Spain: April 1547, 1-15

Pages 64-80

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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April 1547, 1–15

April 1. Vienna Imp. Arch. The Queen Dowager to Van der Delft.
We have received by the hand of M. de Chantonnay your letters of the 18th ultimo, and are now well informed of the position of affairs in England, which, indeed, does not appear to be so stable as we should like to see it in the interests of the welfare and tranquillity of the peoples, and of our own ability to live in good neighbourship with the ruling personages. It is, indeed, to be feared, so fickle and inconstant are English people by nature, and judging from the way in which they have commenced with the Lord Chancellor, that they may possibly treat others in a similar way. For that reason it will be advisable for you to exercise the most scrupulous vigilance to make yourself acquainted with the humours of the men at the head of the government, and also the trend of popular opinion, and what the people at large think of the government. From time to time you will advise us of all the changes of feeling you can discover. Let us know in what esteem they hold our cousin the Princess (Mary), and if there is any talk of marrying her, and also how they treat and in what reputation stands the widow of the late King, and the daughter of Cleves (i.e., Anne of Cleves).
Since the Protector and Secretary Paget have confessed to you that they have again entered into negotiations with France, with the idea, as they say, that the interests of the Emperor will be greatly benefited thereby, whilst they assure you that they have agreed to nothing to the prejudice of the treaty that is at present in force between his Majesty and them, you will do well if you seize the first opportunity that offers of speaking to Paget, and telling him, unofficially, as if on your own account, that you have been thinking of the kind and courteous words they used with reference to the advantage they thought would accrue to the Emperor's interests, and it has occurred to you that it would be convenient if they would be kind enough to give you a copy of, or at least let you read again, the aforesaid new treaty they have made with France; so that by this means a perfect understanding may be established between his imperial Majesty and the English government, if only for the purpose of banishing the effect of these French boasts that they (the French) have gained an advantage over his Majesty, and that Boulogne is to be restored to them at the same time.
If Paget raises any difficulty to this and endeavours to excuse himself, you will, again as if of your own accord and assuring him that you have received no instructions on the subject, tell him that, in your opinion at least, if his imperial Majesty chose to press the point, they (the English Government) would be bound by the terms of the treaty of alliance to communicate to him the contents of such a treaty. You will point out to him (Paget) that by the third clause of our treaty it is laid down that neither of the two contracting princes nor their successors may make any agreement to the prejudice of the other. In addition to this it is laid down in the fourteenth clause, that in the interests of the consolidation of the closest possible alliance between the two sovereigns the latter should maintain a mutual intelligence in their affairs and mutual acquiescence in their proceedings, whereby neither of them can negotiate with any other party whatever to the prejudice of the aforesaid alliance, directly or indirectly. As his Majesty's dominions are contiguous with those of France, the Emperor, with perfect reason, could demand to know what they (the English government) have agreed upon with the King of France. You may say that you think that if King Henry were still alive he would have acquainted the Emperor with the treaty in question, at least so far as concerned his Majesty's interests, in order that he might be made aware in that way, and by what form of words, they have reserved the treaty of alliance now in force with him, as the Emperor did when he made his treaty of peace with France at Crépy. He then communicated to King Henry the words by which it was formally stipulated in the treaty that his Majesty expressly reserved the friendship and alliances that existed between him and the King of England.
You may also say that they (the English government) ought to consider very carefully which friendship is most likely to be serviceable to them, that of France where they have never found any good reciprocity, or that of the Emperor and his people here, who from ancient times have maintained a close and cordial alliance with them. If they (the English) take a contrary course it certainly would seem to be a reversal of the last wishes of the late King, as they had caused it to be conveyed to the Emperor by the gentleman they sent to his Majesty. His Majesty could ill undertake the protection of the young King's interests if they concealed from him the terms of the treaties with which his Majesty by right ought to be made acquainted. Your object will be always to persuade Paget to get them to communicate to you the terms of their treaty with the French, and if you can manage to obtain a copy of it, it will be of the greatest possible satisfaction to us. You will report to us what answer they give you on this matter.
We have had Councillor Van der Burch's account of his conferences with the English Commissioners considered. Owing to the recess that has been granted nothing has been settled, and affairs remain in the same state as they were before. It is true that certain points have been agreed upon, as indeed was the case with the conference at Bourbourg, but nevertheless this has had no effect in preventing the English from making the Emperor's subjects pay as before. It is, therefore, necessary that you should be furnished with some authentic information as to the points to which the commissioners have agreed, so that the English officers may be confronted with this, and be ordered to conduct themselves in accordance with it. By these means their undue exactions may be prevented, and with this object you will urge the matter diligently, in accordance with the memorandum which will be sent to you shortly.
We have frequently written to you about your obtaining a reply to the claims of his Majesty's subjects, for the restitution of the estates they held in the Boulognais, now in the occupation of the English. At the commencement of the affair you will recollect that it was submitted to the late King, who died before any definite resolution was adopted. It is of great interest to the affairs of the Emperor, and indeed also to the English themselves if they could only understand it, that these subjects of ours should be restored to the enjoyment of their own properties, and we therefore order you to press industriously for a solution of this question, without any further delay. You will give them (the English government) to understand that neither the letter of the law nor common reason can justify the deprivation of their property and permanent spoliation of these subjects of the Emperor, who were at the time of the conquest of Boulogne, and are still, the allies and confederates of the English; and moreover many of them in the actual service of England aiding in the capture of Boulogne. It is surely unjust that they should be plundered by their friends. They are more courteously treated by the French, who, although they occupied their estates during the course of the war, restored them when peace was made, and the Emperor's subjects are in the peaceable enjoyment of the properties they have in the part of the Boulognais occupied by the French. The English are the only people who act otherwise; their contention being that the lands in question, being held from the King of France, were acquired by conquest as the property of the enemy by the King of England, who has a right to use them for his own profit. This allegation is contrary to justice, according to which the conquest of a country by a prince does not give to the latter the right of acquiring the properties held in it by his own subjects. Even in the case where a prince loses a territory and afterwards regains it, his subjects return to their possessions taking the oath post liminii, and what is true of subjects must surely also be true of friends and allies, who ought to be treated exactly as subjects, so far as refers to war. This rule of conduct is observed by all Christian princes, and it would be too unreasonable and contrary to the laws of God and the equity of men, if in consequence of a war between two princes, the subjects of a third prince were to lose their landed estates. It is especially hard that their own allies and friends should thus seek to deprive them of their properties: and indeed it would be in direct violation of the second clause in the treaty of close alliance, which lays down that the vassals and subjects of the two contracting princes are bound to forward and favour the interests of each other, and are to be treated in either of the prince's territories exactly as the native subjects of the prince are. For these reasons and others that will occur to you, you will endeavour to get the said subjects, of the Emperor restored to the enjoyment of their estates in the Boulognais, and you will keep us informed of the answers you receive to your representations.
If you learn that there is any idea of their giving up Boulogne you will press the matter even more warmly, showing the English governors that they would in such case be doubly bound to restore the lands to the owners, in order that the King of France might not have the opportunity of continuing to occupy them.
The “escort” of this city of Bruges has submitted to us a statement, showing the serious wrong done to him and the burgesses of the city by Lord Grey, the English Governor of Boulogne. Some time ago, in compliance with a request made to us by the English ambassador, we consented to Lord Grey ordering to be made here a certain quantity of table plate, and exporting it out of the country when he pleased. He availed himself of the permission, and the plate was made to his order, but he sent hither a quantity of new English dollars (stolers), which as you know is a coin prohibited in this country by our government. These dollars were destined to pay the silversmith, who had already delivered the plate, and he naturally refused to receive the coins in payment, having regard to the loss that he would incur by doing so, which would have amounted to more than half the value of the plate supplied. The authorities, having been apprised of this, caused the said money to be embargoed, claiming that, in accordance with the edicts and proclamations in force, the whole amount should be confiscated.
Lord Grey having been informed of this, he caused the ambassador here to request us to pardon the error committed by his factors, and raise the embargo and the claim for confiscation of the aforesaid money. We set forth in reply, that although we had prohibited the circulation of the new dollars (stolers), in consequence of their intrinsic value being less than a Brabant paltart, many merchants and others coming over to England made their profit by filling this country with these dollars, passing them as the old dollars which were worth more than double. We had therefore been constrained to order the officers to insist upon the strict observance of the ordinances in respect to the currency; and consequently we ought not in reason to accede to Lord Grey's request. But, nevertheless, having regard to the fact that Lord Grey was a member of the King of England's senate, we were willing to grant him the Emperor's share of the confiscated money, his Majesty, according to the regulations, being entitled in such cases to claim one-third of the value; the other two-thirds belonging to the informant and to the official, and this we could not touch. We would, nevertheless, write to the authority (escort) in queston, telling him to deal graciously with Lord Grey's factors, as we had done on our part. The said official (escort), however, would not surrender the whole of the money to the factors; and thereupon Lord Grey, having discovered certain burgesses of Bruges and their ships and merchandise at Boulogne, had had them all seized, in order to compel the release of the dollars at Bruges.
This is not only against the commercial treaties in force, by which all reprisals and counter-arrests are forbidden, and more especially by the ninth clause of the last treaty, but is it also a flagrant abuse of the civility we extended to Lord Grey, causing us, naturally, much displeasure. We have had the English ambassador spoken to about it; and have requested him, in the name of his imperial Majesty, to remonstrate with the English Council, and request them to have the matter remedied, in accordance with the treaties in force: otherwise we shall be obliged to take into our own hands the indemnification of the Flemish subjects thus injured, as we are unable to tolerate so notorious a contravention of the treaties. Nevertheless, if Lord Grey is of opinion that the officer in question has done him an injustice we will willingly administer equitable and prompt justice in the matter, either through the Flemish Council or the Grand Council of Malines, or otherwise as may be found expedient.
Bruges, 1 April, 1547, before Easter.
2 April. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
Since the departure of M. de Chantonnay, no change has taken place in the position of affairs here. The Lord Chancellor remains confined to his house and deprived of his office, the Great Seal having been given into the custody of the Great Master of the Household, Lord St. John, who will hold it until Whitsuntide, when they will be handed to the new Lord Chancellor, who it is said will be Secretary Paget, although he has already refused the office. He has gone to see the estates and possessions given to him by the late King about a hundred miles from here, and some people wanted to make out that this was only a pretext for him to get away and quietly cross the sea. Being anxious to learn the truth about it, and having a good reason for wishing to see these gentlemen of the Council to complain of the injuries and depredations committed almost daily on your Majesty's subjects and of the scant justice that was meted out to them, I sent to him (Paget) to ask for audience; saying that, as I had heard that he was shortly leaving London on a voyage, and some people were saying that he was going abroad I should be glad if the audience could be arranged before his departure, so that he himself might be present at it. He replied that he was only going to see his estates and could not defer his departure, which was fixed for the following day. He then went to consult the other members of the Council and fixed the audience for the second day after.
The following day I received formal notice from the Protector and the Council that I could come to Court on the day that had been mentioned by Paget. Just as I was ready to start a messenger from the Protector and Council came to me to say that although they had appointed a day and hour for receiving me, they desired to know, nevertheless, whether the matters I had to discuss concerned your Majesty entirely, in which case I might come. But if I wished to see them on the subject of merchants' claims they asked me to have patience, as they were extremely busy with other affairs. As I was much surprised at receiving such a message and rebuff as this, considering that they had twice over made the appointment with me fixing the day and hour, I replied that what I had to communicate to them was by command of your Majesty and of the Queen (Dowager of Hungary) and if they refused to hear me, I must, of course, have patience until it pleased them to do so.
When the messenger had taken this reply to them, he returned to me at once to say that I might go to the Council immediately. When I saw them I pressed urgently to obtain restitution of the property of your Majesty's subjects in the Boulognais, (fn. 1) upon which point their final decision and reply had been so often delayed. I then went on to demand also a settlement of the Renegat affair. On the first point I could obtain no other reply than had been given to me before, namely, that when they had agreed with the French they would do what was reasonable to the satisfaction of the Queen (Dowager of Hungary), whereupon I remonstrated strongly with them, saying that this reply was insufficient, as they had agreed with the French not only once but twice, and all sorts of things were being said about it.
They all cried out at once at this, saying, “We have done more for you with the French than for ourselves”; and then the Protector added, “And we have sent an account to the Emperor by our ambassador of our negotiations with the French, but as far as regards the question of the limits in the Boulognais, it is not quite settled yet.” I replied to this that perhaps it never would be settled and appearances certainly tended that way, by which I let them see that I quite understood their response. I then repeated the reasons why they should agree to the restitution demanded, and they answered that the delay that had occurred was with perfectly good reason and was not such as I thought. They had, they said, arranged with the French to hold another conference to which they would shortly send their commissioners. With regard to Renegat's affair, they said they had appointed a commissioner to hear the evidence of both sides, and to report to them fully thereon. They all then begun to complain that the property of English subjects had been seized in Spain on account of a private grievance, which was in direct violation of the treaties; and in this, and other directions their subjects were being maltreated and injured in Spain.
I was therefore drawn into a great dispute with them, both with regard to Renegat's affair and with regard to the treatment of English subjects in Spain, and at last I told them plainly that they had no right to complain, as they had always obtained for their subjects everything they had asked for. I said they would find that their subjects had been more highly favoured by my intercession than the subjects of your Majesty. I had employed every sort of solicitation, justification and pressure that I was capable of in their favour, and I was greatly astonished that they were dragging forward old matters respecting which they themselves and their subjects had expressed their thanks to me for having written in their favour and obtained the concession they had requested.
They did not know what to answer to this, and I continued that, although they had warned me not to enter upon the question of merchants' grievances, since they had themselves broached the subject they must allow me also to declare to them how the subjects of your Majesty were suffering, against all right and reason. I then set forth many of the grievances and injuries that your Majesty's subjects, endured in consequence of restitution being denied to them here of their property, and of the long delays which took place in doing justice to their claims. I said that after these subjects had been detained here a year or two in solicitation the Council referred them to the Admiralty, where it was quite impossible to get anything decided or for the claimants to bear the expenses of the procedure. I said that, although I never referred to them (the Councillors) any case that was not absolutely clear, there was, nevertheless, not one case that had been looked into, but they had all been remitted together to the Admiralty; they insisting that according to the laws and constitution of this realm the goods of your Majesty's subjects captured in hostile bottoms had formerly been held as fair prize by the admiralty court, and at the present time the Council had confirmed this, notwithstanding that they had sent to tell me, after I had, with the parties interested, appealed against the first judgment, that I need not trouble any more about the matter as they themselves (the Council) would arrange with the parties interested in a manner that would be satisfactory to me. I continued that, I had not failed to demonstrate to them that the statutes upon which they depended were against the treaties, and injurious to international comity and intercourse, and that they could not be thus stretched to our injury. Such a thing, indeed, I said, had never been done here before. They had, moreover, not kept their promise to me, a promise upon which I had absolutely depended.
To all this I could get no other reply than they would not decide anything except in accordance with their laws and statutes; the particular statute in question having been made before the trade agreements, as I might see for myself by the copy they would send me. As I could get no better reply than this to all my other complaints, I have thought desirable to give your Majesty a detailed account of the matter in order that you may be able to consider the difficulty in which your subjects will find themselves here in future in trying to obtain justice from these gentlemen, who, to tell the truth, have very scant respect for those dependent upon your Majesty. It looks as if any of them, when he hears that an affair touches a subject of your Majesty, thinks that he shall attract attention to himself as a good and zealous servant of his King and as an able minister, if he insists upon admitting nothing and recognising nothing which might tend to prove our case. It may, therefore, be justifiably feared that navigaton will become less free than ever, since anyone (at sea) may capture what he can, knowing perfectly well that he can drag out the case in the Admiralty Court so long that he will tire out the claimant, or the latter may be forced to abandon his suit and his property both on account of the heavy expenses of such protracted proceedings, and on account of the daily increasing disfavour with which foreigners are regarded since the death of the late King.
For the last two days these people seem rather more alert in consequence of the rumour that exists to the effect that the King of France is mustering his sea forces. I do not know what truth there is in it, but in any case the English think that such a force is more likely to be directed against them than against your Majesty, in spite of all the offensive and defensive treaties which I am informed they have made with the French, although the Protector only spoke to me of a defensive alliance. I have done my best to discover the details of their agreement, but I have been unable to learn any of the particulars, nor do I know whether they have sent notice of it to your Majesty, as they say they have.
From a trustworthy source I hear that there has been some talk of marrying the King to the daughter of the Dauphin, and Madam Mary with M. de Vendome, which for many reasons does not look to me very probable. It is true that these people (the Councillors) on one occasion during the negotiations (with the French) were for breaking off altogether, Paget having rejected certain proposals made by the French and the whole matter remained in suspense for some days, during which no communications took place. At last Paulin got angry at the obstinacy of these people, and I am given to understand now that some gentleman is expected here from France, and it is quite probable that Paget may go over the water, which I am told he could very easily do from the place where he now is. I pray your Majesty will pardon me my suppositions, which may turn out vain.
The Scots, after losing their three principal ships, have captured some English merchant ships, and preparations are being made here to reinforce the (English) fleet at sea, the King's galley being one of the vessels which are to be sent on that service. The Scots are no less vigilant, and think of nothing but war against the English, as I understand from one who is very intimate with one of the Scottish ambassadors here. The other Scottish ambassador has not yet returned from France.
Duke Philip (fn. 2) has left here for Germany and will travel through France on his way thither.
London, 2 April, 1547.
April 2. Vienna Imp. Arch. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
By the accompanying copy of the letter I am sending to the Emperor, your Majesty will see what has passed between the members of the Council and myself since the departure of M. de Chantonnay. I have thought best to relate thus minutely the conversations between us, in order that his imperial Majesty may be informed of the treatment meted out to his subjects here, and the small hope that exists of any amendment in this respect; since all that was promised to me on behalf of the Council at the time when the Lord Chancellor was employed in it I find now frustrated.
This is a good sign of the sort of justice we are likely to meet with here in future. Your Majesty will doubtless be able to penetrate the reason for the long delay in giving us a final decision with regard to the claims made by the subjects of his Majesty for the restitution of their properties in the Boulognais. For my part I am less hopeful now of this matter than I was during the lifetime of the late King, for with him there appears to have expired all favour, benignity and magnanimity; so that the ancient reputation of this realm will soon be utterly cast down.
London, 2 April, 1547, before Easter.
April. Paris K. 1487. St. Mauris(?) to Granvelle(?).
The 30th of March the King died at Rambouillet of a fever which had afflicted him for thirty days. He was opened after his death, and an apostheme was found in his stomach; the kidneys were wasted and all the entrails decayed. The armpit was partially cankered and the lung affected. Two days before he died, Aquila (i.e., Madam d'Etampes) left Rambouillet and went to her house at Limours. The day after the death, Dux (i.e., the Dauphin Henry) with his wife, retired to a monastery near Rambouillet, and the following days Dux was at Saint Germain. Before he left Rambouillet he authorised Tris, (fn. 3) the Admiral and the Bishop of Macon to remain there for forty days to fulfil the usual solemnities and to maintain the daily service of food customary in such cases. (fn. 4)
The 2nd instant, the Dauphiness (fn. 5) and Madame Marguerite visited the Queen at Poissy by order of Dux, who also wrote autograph letters to her Majesty, conveying the news of the King's death, and excusing himself for not having informed her before of the King's illness. This omission, he said, had been in consequence of his hope from day to day that the King would recover; and he now offered to her Majesty all the duty that a son could pay to a mother. He would, he announced, always remain a humble and obedient son to her. The Dauphiness and Madame Marguerite also presented to the Queen their promises to serve her to the utmost, accompanying their offers by many kind expressions. When Madame Marguerite entered the Queen's chamber and saw the black hangings, her heart failed her, and when she left she fell into another faint. The princesses were accompanied by several ladies (named) and amongst them the Admiral's wife, by order of Dux (i.e., the Dauphin Henry). These ladies were ordered by Dux not to return to Court, and they consequently endeavoured to remain attached to the Queen's service. She, however, only retained Madame Massi and the Admiral's wife, the latter out of favour for her sister the Duchess de Montpensier, (fn. 6) who begged the Queen very hard for her. The said Duchess is with Madame Marguerite, although Dux would have liked to dismiss her. Madame Marguerite, however, declared that she would not go at all unless the Duchess went with her. It is thought that the arrangement will not last long as Silvius (probably the Dauphiness Catherine de Medici) hates her and her sister. Mme. Massi will have to give up the state she has hitherto kept. The Queen is sending away Madame Canaples, although the latter begged to be allowed to stay. She had, however, done all she could against the Queen, and if it had not been for Silvius, M. Canaples would have repudiated her and placed her in a convent. He says now that she has been a concubine of the King's. It is as yet uncertain what the other husbands will say.
On the day that Dux went to St. Germain the Constable arrived there. Dux received him kindly and they conversed apart for over two hours. It is said that the same night Longueville was removed from his estates. On the following day Bayard, who was at Court, was turned out thereof and deprived of his estates, and he has retired to his house in great tribulation. It is said, indeed, that an indictment is being drawn up against him. Whilst the Admiral was at Rambouillet, his office of marshall was disposed of, though in whose favour is not yet known. It is said to be the intention to allow him to retain his post of admiral, though without emoluments, but he will be deprived of the government of Normandy, which will go to M. d'Aumale. It is believed that M. de Hesdin will be Marshal of France and his daughter has already been appointed lady of honour to the new Queen. Tris is entirely in the shade, and the Count de Montreuel and M. de Grignan, his nephews, are deprived of their governments of Provence and Bresse.
It is rumoured that Paulin will no longer have charge of the galleys, which, it is said, will be entrusted to Peter Strozzi. Saint Siergues and all the other knights of the order who were members of the Privy Council, have been deported, and the chief of the Council, so far as regards judicial affairs, is M. de Rheims under the supervision of the constable, the latter having chosen M. de Rheims (fn. 7) for his colleague, because he is of princely rank, and he (the constable) was formerly accused of wishing to do everything himself; and also in order to please Silvius who was the means of bringing him back to Court. The Receiver of Sens and Marchaumont have been appointed Secretaries of the Council, and it is believed that Aubespine will return no more. Bochetel is at Court. The Chancellor still refrains from business, but he fears he will have to attend. There is, however, more likelihood of his staying than not.
On the third of this month Aquila (i.e., the Duchess d'Etampes) sent one of her people to request her usual lodging at St. Germain to enable her to come and take leave of Dux (i.e., the Dauphin). The latter told Aquila's servant that he had better go to the Queen and ask for the lodging, and that he (the Dauphin) would act in accordance with her Majesty's decision in the matter. This was intended as a hint to Aquila that she had acted very badly in causing, as she had done, the Queen to be so ill-treated. There are a good many people already at Court complaining of Aquila, setting forth the places she had deprived them of, etc. They will get a very good hearing and prompt redress, even if no worse trick is played upon Aquila and the others who are in the black books, than banishing them, as they (i.e., the new King and his party) are doing.
Dux (the Dauphin) will not have Aquila nor those of her set mentioned to him. He excused himself to the Queen on the 4th instant for not having visited her before, saying that he had caused enquiries to be made as to whether he should be dressed in mourning for the visit, in which case he would come so attired; but some authorities assured him that Kings of France should not wear mourning, and as soon as he was able to have the question cleared up he would pay his dutiful visit to her Majesty. In his communication, he repeated his earnest desire to serve and please her in all things, and he hoped that she would put him to the test. The Constable is now occupying the lodgings which belonged to Aquila (Madame d'Etampes) and he has for a neighbour Cardinal Chastillon. Messieurs de Rheims and Guise are also lodged in the King's house. Mons. is always welcome and Cardinal Ferrara is smiled upon; but Cardinal Chastillon is already beginning to compete with him for precedence. In short, this Court is a new world, and nothing that has been done by Tris and the Admiral either with the English, the protestants or others is now approved of.
Since the 4th April M. d'Aumale has been made Grand Master of France, by the consent of the Constable, and Governor of Dauphine in place of Montgiron; the latter having been dismissed from the Privy Council and deprived of all his estates and commands; and his son has also been deprived. Young Saint Andre is made a member of the Council, with M. de Hesdin, and both are created Marshals of France, in the place of the Admiral and M. de Biez, who have been turned out. M. de Tais has also been sent home, and the command of the French artillery he held given to M. de Brissac. It is confirmed that Paulin has fallen quite into disgrace and the charge of the galleys has been given to the Prior of Capua (i.e., Leone Strozzi).
It is now asserted that orders have been given to arrest Longueville and that he will be taken to the Bastille. By this means Aquila's affairs will be opened up and examined and she will soon be ruined. An abbey belonging to Longueville which he had transferred to Cardinal Lenoncourt has been confiscated and conferred upon M. de Rheims. It is also believed that M. Grignan is to be arrested, he having been accused of several malversations by the Count de Tandes, etc. . . . . . Tris, who is at Rambouillet, has been ordered not to come to Court, and an indictment is being drawn up against him. It is said that he will retire, giving up all his places and offices. M. d'Aubigny has been let out of the Bastille, and it is feared that M. de L'Orge (i.e., Montgomerie), who accused him, may be put there in his place. He has already been deprived of his estates and is in disgrace.
Old St. Andre is to be governor of Bresse in place of Count Montreuel. Boissi has presented himself at Court, but he runs the risk of being wrecked by the relationship he had contracted with M. d'Etampes, he having been turned out of the Court shortly before the old King's death. Sordi is still in favour with the young King. The heirs of the late treasurer Pouchier claim Limours from Aquila, whom they charged with having caused the lawsuit against their deceased father to be given in her favour by people of her own choice, in order that she might obtain possession of the estate. They have received permission to substantiate their accusations, and this will be a means of bringing forward other complaints. Fresh guardians of the money in the Louvre have been appointed in place of Cardinal de Meudon, and when he left they seized all his papers and correspondence without ceremony. He said that he had expected no other treatment. Madame d'Albret is to arrive at Court shortly and Cardinal Armaignac has gone post to meet her.
April 9. Paris K. 1487. St. Mauris to Prince Philip.
By enclosed copies of letters your Highness will see the condition of affairs here up to a recent date. Since the death of the King (of France) many changes have been made, and it appears that we shall remain at peace, there being no prospect of trouble on this side for the present year.
During his last illness the King admonished the Dauphin several times, and amongst other things urged him to take care of his sister and have her married fittingly to her rank. (fn. 8) He also enjoined him to persevere in the Christian religion, and to uphold it to the best of his ability; to regard the welfare of his people and not to burden them without urgent necessity; though he confessed that in the course of his reign he himself had done so sometimes on very slight and inadequate occasion, but on others because affairs rendered it inevitable. Above all he spoke long and impressively to him in favour of the Queen (fn. 9); saying that he should regard and protect her well, knowing how ill he (Francis) had treated her, though she had not deserved such treatment, having always been to him a good and obedient wife. At the end he made a will providing for some of his servants, and prayed the Dauphin to employ his old domestics. After the King's death the Dauphin brought hither the Dauphiness (fn. 10) and Madame Marguerite to visit the Queen. When Madame Marguerite entered her Majesty's chamber, and saw the black hangings, and the Queen's black dress, she had two fainting fits, the last as she was leaving the room. The ladies were conducted by Cardinal Ferrara. The Queen has decided not to move for six weeks from the convent where she now is, and where the Dauphin is going to visit her in two days. He has already caused several cordial and dutiful messages to be communicated to her, expressing his great desire to treat her well, whether she decide to remain in France or to reside elsewhere. The Queen trusts that as he has always been a good son, he will so continue. The Constable (fn. 11) is at present at this Court, having been recalled for participation in affairs.
Poissy, 9 April, 1547.
April 11. Simancas. E. 643. The Emperor to Don Francisco de Toledo.
We are informed by your last letters of your conversation with the Pope and Cardinal Farnese about the treasures in the Spanish Churches. His Holiness' reply being so decided, notwithstanding the urgent need we have for money for the enterprise now in hand, there is nothing more to be said about it, except to thank you for your diligence, and to await the result of the remark that Cardinal Farnese afterwards made to you and the letters we are now sending to the ambassador Don Diego de Mendoza; and to see whether they (i.e., the Papal ministers) will agree to reason. If we thought that the amount to be obtained would be a half of what they persuade themselves it will be we should not wait for the Pope's permission to levy it. But from all indications we receive it is thought that it will be much less than was anticipated; and we are accordingly writing to Don Diego (de Mendoza) that if a million crowns can be got instead of the 400,000 already conceded in compensation for the surrender of the monastic manors and this other demand upon the ecclesiastical treasures, he is to accept it and get the bulls despatched at once. Until this matter is finally settled no money can be obtained, or loan raised, and we are unable to advise you as to what arrangements may be made with the Florentine bankers respecting finance. You must keep the matter pending as well as you can, getting their undertaking that on our handing them assignments as security they will provide us with as much money as possible in bills of exchange at a moderate rate. Let us know what is done in the matter. The 50,000 crowns of the Duke of Florence had better remain there for the present, as they may be necessary for expenses in Italy, and we are so far off that the money could only be sent hither with much trouble and risk.
You will have learnt of the Pope's reply to the representations made to him on our behalf touching the transfer of the Council. Notwithstanding the same, and in the face of the evidence placed before him, his Holiness persists in his statement that the Council was transferred without his knowledge; and yet notwithstanding this, he takes no action to remedy what has been done. On the contrary, he has shown approbation of it in the consistory, and has prevented the final vote of the Cardinals being taken on the point, on the ground that the Council being free no pressure should be put upon it to return to Trent. We write by this post to Don Diego de Mendoza our ambassador, instructing him to request immediate audience of the Pope, and to represent to him that, having regard to the small reason, or lack of reason, that the prelates had to remove the place of the sittings, as events have since proved, and that even if it had been urgent to do so, the place selected should not have been in Italy, especially as the prelates had announced in the recess and had informed the Papal Nuncio here, that when the epidemic ceased they would return to Trent; and using such other arguments as have been written to him (Mendoza) after having protested against the Council so far as Germany is concerned, he is to press urgently that the legates should return to Trent where the future sittings shall be held. He is to make his Holiness clearly understand that we shall never consent to the transfer of the Council, as being contrary to the best interests of Christianity, and opposed to the objects for which the Council was instituted. He (Mendoza) is also to urge the Pope not to allow that any sitting or other act of the Council shall take place in Bologna, because, apart from the fact that this would be disadvantageous and impossible for us to agree to, it would be a very grave cause of complaint to us, bearing in mind the position in which we now are for the sake of religion. If all these representations prove ineffectual, and the Pope still persists in refusing our just requests Don Diego (Mendoza) is to announce to him formally that it will be impossible for us to avoid making a public protest. This, however, should only be done on very serious grounds, after due consideration, and in the most moderate manner.
As more light can be gained there (Trent) than elsewhere as to the best form and method that can be adopted in making such protest, it will be advisable for you to summon a conference of the prelates and jurists there, in order that they may together draft a formal act of protest in our name. The basis of such protest would be those already set forth above which may be resumed thus. The Council was convoked in the first place mainly respecting German affairs, and at the instance of the German States. That the sudden change in the place of the sittings was made without any good reason, and by the Pope's own confession without his knowledge, and without communication or consultation with anyone. That when the change was made the prelates chose for their sittings a place in Italy, the least conducive to the liberty which should be enjoyed by the whole of the members.
Don Diego is to add to this what argument he may consider necessary, but is not to depart from the main lines here indicated, with the object of justifying the protest on juridical grounds alone, taking care not to enter into any point which may savour of schism. Nor is he to suggest that the Council and its authority shall depend upon the prelates and other members who have remained there (Trent) as this point had better be avoided for the present, notwithstanding the desire of some people to bring it forward.
When this act of protest is drawn up in the way that seems most advisable you will send a copy of it to Don Diego de Mendoza as quickly as possible, in order that he may deal with it according to his instructions, and you will also send a copy to us here with equal promptness. Until by the means referred to we can discover the final intentions of the Pope, it will be undesirable that any change should be made by the prelates and others who have remained there (at Trent) you will speak to all of these in our name, thanking them for their goodwill general and particular, towards the interests of God and ourselves. You will urge them most especially not to move from Trent for the present, but to remain until they receive orders, and if they should be summoned to Bologna, they are to excuse themselves from going thither on the grounds set forth above. If censures be addressed to them they may take the course laid down in the last letter to the commissaries.
This matter being so extremely important, we wish to have as much light upon it as possible, especially as you on the spot will be so well informed about it, we shall be glad if you will send us your opinion. You will have the question discussed by the people there in all its aspects, and an opinion formed as to what can, or had best, be done, both by us and by them (i.e., the members of the Council remaining at Trent) in case his Holiness notwithstanding all our efforts, allows the Council to continue its acts at Bologna; our object being to prevent this and to secure the return of the Council to Trent. Give us full information in your next letter.
The Bishop of Fresuli has written to us asking us for a preferment when occasion offers. We have written to our ambassador in Rome telling him to favour him, and prevent any evil befalling him for having done his duty.
11 April, 1547.


  • 1. See Calendar Vol. 8, p. 464, etc.
  • 2. Duke Philip of Bavaria, Count Palatine, who had come to England before the death of Henry VIII, ostensibly as a suitor for the hand of the Princess Mary. Details of his visit will be found in Vol. 8 of the present Calendar.
  • 3. “Tris” apparently stands for Cardinal Tournon.
  • 4. This curious ceremony is thus described in a letter from Casale to the Pope Paul III, 25 May, 1547 (Ruscelli Lettere di Principi, Venice, 1562). “And during all the time between the death and the sepulture of the King they made of him an effigy and clothed it splendidly, with the crown and sceptre and other royal ornaments; and having placed the effigy upon a bed of state, at the usual hours every morning and evening, they served dinner and supper with the same ceremonies as if the King were verily alive. And after some days they divested the figure of the royal trappings, and dressed it in mourning.”
  • 5. Catharine de Medici.
  • 6. Catherine of Lorraine.
  • 7. Charles of Lorraine, Archbishop of Rheims, who was raised to the Cardinalate a few months after this.
  • 8. Margaret of France, who eventually married as a pledge of the peace of Cateau Cambresis, Emanual Philibert of Savoy. Brantome says that her brother wished her to marry Anthony de Bourbon, Duke of Vendome, the first prince of the blood, who afterwards married Jeanne d'Albret, and that she replied that she would never marry a subject. She had indeed seen young Emanual Philibert at the Conference at Nice many years before, and fallen in love with him, as he had with her, and although the marriage was long delayed, both parties rejected in the interim many other offers.
  • 9.
  • 10. Catharine de Medici.
  • 11. Anne de Montmorenci,