occupation.
In consequence of this, and in accordance with what you have written to her Majesty, we direct you to insist very strongly and emphatically to the members of the Council that a written warrant should be drawn up in accordance with the Protector's promise to you, or at least that separate and special warrants should be granted for the release of the estates of Lady d'Egmont and Sieur de Mourbecque, in order that no failing should occur in carrying out the Protector's pledge.
We also wish to inform you that the commercial treaty made in the year 1522 for the conduct of the wool trade in England and the staple of Calais will shortly expire in consequence of the death of the King (Henry) of England. We have been informed by some merchants here who some time since went to Calais to buy wool that the merchants of the Staple refused to sell any to them, saying that they would sell it at a much higher price after the expiration of the said commercial treaty than they do at present. It is necessary to consider beforehand the provision to be made for indemnifying the poor subjects here after the expiration of the treaty, and we request you to weigh the whole matter carefully as stated above, and write your opinion as to how it may be remedied for submission to the Emperor and the Queen Dowager. You will, however, for the present make no mention of it to the members of the English Council, nor press the subject in any way until you receive further orders from their Majesties.
Brussels, 21 October, 1547.
Oct. 21. Simancas Estado 644. The Emperor to Don Juan de Mendoza (Spanish Ambassador in Venice).
(Gives a long account of the audience granted to an ambassador from Venice, in which the Seigniory assures the Emperor of their great regard and esteem for him, and their determination not to interfere in any way with his action in Piacenza.)
The following paragraphs of the letter are of interest.
“You well know the reasons that exist for our displeasure with Lorenzo de Medici, and that he should not go free from punishment for his grave crime. As he usually makes Venice his lurking place you will let us know whether he is there now; and if you can find means to have him killed secretly, so that the Seigniory may not have any grievance with respect to their liberty. (fn. 2)
“You will tell Titian that we should like him to come here to touch up (aderezar) the portrait of the Empress now in heaven, which arrived here somewhat injured on the road two years ago. Tell him to bring with him the pictures and you will see to provide him with some money for his expenses on the journey. Let us know the amount and urge him to come soon.” (fn. 3)
Augsburg, 21 October, 1547.
Oct. 21. Simancas Estado 806. Van der Delft (Francisco Delfos) to Prince Philip.
Pray your Highness pardon me for continuing to trouble you with my letters, but I am afraid that I should be blamed if I neglected to give your Highness advice of what is passing here.
Your Highness will have learnt from my former letters that the English had raised an army of twelve thousand infantry and four thousand horse to go against the Scots, who had with a large force entered into territory held by the English, and had captured certain places, whilst the French galleys had taken Saint Andrews.
After this, when the Protector had arrived on the Border and had found his army under the earl of Warwick in good order and well supplied, he entered into the lands of the enemy before they expected him. He thus gained the passage without damage, although the Scots had thought to hold it with a very few men, which seemed perfectly feasible. The Protector pushed on until he was four miles from Edinburgh, where he took his stand so near the enemy that there was only a brook between them. This the Scots crossed in order to occupy the two hills which flanked both armies. The first of these hills they managed to gain; the English were before them with the second, and the two armies met there. Although the Scots had twenty-four thousand men the fight was soon over, for without any need whatever they were seized with panic and began to fly. They thus lost more than ten thousand men, the English gaining the victory, taking amongst other gentlemen the earl of Huntly, who is a person of great estimation amongst his people. The Governor (i.e. the Regent Arran) who was also present at the battle contrived to escape.
A few days later a certain John Beton, a Scotsman, came to the Protector offering to put into the hands of the English all the principal ships of the Scottish realm, of which he was the commander. It was arranged that Beton should accompany the English fleet for this purpose, but Beton's ideas were quite different from what he professed and he took care to have the (Scottish) ships anchored in a position where they could only be attacked on one side, and arranged to have the whole of their artillery ranged on that side. When he with the English fleet came in sight of his (Scottish) ships he directed them to put him ashore, so that he might the better forward the plan, instructing the English to approach the Scottish ships slowly and he would surrender them. But his real design was to put himself in safety and witness, as he hoped, the destruction of the English fleet. As the latter gradually approached the Scots, unsuspicious of treachery, it was received with a great cannonade, but although the English suffered somewhat they forced the Scottish ships to surrender, some of which were brought to these parts and the rest were burnt. In the Forth near Edinburgh they burnt a place called Leith and upon an island near called St. Colmes they built a fort which they (the English) still hold with two other fortresses well manned and provided, so that they have now subdued the greater part of the Scottish border country.
The Protector returned hither a few days ago, and the rest of the army is also coming south. After the battle the Regent of Scotland demanded a safe conduct for certain of his gentlemen, in order to discuss terms of agreement. The safe conduct was granted; but when they (the Scots) knew that the (English) army was dispersed they sent word not to expect them. This causes the English to distrust the Regent and his people the more. Whatever settlement may be arrived at will have due regard for the Emperor's interests.
There is not so much suspicion of France here as previously, because since the King of France sent his galleys to help the Scots he has not been so favourable to them. But if circumstances do not prevent it we may be sure that there will be trouble next summer. I hope to God that the League he (the King of France) has made with the Pope will not cause injury to his Majesty's (the Emperor's) interests, as it is believed by many here that it will.
These people (the English) have taken it into their heads to do away with all the images in the churches except the Crucifix and a few of the Virgin. The bishop of Winchester is detained in consequence of these passions. God remedy them, as He may see best. Pray your Highness forgive me for my prolixity and bad writing. I would write in French if I thought your Highness would prefer it. (fn. 4)
London, 21 October, 1547.
Oct. 22. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Flemish Council of State to Van der Delft.
The deputies of the towns of Harlem, Delft and Leyden, have represented to us that for many years past the commerce and industry of drapery have been carried on, as they are still carried on, in those towns, and for the convenience of the same, and in accordance with the commercial conventions in force, it is customary to obtain the fleeces and wools necessary and proper for the trade from the Staple at Calais. For some little time past however, it would appear that the drapers of England desire to monopolise for themselves the whole of the drapery trade, and to turn the merchants on this side out of it altogether; and they have accordingly placed obstacles in the way of these latter, depriving them of the sheep's and lamb's fleeces, sending only the residue of the fleeces to the staple so poor and thin as to be almost useless; so that the people on this side can hardly do anything with them in their drapery trade. This results in great injury and loss to the Emperor's customs dues, and also to those of the King of England, since they (the Flemish clothworkers) receive fleeces and wools from Spain.
The Dutch deputies above mentioned therefore request us to give you the information contained in this letter, so that you may open the question to the people there and obtain some proper arrangement, in accordance with the commercial conventions in force. Having regard to the fact that the Commercial Convention of 1522 is about to expire in consequence of the death of the late King (Henry) we have thought well not to delay writing to you on the matter. It is of very great importance, and we request that you will on the first opportunity you can get represent the whole question fully and cogently to the Protector and the other members of the Council and officers of the King. You will not let the matter drop, but will show to the English ministers that in the interest of the continuance and maintenance of the close and sincere alliance at present existing between the Emperor and the King of England and their respective countries and subjects, they (the English Government) will have to devise a good and ample provision with regard to the abovementioned affair, so that the people on this side may be able to pursue their customary trade and dealing in fleeces and wools at the Staple of Calais, in the ordinary exercise of their business, as they have done in times past without obstacle or hindrance; otherwise it may be feared that the Emperor, for the purpose of indemnifying his subjects, may be moved to take the matter in hand and to dictate some fit remedial measure. You will advise her Majesty the Queen Dowager with all diligence of all you do in the business, and what satisfaction you obtain.
Brussels, 22 October, 1547.
Oct. 23. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
As a gentleman is leaving here now to go direct to his master the bishop of Westminster, (fn. 5) I wrote to the Emperor, as your Majesty may see by the copy enclosed. Since then Controller Paget came to see me on behalf of the Protector and the Council, to ask if I had not received a reply from your Majesty touching the matter respecting which he had recently addressed me. I told him that very lately a special courier dispatched by your Majesty had brought me a letter from you on the subject, and I had wished to let him know, but that when I sent he had already left to meet the Protector.
Since the arrival of the latter in London, I said, the rumours that one heard on all sides seemed to indicate that the reply in question came too late, as I heard that they were already arranging with the Scots, and all appearances tended to confirm it, especially that the whole army was returning. I heard, moreover, that the Scottish deputies were not coming to London after all, and would not pass the Newcastle border. As I had been unable to learn anything except what was publicly talked about, and they (the English Councillors) had communicated nothing to me, I had written to the Emperor the letter abovementioned in accordance with what I had heard.
Paget replied to this: “You have not done well; for your know perfectly, and are also aware of our fixed determination never to depart in the slightest degree from the terms of our treaty with the Emperor, and not to admit anything which may in any respect whatever be an infraction of it. You ought not to have changed your opinion of us in that way, and above all you ought not to have given to the Emperor any reason for entertaining the least suspicion of us. The reason why you have not been kept informed of anything fresh was that there was nothing fresh to tell, except that pending the arrival of the Emperor's acquiescence in the negotiations, which in accordance with the treaty should properly come to us by his Majesty's own letter, we have agreed that the Scottish peace deputies might come to Berwick or Newcastle. They are, however, now staying behind; and the Regent has sent to say that we are not to expect them there. So that you see that Scotsmen always will remain Scotsmen with neither loyalty nor law. Nevertheless the earl of Huntly who is a prisoner promises to do wonders for our advantage if we will allow him to return to his own country to carry on the negotiation with the nobles, amongst whom he possesses great authority. But warned, as we have been, by so many examples of the unreliability and vanity of such promises, we are nevertheless disposed to prove Huntly's good faith in the matter on condition that he leaves here as hostages his three sons and his wife. The latter we are insisting upon because he holds her in such high esteem, and the Scots are naturally little regardful of their children. We are also stipulating that if we let him go he is to leave here some of his nearest kinsmen, who must consent before they leave Scottish soil to the extreme penalty being inflicted upon them in case the earl of Huntly fails to return to London on the day fixed beforehand.”
I asked Paget whether the earl of Huntly had accepted these conditions, and he replied. “No: not yet, but they will be proposed to him to-day. But in any case we are sure to keep the upper hand in Scotland, as we have fortified three places and have there a strong garrison.” I said that I had no doubt of it if the French did not meddle and interfere with them. To this Paget replied: “They have not up to the present shown any appearance of doing so: the only thing being that when the English ambassador in France had given the King an account of the victory they had gained, the King seemed much grieved that the matter had gone so far, and that some pacific agreement had not been arrived at without such a terrible effusion of blood. He expressed this in very courteous words.”
In order to sound Paget as to how far they still trusted the French, I remarked that I had not been in a hurry to show myself at Court since their return, as I knew they were so busy with the gentleman who had come from France to negotiate with them. Nevertheless, I said, I was not over jealous of this. Paget replied that the gentleman from France who was here is M. des Cordes, and he came simply about raising the embargo on the ships seized on both sides by the English and the French. They had been fully pre-advised of this gentleman's coming by their ambassador in France, who had seen all his instructions, as they had given notice to the French that they would not in future negotiate with any French Commissioner whatever, unless they could inspect his instructions. They had been moved to this course by what had happened in the past in respect to Paulin's mission; the present King of France having repudiated the arrangement he had made with them on the ground that Paulin had exceeded his instructions. When des Cordes had left here, therefore, he had lodged with them in writing the instructions he had received, and they gave him in writing their reply, which was to the effect that the embargoes on both sides should be raised.
I remarked that it was a wise course whilst banishing such occasions for misunderstandings to guard oneself against the French. Paget replied to this. “They will never deceive us, for we never have any trust in them: and, as for the menaces they have favoured us with, they are not nearly so threatening as they were, since the confederacy that the Pope has entered into with the King of France, in which the Venetians also had something to say, as an ambassador from France to the Seigniory of Venice and had been very honourably received there. He had, moreover, negotiated so very secretly with the Council of Ten that not a soul had been able to glean the least intelligence of what had passed between them. From Venice this ambassador had proceeded to Rome, where the Pope had received him even with more marked favour than the others. From all this talk of Paget I gathered that they (the English) entertain the opinion that the King of France is less likely to meddle with them than with the Emperor.
After much more conversation of this sort, Paget reverted to the subject of Scotland, and asked me what it was that your Majesty had written to me. I repeated this to him, following the words employed in your Majesty's own letter. After I had very clearly laid down to him the form in which the dominions and territories of the Emperor must be included in any arrangement they made with the Scots, especially and specifically the realms of the crown of Spain, I came to the satisfaction of the subjects of the Emperor for the injuries inflicted upon them, whereupon Paget asked me how that would be possible, seeing that those who had committed the piracies and pillage complained of, were peradventure Scottish pirates, or a certain Beton or others of the same sort, who at the present time are quite insolvent. We fell into long dispute on this point, Madam, although without bitterness, during which Paget remarked to me. “You ought to know that, even if we had no obligation nor treaty with the Emperor, we should still, out of regard for our good and ancient amity, not neglect in our negotiations with the Scots to insist to the utmost that they should surrender to the Emperor's subjects what they have unjustly taken from them. But, nevertheless, if in consequence of their poverty they were quite unable to make such restitution, it is worth while for you to consider whether it would not be better for the interests of the Emperor and of England to separate the Scots from their adherence to the French and have them on our side, rather than to maintain the present state of hostility solely on account of the question of the restitution, and thus serve the advantage of others rather than our own.”
I replied to this that I was pretty sure that they (the English) would never make any arrangement with the Scots that did not leave them a perfectly free hand in the country, in accordance with their previous treaties; and considering that the English would thus gain the accession of an entire kingdom from the common enemy of England and the Emperor, surely the very least that the latter could be expected to demand for his share was the indemnification of his subjects for the outrages and losses they had suffered at the hands of the Scots, with whom the Emperor had only been at war and had rejected all their advances for peace, out of loyalty to his English allies.
“I am not disputing our obligation,” said Paget, “for we will never make any agreement with the Scots in any case without the acquiescence of the Emperor. I am only saying what may be advisable, if it be found that owing to difficulties that will be evident to everyone the Scots may be unable to make the restitution demanded.” After much argument on my part to the effect that if the private persons responsible were incapable of making such restitution, the latter should be made by the State, Paget asked me several times if the amount of the damages claimed was a large one; to which I replied that he knew perfectly well what the damages were. It is true, I said, that I had not any great number of claims here as yet; but there were more respecting which I had not received any instructions.
He then changed the subject, and asked me whether I had heard anything of the confederacy they called the Swabian League, which the Emperor was forming, or intended to form, in Germany. I replied that I had heard nothing whatever about it; but that it was quite to be expected that his Majesty would take due measures that such conjurations as those of the Protestants and the League of Smalkald should be rendered incapable of doing any more harm against the welfare and tranquility of the Commonwealth. Paget then said. “Well, you may take it from me that his Majesty intends to form such a league or confederacy"; and he continued a long rigmarole about how his Majesty might best consolidate his greatness for all time, giving me clearly to understand in the course of his talk that he was very anxious that the King of England should be included in the Confederacy. He protested throughout, however, that his words on the matter were spoken in the strictest confidence. I well knew, he said how hard and rigorous the laws of England were, and he conveyed to me indirectly that if I communicated what he said to your Majesties I should do so in a manner which should exonerate him from all reproach or evil consequence.
In the course of the conversation I said to him that if any such league as that in question were formed it was likely that the bishops of the Empire would be included in it. It certainly appeared to me, I said, judging from what was going on here, that they (the English) were not much inclined to make common cause with ecclesiastics, or to preserve the authority of their order, since the bishops were being so badly treated here. This remark brought up the subject of the bishop of Winchester's imprisonment. With respect to this, I said that I had no intention whatever of presuming to mix myself up with their affairs; but that between him (Paget) and me I might venture to express my own feelings about the imprisonment. I mentioned my sorrow at the misfortune that had befallen the bishop, the infamy of whose treatment was increased by the injustice and scandal apparent in it; and Paget retorted. “I doubt if there is any man living who is more grieved than I am myself at the bishop of Winchester's misfortune, and I have many good reasons for my sorrow. I have had several long discussions with him, as his friend, to persuade him, or at least to mitigate his attitude. But he is quite intractable, and entirely different from what he used to be: indeed I cannot get over my wonder at the change that has taken place in him. He has not been arrested for the reasons that you say, but because at the time of the introduction of the ordinances drawn up for the services in the churches, which services, by the way are not so new after all, as they were ordered in the lifetime of King Henry, the bishop of Winchester opposed the introduction publicly into the churches of the paraphrases of Erasmus, on the ground that Erasmus was an anabaptist; and the bishop will not to save his life budge from this opinion.”
Paget continued in refutation of this that Erasmus being once taken to task by a certain doctor in Paris for some words that occur in the prologue to the paraphrases of the Gospel of St. Matthew dedicated to his Majesty, Erasmus replied in a book written specially, and in various other writings and places in his works, emphatically declaring his opinion to the contrary, and saying that baptism ought not and must not, on any account whatever, be repeated.
Paget told me in addition that the bishop of Winchester also objected to certain other articles in the ordinances, which he maintained were heretical, although they were demonstrated to him as being in accord with the doctrines laid down by the principal ancient fathers of the church. And thus, Madam, I do not know how the bishop's affair will end. As for Erasmus, I can quite imagine that he will be abused; for at the very beginning of the sect of anabaptists I was with him, and, in addition to what he has written on the subject, I can testify to having heard him express his detestation of so damnable a sect, which he called new monsters. I made no remark of the sort to Paget, in order not to prejudice the bishop of Winchester. The bishop of London (Bonner) is now entirely free, and his bail discharged. I have thought best to let your Majesty know of these particulars.
Controller Paget told me that the Queen (Dowager) of Scotland had retired from Stirling to a more remote place on an island in a river or large lake very difficult of access.
From the men who have returned from the army I understand that the number of Scots killed was not so great as was at first said here, although they all agree that there were some nine or ten thousand fatalities. I have heard from a person who is believed to know, that they are going to choose for their new Lord Chancellor one Lord Rich, a wealthy person who formerly had the administration and management of the church properties, when they were appropriated for the profit of the King; but he is not famous for any other excellence. (fn. 6)
The Marquis of Exeter (i.e. Courtenay), who is of the blood royal, and has always been held prisoner in the Tower since his father was beheaded, was released the day before the Protector returned from Scotland. Some people think that the Protector will marry him to his daughter.
London, 23 October, 1547.
Oct. 23. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
(This letter is practically identical with that of Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager of the same date.)
Oct. 25. Paris K 1487. St. Mauris to the Queen Dowager of Hungary.
Soon after the arrival of the gentleman who carries this letter I sent him to the Queen of France (i.e. the Queen Dowager, widow of Francis I. Eleanor of Austria, sister of the Emperor) who is now living in Paris. I wrote to the Queen what your Majesty enjoined me to do, which I presume will not be divulged as your Majesty desires it to be kept secret.
I think well to say, however, that the voyage is already public property here, the report of it having come from Antwerp; especially from the Portuguese factor there, who sent the news to the Portuguese ambassador here. Even the Dauphin and his ministers know of it; and I hear that they are much perturbed at it, imagining that things are different from what they are, and thinking that everything will be to their own disadvantage. I will advise your Majesty further as to this in later letters, but I think your Majesty is very well advised to inform the King of it; and the sooner the better, in my opinion. (fn. 7)
By my letter of the 11th instant your Majesty will have learnt what was passing between the Dauphin and the King of England. Since then the Protector and the Council of England, seeing the insistence of the Dauphin and his advisers in their refusal to agree to the prior restitution of the English ship of war seized by force, have sent a reply waiving this demand, and they have agreed that all ships captured on either side shall be simultaneously surrendered on the same day. The Dauphin has readily agreed to this and it was arranged on the 26th of this month, but I have not yet learnt what day has been chosen for the mutual surrender. Before this answer came the Dauphin was extremely angry because the English had captured some fresh ships from Bordeaux, but everything is now cleared up by this new agreement. I have learnt, moreover, that the Constable referring to this matter said that it would pave the way to a general pacification of all their other quarrels; and it has already been agreed between them to appoint Commissioners to settle the pending questions relating to the limits of the Boulognais. All this makes me think that in the course of time it may lead to negotiations on their main affairs, especially with regard to the confirmation of their last treaty, and some expedient may be found to close this dispute. I will advise further from time to time.
Four days since a Scottish gentleman came to this Court sent by the Queen Dowager of Scotland and the Governor of the realm, with news that their losses have been disastrously large in the battle (of Pinkie). They pray for French aid, without which, they say, they will be forced to make what terms they may with the King of England. But at the same time intelligence came here that the English army had withdrawn from Scotland, and the news has caused great rejoicing here, as it gives rise to the hope that Scotland may be succoured, either by diplomacy or otherwise. It was asserted here before the coming of this last news that the Dauphin intended to send a number of Gascons to Scotland, although I did not hear this from a trustworthy source.
I may add to the foregoing that a few days ago the English ambassador complained that over twenty French galleys were lying off the isle of Guernsey, and were trying to enter and capture it by surprise. The Council of England had caused enquiries to be made, and had assured themselves that this was true. The English ambassador complained very bitterly of this, and also that the Dauphin was keeping a number of lansquenets on the seacoast opposite England; which were probably intended solely either to invade England, or at least to keep the English in a state of apprehension; neither of these objects was conducive to, or compatible with, friendly relations. The Constable replied to him that these lansquenets had been sent to the place in question to go into winter quarters, as the country thereabouts is very rich in supplies, whereas the Boulognais was stripped. He assured the ambassador that it was not the desire of the Dauphin to offend the English, but to keep the peace with them. The King had been informed by the Prior of Capua that the story told about Guernsey was not true; he even declared on his honour that nothing of the sort had ever entered his head. He (the Constable) begged the ambassador to assure the King of England and his Council of this and that the Dauphin wished to keep reciprocal good friendship with him, and to find some suitable settlement of Scottish affairs.
Oct. 26. Paris 1487. (In a letter from St. Maurice to Prince Philip of this date, sending him a copy of the aforegoing letter on English affairs, by the hands of an envoy of the King of France to Portugal who is passing through Castile, St. Mauris adds the following paragraph on the same subject.)
I will only add, Sire, that I have learnt that the English fleet still remains in Scotland, where they have fortified a seaport and two castles near the English border which may be very easily succoured. There has consequently been a combat at sea between the two nations, in which the English have lost four ships sunk and the Scots sixteen captured.
(The writer again presses most earnestly for money, without which he says he must retire from his office.)
October. Paris K. 1487. St. Mauris to the Emperor.
On St. Michael's Day the Christian King celebrated a chapter of his Order where there were nine of his knights. The ambassadors were present at the solemnity, summoned by the King; the Queen and Madame Margaret were there. During the ceremony of the decoration and the offering the Dauphin and those present never ceased laughing and criticising those of the knights who did not make their obeisances properly according to custom. The first reverence is made to God, the next to the King, the third and fourth to the Queen and Madam Margaret, the fifth to the ambassadors and the sixth when the tapers are offered. These reverences are made both in coming and going. It is said that three or four days previously the King observed all the details of the ceremonies laid down for the Order, and intends to celebrate it with all solemnity next year. Horatio (Farnese) as the junior knight was the last to make his offering, he being preceded by Peter Strozzi, the Count de Languilara. He has abandoned his journey to Rome, as the tumult in Naples has ceased, and he has persuaded the King of France to send for Monsieur de Grignan to reply in person for the damage caused during his imprisonment by his means; President Beltrandi being the commissary for the King in the matter. A portion of Grignan's train has already arrived.
Paulin is now in the Bastille at Paris on the delation of Captain Claude, and this is being used as a pretext for preparing other charges against him. . . . .
They are making great boast about the recent journey to the Boulognais, although nothing was done except to warn their enemy to be more on the alert. The French army say that the Dauphin could easily have taken Saint Omer if he had wished, for five or six hundred of their horse entered the town without meeting with any resistance, and they might have captured it. They tell other stories here, counting, of course, without their host. They all agree that during the journey the Dauphin ordered that no damage should be done to the Emperor's subjects. The French are complaining bitterly of the injuries and oppressions inflicted by their Lansquenets, of whom the Dauphin has dismissed a portion of those the least fit for war, and the Dauphin wants to make his people believe that he will do the like with the rest. (fn. 8)
The Princess D'Albret (Jeanne Princess of Navarre) remains in a house near Paris feigning to be ill, in order to avoid coming to Court, whither she has been summoned three times. She refuses to come because the Dauphin formerly would not allow her to go and see her mother, the Dauphin being afraid of her marrying our Prince (i.e. Philip). (fn. 9)
The report is again purposely spread that Bayard is to be commanded to come and answer in person for the offences imputed to him, and he is in danger of losing the beautiful house he has near to that of Marshal Saint Andre.
Chatillon is being sent to the fort at Boulogne in order that he may call a muster of soldiers and provide for what is necessary there. (fn. 10)
Four new ambassadors have arrived here from the four Cantons of the Protestant league. They are to be received shortly, and will be much caressed. The Pope's new ambassador has been very favourably received.


  • 1. Gardiner's contention was that Henry had changed his mind in his later years. He took his stand upon certain decrees that had been passed in Convocation making innovations in ecclesiastical affairs illegal until these decrees were repealed and a new command given by the King. See Gardiner's letters in Strype's Cranmer.
  • 2. Lorenzo, or Lorenzino, de' Medici as he was usually called, was the inhuman monster who had with his own hands murdered his comrade in debauchery the Duke Alessandro de Medici, the first husband of Margaret the legitimated daughter of the Emperor (afterwards married to Ottavio Farnese). Lorenzino had fled after his crime to Venice, the refuge of most of the Florentine refugees in opposition to the new Duke Cosimo son of Giovanni delle Bande Nere. In fact Lorenzino was murdered in Venice in the following year 1548, but I am not aware that it has ever been suggested that the crime was committed at the instance of the Emperor, as this letter shows was the case.
  • 3. With regard to this portrait, which now hangs in the Museo del Prado in Madrid, see the Emperor's letter to Diego de Mendoza in Vol. VIII. of this Calendar, p. 258.
  • 4. The Spanish in Van der Delft's letters is in fact very laboured and imperfect.
  • 5. Dr. Thirlby, English ambassador with the Emperor.
  • 6. Sir Richard Rich (Lord Rich), who had been Solicitor-General, Speaker of the House of Commons and Chancellor of the Augmentations, was a man of mean origin and infamous character. He resigned the Great Seal and withdrew from public life on the fall of Somerset.
  • 7. Apparently the voyage of Philip Prince of Spain, who up to this time had acted as Regent for his father, to Germany and Flanders, with the object of forwarding the Emperor's plans for the succession of Philip to the Imperial as well as to the Spanish and Italian domains. Philip eventually started from Valladolid on the 1st October, 1548, leaving his sister Maria and her recently married husband, the Archduke Maximilian, the Emperor's nephew, as Regents of Spain.
  • 8. The German and Swiss mercenary troops in the French service.
  • 9. Jeanne d'Albret was at this time nineteen years old, and active negotiations were being secretly carried on for her marriage with the Emperor's heir, Prince Philip, already a widower although only 20 years of age. The mother to whom reference is made was the famous Margaret of Angouleme, sister of Francis I., who had married the titular King of Navarre, whose Spanish territories had been usurped by the King of Spain under papal sanction. Margaret of Angouleme died two years later, in 1549, and Jeanne d'Albret married Anthony de Bourbon, Duke of Vendome, first prince of the blood after the reigning house of Valois.
  • 10. The fort in question, on the South side of Boulogne Harbour, opposite the old tower called the Tower d'Ordre or the Old Man, came afterwards to be called Chatillon's Garden, and is so marked on the old maps. It is perhaps hardly necessary to say that the Chatillon in question was the afterwards famous Huguenot Admiral of France, Gaspard de Coligny, who was murdered at the Saint Bartholomew.