Venice: July 1624, 11-20 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

'Venice: July 1624, 11-20', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625, (London, 1912) pp. 381-397. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol18/pp381-397 [accessed 25 April 2024]

July 1624



July 11. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	493. LUNARDO MORO and ALVISE CORNER, Venetian Ambassadors in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The English ambassador seems very curious and has asked repeated questions to learn whether in our relations with the Imperial ambassador here we have agreed to call them Excellence and be called Most Illustrious by him. He made two remarks which we took in ill part, especially as coming from him, as he seems very ingenuous and not very punctilious. First he said his king and the Most Christian dealt on these very terms, and second he expressed astonishment that the ministers here want to be called Excellency and to call Most Illustrious, an idea he must have got from the French ambassador. We tried to explain the position to him.
	Madrid, the 11th July, 1624.
	[Italian.]
July 11. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	494. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Although there has been no time for an answer to come from Rome about the English marriage, they dissimulate their sentiments of strongly favouring the match. The Earl of Carlisle told me to-day that he was hourly expecting his colleague in the assurance that he will bring what France desires for the satisfactory settlement of the nuptials.
	Arbo told me that a gentleman from the emperor had gone to Rome for the purpose of persuading France and the allies not to interest themselves in the cause of the Palatinate.
	Bacq a Choysi, the 11th July, 1624.
	[Italian.]
July 12. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	495. ALVISE VALARESSO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	They are hourly expecting the Marquis Fiat, ambassador extraordinary of France; he has already crossed the sea, and as usual, Sir [Lewis] Lewkenor went as far as Dover to meet him. Fiat recently received the title of marquis; he is a creature of Cardinal Richelieu, a man new to affairs, reputed insincere, but a great courtier. A report has circulated among the French here that they proposed to match him against Kensington, as regards rank. He only brings ten persons of his table and lodges in Suffolk palace at the royal charge. They expect from him satisfactory proposals for quickly and favourably completing the business. Meanwhile everything remains in suspence. Kensington will not be sent back before they have heard the other. The true reason of his coming is hard to find. Certainly the king reproved him, although mildly, for venturing to come without orders. He could give no better reason himself than that he had come to solicit in person a reply that could only be obtained slowly to the letters written by Carlisle and himself. The excuse offered by others is that he did not go as ambassador and the chief of the embassy, Carlisle, stays on.
	Mansfelt's secretary has asked to be sent off more than once, but they have again pointed out to him the difficulty of undertaking anything alone. They asked him again about Mansfelt's plans. He declared difficulties were inevitable, but his master's fidelity and valour were proved; he risked his life while they risked a little money; the king would not be involved as everything would be done in the name of the King of Bohemia and they must not lose time. Ultimately the prince told him with his own liqs that he must have a little patience, and as soon as they had heard the Ambassador Fiat they would send him off. Certainly if the French do not wish to unite with England over this, the king can easily throw all the blame upon them, as he has already opened himself and remitted the money for his share.
	The Count of Tillieres the late ambassador left last Saturday. He had the usual present (fn. 1) as if his embassy was at an end. He leaves a good name, especially among the Catholics. His secretary and a large part of his household remain. They seem hopeless about his return. The agent of the Palatine now warmly recommends the interests of his master, pointing out that the best way is to make a composition with the Duke of Bavaria through the influence of France, a consideration highly approved by the French ambassador, who always supported that business. Your Excellencies will learn the reasons for his sudden recall from the proper quarter, but I hear that it came partly from this side and from Carlisle's offices. The queen-mother certainly took the leading part possibly from mistrust of him, because in the general opinion she is eagerly hurrying after this marriage. I heard from a great lord that she wants to prepare a safe retreat for herself here in any event, as she knows the instability of France by experience. If the queen desires it the success of the negotiations seems assured. We hear promises that it will be done very quickly. They have abated their demands about religion, and what they asked was chiefly for appearance for the pope's sake. The dispensation alone will prove the chief difficulty, as they can hardly do without it, and to obtain it means delay at least. Many Catholics here consider it done, but few of them seem pleased.The king either does not want it or does not care.
	Digby continues to play the innocent man. He asks for judgment, but nothing is done although the commissioners are still there. On the other hand, the desire remains for his affairs to perish in oblivion, though he continues to protest that he would rather lose his life. They have sent a cavalier to bring back from Spain in a royal ship, (fn. 2) I believe, the jewels left there for presentation to the Infanta, to an estimated value of some 150,000l. sterling. The Lords of the Council have warned the merchants here to remove the capital they have in Spain, where I understand they may have some 400,000l.
	Inoiosa crossed the sea without accident. At night his people had a brawl at Dover; some fared badly and he ran some risk. Under pretence of taking the air they got to the shore by the Downs where the Dunkirk ships are blockaded, from which seven or eight of the leading men got secretly to land, entered their coach and afterwards crossed the sea in their ship. This was a thoroughly Spanish trick, but it is a sign that those ships are recognised as lost. They tried to escape in a favourable wind of late, but in vain. It is almost impossible to report the brutalities and insolence perpetrated by the Spaniards in the house where Inoiosa lodged here in London, to the contempt and injury of the king himself. They even damaged some pictures of former sovereigns, and Queen Elizabeth in particular. (fn. 3)
	It is hoped that the levy for the Dutch will be completed on the last day of this month. The captains have already received some money, and they are opening their coffers in the city; the people responding with remarkable rejoicing. The differences between Oxford and Southampton have proved quite mild so far; God grant that the king may not desire to inflame them.
	A great friend of mine, a cavalier and an important attendant upon the prince, who desired a post in the levy and was left out, was honourably noticed by the prince who promised to employ him shortly upon some greater service for himself.
	They are extremely short of money here. Some accordingly are longing for the ability and industry of the late treasurer. They have devoted every day of late to trying to find money for his Majesty's approaching progress. A very old priest, recently imprisoned, should have suffered death by the laws, but the intercession of the Count of Tillieres and the king's good disposition have saved his life. (fn. 4) They think of sending an agent from here to reside at Turin, probably a person named Clarke.
	Once more I enclose the paper presented by the Spaniards against the Duke of Buckingham, as my brother informs me that the other one did not arrive.
	I have received the ducal missives of the 14th June. I thank your Excellencies for your kindness to me and am much relieved at the choice of the Ambassador Pesaro for this post. I asked audience of his Majesty on the subject, but they afterwards sent word asking me to address myself to the Secretary Conovel in order not to disturb his Majesty, as I had nothing of very great importance. Accordingly I went and informed the secretary, enlarging upon Pesaro's merits, and have spoken to the same effect to many of the courtiers, some of whom had already heard of him.
	London, the 12th July, 1624.
	Postscript.—They report a great defeat inflicted by the King of Sweden on the King of Denmark.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosed in the preceding despatch.	496. SERENISSIME REX. (fn. 5)
	Ea, quae nuper sibi dici et jam scripto repeti jubet Maj. Vra. non sunt ejusmodi ut juridicis probationibus liquido constent, cum quia hi, quorum testimonio confirmari possunt, metu potentissimi adversarii se subducunt cum quia aedes Legatorum ingredi nefas putant, quinimo hi etiam ipsum reformidant quibus a Mte. Vra. imperatum est.
	Sed neque ipsis Legatis dicere licuit cum rerum ordo exigeret quibus nimirum libet, cum Mti. Vrae. sermo nunquam patuit, neque absente Duce Buchingamio audientia habita est, inusitato certe coeteris regibus exemplo, neque boni consulendum, nisi forse ubi Rege inexperto et minoris Judicii, nulliusque prudentiae familiaris Regi intimus, prudens, circumspectus, magni consilii et paris experientiae, vir regias vices supplet. Hic vere ubi cuncta praepostere se habent, et Regi prudentissimo et expertissimo familiaris suus in omnibus se praebet virum juvenem, praecipitem et in rebus gerendis Tyronem et diademati Hispanico offensissimum, jure meretissimo sane ab audientiis eorumdem Legatorum arcendus esset. Ausimus etiam dicere quod affectata ejus presentia, gravem ejus metum arguat magnamque diffidentiam, tam inculpatae conscientiae quam Regiae prudentiae. Hinc itaque fit ut fidelissimi M. V. Vassalli oblique non audeant mentem suam Regi explicare, licet iniquissime ferant optimum Regem ad angustias redigi, et virum commodis suis indulgentem Principum favore, ita sinistre uti, ut ex industria potentissimorum Regum inimicitias concilet. Quis etiam imperturbato animo ferat, res maximas et maximi momenti si ullae in orbe Christiano ita nuncupari possint, arbitrio Parlamenti subactus et hinc impetu praecipiti omnia suo consilio et arbitrio ferri, et paci foelicissimae funestissimum bellum præponi cum tamen non ignorem non tam restutionem Palatinatus quam pretextum vi armorum difficillime sperandum esse.
	Accurate ut solet Maj. V. animadvertat num evidens sit hujusce rei argumentum translatam esse a consilio Status prudentissimo-rum virorum consessu conferentiam Palatinatus, hac duntaxat de causa, quod illorum fere singuli propositionem Regis Cattolici comprobaverant, neque in illa causam dissolvendi tractatus invenerant. Hinc comitia hujus Regni a Duce procurata propter quod machinationes suas Puritanas gratiores fore speraret, non sine gravi consilii status injuria, a quo ad Parlamentum per appellationem tan-quam ad aram provocationis confugit, tali quidem successu, ut dicere liceat, Parlamentum jam essere supra Regem, sed quod magis est ferum Ducem regio nomine multa Parlamento proposuisse, neque consulta neque volente Va. Mte., multa etiam proposuisse adversa Mti. Vae.
	Quis non videat et laudet Regiam Principis Idolem tantis animi dotibus preditam, ut in omnibus bonum optimi Regis filium se praestet; Ducem nihilominus tantum favori suo confidere, ut cunctos spernat, ut pote quos novit suae celsitudini morem gerentes, suae etiam voluntati sese subjecturos. Utinam has actiones suas ad comodum Principis dirigeret, sed hoc ita alienum est ab opinione bonorum virorum ut credant eum, qui nuptias Hispanicas perturbavit ad quasvis alias perturbandas non impotentiorem fore, et hoc est quod multi ominantur. Norunt in Hispania ea ipsa die, qua a Serma. Principe Palatina litteras acceperat effecisse ut revocaretur Procuratorium et paucis post diebus adveniente secreto. praedictae Principis et filiae suae filio suae Celsitudinis nubendae spe confirmata omnia funditus pessundata sunt.
	Provideat sibi Mtas. Va. et Principi, ac praevideat damna quae tantarum turbarum vir movere potest, cujus animum praecipitem Ma. Vre. se notasse dicit et mitigare voluisse, virum, inquam, qui aurem popularem ambet ut in Parlamento probatum est ubi odiosa quaeque in Mtem. Vam. rejiciendo, rerum gratarum gratias sibi arrogavit, Redemptor Patriae cognominatus; virum inquam qui tantum bonum orbi Christiano invidit, imprimis vero Regnis Angliae et Hispaniae, mediis quibusdam usus, qui hunc finem arguunt, multi pessima quaeque timent et ominantur. Si Puritani Regem desiderant quod inviti faciunt, nequaquam Serm. Principem optant, optimum et verum haeredem Vrae. Mtis. sed Principem Palatinam cujus nimirum Mansfeldus est emissarius miles, quicquid demum simulet. Quid haec Mti. Vrae. dixerit viri boni officio functus est tam erga Deum quam erga Mtem. Vram. et Serm. Principem quorum jam interest praevidere vindictam Dei machinationibus Ducis et furore Parlamenti provocatam tam Mtis. et magnis erga Hispaniam testimoniis contra veritatem publicatis, tam frequentibus insuper libellis famosis in lucem editis aliisque ejusmodi rebus, tam acerbis et ignominiosis, ut sine nota Gentis Anglice nequidem ab hostibus nostris legi possint.
	Liquido constat et Historiae testabuntur hic rupta foedera libidine eorum, quorum intererat paci et quieti vestrae consulere et ex intimis precordiis optare, ut post multos et felicissimos annos verificaretur in persona Mtis. Vrae. ad literam symbolum hoc unum, Beati Pacifici; idemque consilium quod Mtis. Vra. universo orbi laudandum et admirandum reddidit Serme. Principi imitandum proponere, fortunatum Principem, si pacificus in hereditariam possessionem Regnorum succedat, et quod non minus est pace stabilita cum iis Principibus quorum foedera Mtas. Vra. promeruit et conciliavit; eos utique laudaret et amaret qui consilia pacis dedissent.
	Pax et tranquillitas jure hereditario ad Serm. Principem devolvantur quandoquidem Principi illo natus est qui non tantum huic Insulae sed etiam continenti tanta industria eas procuravit plures eas pendens, quam ipsa Regna; quod cum ita sit, ut sanguis paternus et amor, quo in Mte. Vra. fertur et experientia foelicissimi hujus regiminis, magnumque illud exemplum quo Mtas. V. in sui amorem et admirationem orbem Christianum allexit ad eadem Pacis consilia Serm. Principem motu connaturali dirigebat sicut ante hac animadverti potuit, et post hac sperari debuit, Ingens profecto violentus et patens est hic impetus, qui tam subito transversum agere molitur. Profecto si in ipso limine belli ipsum bellum careat justitia, carebit etiam foelici successu.
	Mtem. Vram. latere non potest Ducem Buchingamium ita sublime ferri ut velit omnibus persuasum esse se supra voluntatem Mtis. Vrae et suae Celnis. dominium exercere. Haec omnia Mti. Vrae. patefiant, si patefacta voluerit, neque non media desunt quibus timore et diffidentia vassallos suos eximat, nihil alias ausuros et dicturos quod quidem eo usque verum est, ut cum facile sit rebus sic stantibus reperiri qui contra Mtem. Vram. loquatur nemo tamen sit, qui contra Ducem loqui audeat.
	Mtas. Vra. quosdam advocet, quid moderatiores Parlamenti sentiant scrutetur ab iis qui ex Hispania redierunt quis illic primam causam inimicitiarum dederit, inquirat an vere sint querimoniae contra Regem Hispaniam toties repetitae ? an predictus Rex Hispaniarum voluntati suae Celsitudini satisfacere non desideravit ? an matrimonium fideliter non procuraverit ? an Dux Buchingamus contra auctoritatem et reverentiam Sermi. Principis debitam multa non fecerit ? si stante et presente Principe non solitus fucrit sedere modo indecenti, pedes alteri sedi innixus ? an assidens mensae Principis non irreverentur se gesserit ? an cameram suae Celsitudinis medias vestes indutus ingredi non sit solitus, ita ut fores non paterent iis qui ex parte Regis Hispaniarum Principem visitaturi veniebant, ostiariis ingressum prae verecundia recusantibus? an Sermo. Principi agnomina ridicula non imposuerit? an Regiam mulierculis vilibus non profanaverit ? an res obscenas in presentia Principis et gesticulationes inverecundas cum Histrionibus non fecerit ? an fidem Comiti de Olivares datam non violaverit ? an offendicula et querelas suas Legatis aliorum Principum illico non communicaverit ? an in rebus gerendis frequentibus minis apud ministros Regis Cattolici et cum nuntio apostolico usus non fuerit ? an in comediis an Palatio exhibitis sedere ad exemplum Regis et Principis non affectaverit, honore, qui supremo Aulae Oeconomo deferri solet non contentus ? Praeter haec ante hac Mti. Vrae. dicta hoc novi occurrit. Ducem Bochingamium (quo animo caeteri judicent) tractatus secretas inter Vestram Majestatem et Regem Hispaniarum de rebus Ollandicis initos in Parlamento divulgasse, quorum tamen secretum Mtas. Vra. ita commendaverat, ut praeter Regem et Comitem Olivarium in Hispania nemo noverit.
	Si horum omnium Dux conscius non appareat, esto Mti. Vrae. fidelissimus servus, et majores, si quos potest honores, illi deferat. Haec non in Mtis. Vrae. securitatem, non in ipsius damnum dicta volo, cui bene esse desidero, si per illum orbi Christiano boni esse posset.
	Superest ut hoc offitium et obedentiam meam mandatis Majestatis Vrae. praestitam boni consulat.
July 12. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Zante. Venetian Archives.	497. AUGUSTIN SAGREDO, Venetian Proveditore of Zante, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I carried out the Senate's orders of the 2nd May in making proclamation forbidding the plantation of raisins, and the rigorous carrying out of this should produce excellent results. The great number of plantations made here and in Cephalonia undoubtedly did a great deal of harm, since the raisins exceeded the consumption of England and Flanders and could not all be sold, unless at very low prices, whereas the plantations being made on the best lands, adapted for corn, it was certain that if anything interrupted commerce with the Turkish dominions, the inhabitants would have to abandon the island or die of hunger. It was therefore advantageous to uproot all plantations of raisins made after the Senate's prohibition of the 21st January, 1611.
	As regards the sureties given in advance by merchants for the purchase of raisins, wine and oil, called prosticchi and an old custom here, I may say that I have always aimed at the relief of poverty. I have seen that the prices should be as advantageous to the poor as possible, although the merchants have objected or in many places have abstained from these prosticchi, not obtaining of late the exorbitant profits which they expect. I have heard, indeed, that some have changed their style and bargained not for the price that may be quoted (che correra la voce), but the common one current in the market. To abolish the prosticchi altogether has always been considered most difficult if not impossible as we have no Monte di Pietà or Jews' banks here to make advances to the poor, but the abolition of the old practice of quoting a price (del dar la voce) might prove more hurtful than helpful, as if officials have not the charge, zeal to help poverty will fall before the greed of the buyers.
	The prosticci take place without any violence on the part of those who receive them, as the poor peasants, for the sake of the ready money, bind their revenues, and the poor creatures even agree to take part money and part goods, to their serious prejudice and a provision that such arrangements should be made by money only would benefit them greatly.
	As regards prohibiting houses on the shore, I must point out that in the course of time the natives have transferred their dwellings to the shore, where there are a great quantity of houses, many belonging to merchants, with various structures for the convenience of landing and embarking goods. It is therefore impossible to prohibit the use of these houses without inflicting grievous loss on the inhabitants. If the officials cannot prevent smuggling, I think any provision would prove difficult and arduous.
	As regards the trade in raisins being confined to a few English houses in Zante and Cephalonia, it is most true that some of these English are domiciled here who make it their business to buy up the raisins at harvest time, when no foreign ships or buyers are about, and get them at low prices, as they always have plenty of money ready, while they can always dispose of the raisins. Thus when the ships come ready to buy at a better price, these English supply raisins at a lower price and thus keep it down and it cannot rise except by some great chance. Although merchants should not be prevented from buying yet, it would, I think, be most useful to forbid any number to go buying in the villages, but that every one must bring his raisins to the city to sell there at a just weight, as those who buy about the island, who are mostly Jews, deceive the people in the weight, and have other tricks for lowering the price, the fruit being afterwards gathered together in the enclosures (seraglies) of the English disturbers (inchietadori).
	As regards payment in cloth and kerseys, tin, lead and wool, I may say that the kersey, cloth and tin pay the new impost as provided by the ordinance of the Five Sages of the Mercanzia. Lead and wool do not come here. There might be some difficulty about prohibiting western wool, because of the loss to the new duty and the natives would not like it, since the money that will buy a braccio of Venetian kersey will buy two of English, and it also gives them an opportunity of selling their raisins and of clothing themselves and their families.
	Zante, the 2nd July, 1624, (old style).
	[Italian.]
July 13. Senato, Secreta, Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	498. To the Ambassadors Corner and Moro in Spain.
	Commend Corner's behaviour in his conversation with the English ambassador as reported in his letters of the 10th ult.
	Ayes, 88.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 2.
	[Italian.]
July 13. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni, Roma. Venetian Archives.	499. To the Ambassador in Savoy.
	We expect to hear from you of the negotiations of the English ambassador Wake and what he has said to you, as we expect you will have met, and to learn how far you have divined his intentions and the ideas of his king in the present circumstances.
	Ayes, 143.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 5.
	[Italian.]
July 13 Misc. Cod. No. 63. Venetian Archives.	500. MARC ANTONIO PADAVIN, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	They have decided to send 10,000 men to Alsace. They want to have them ready in case Mansfelt appears. They are much afraid of him because besides the marriage they hear that England has entered the league with France and your Serenity. They do not fear the levies of England which they think will be required to defend Ireland, and Spinola is preparing to take the field against them.
	Vienna, the 13th July, 1624.
	[Italian; copy.]
July 13. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Firenze. Venetian Archives.	501. VALERIO ANTELMI, Venetian Secretary at Florence, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The negotiations about the Valtelline ought in some way to turn to the common advantage. The marriage between France and England, of which they seem to have heard here before its conclusion, will inevitably deal a blow at the interests and pretensions of Spain in every quarter, as if those two kings are united with the States it will increase their troubles. Any attempt to strike Spain at the heart, by a joint attack upon her fleets and her Indies would be extremely easy and most beneficial to the general interests.
	Florence, the 13th July, 1624.
	[Italian.]
July 15. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	502. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Mansfelt proposed to leave in disgust, but through the efforts of the English ambassador, the original promises made to him were confirmed, though intentionally in a somewhat vague manner. Accordingly the decision about recovering the English paper and Mansfelt's departure have been postponed until the return of Lord Rich. But the French begin to say that they will do the same as the confederates. Mansfelt and the English ambassador told me all these particulars. I fear that this affair may re-act upon us and upon Savoy.
	The English ambassador has made various efforts to satisfy Mansfelt at the cost of England and France, according to his king's paper. The French declared that if the marriage is arranged they will employ Mansfelt. The ambassador, by the last advices, promised the success of the match, and undertook to pay the English share in cash down, so that France should pay her share on the conclusion of the marriage and that no time might be lost.
	Bacq a Choysi, the 15th July, 1624.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
July 15. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	503. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Affairs at this Court centre chiefly about Mansfelt. He has told me about the negotiations. England will not engage in war unless France will share. Many have not liked his mixing in the marriage negotiations, but they are very good to him. If matters are hopeless in France he can proceed to England, where he might find some employment, having discovered that the English want the Burgundy diversion and not that of Nice.
	He told me that he had sent to the Ambassador Wake at Turin, nominally to ask for money but really to get Wake to induce the duke to give up the design of Genoa, which means the diversion by landing at Nice, as being contrary to the present disposition of England, France and Venice.
	The Count of Tillieres has returned from England with some feeling of disgust, professing to have served well and to have been ill used.
	Bacq a Choysi, the 15th July, 1624.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 15 Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	504. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The news of Sweden's attack on Denmark in confirmed. In the meantime the ambassador has left for Denmark with the intention of working for peace. Now we have another English minister here, who is proceeding to Sweden, (fn. 6) though only to take word of the recent decisions at his Court. I expect he will also labour for peace, though I have not seen him; he is only an agent.
	The Dutch men of war continue to blockade the four Dunkirk galleons off the English coast. We now learn that the Spanish admiral has left them to go to Brussels in the train of the Ambassador Inoiosa. This news has caused much comment, but I think it will only lead to a stricter blockade to prevent any tricks they may be contriving, and I assure your Serenity that if they did not have good hopes of help from England, these vessels would already have been taken or sunken. The person who acted as Aerssens' secretary assured me that the ambassadors in England had done their utmost to dissuade the king against this protection, but he always evaded an answer or told them that he would do as much for the Dutch.
	The English ambassador has just sent me word of a letter from London of the 6th inst., relating they have hardly begun the levies for the country and countless difficulties arise owing to the scarcity of money, but they are making arrangements with Burlamachi. For the rest the good resolutions of the king are confirmed. No decision will be made about the blockaded ships before the answers come from Brussels about the claims for a quantity of goods previously taken by those ships.
	The Hague, the 15th July, 1624.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 15 Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	505. LORENZO PARUTA, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	After my audience of the duke I went to visit the English ambassador designate to your Serenity. After we had exchanged compliments he went on to tell me about his journey and his negotiations at the French Court upon its League, Mansfelt and the Palatinate. He told me he had powers to open negotiations for his king to enter the League, without prejudice to its members whereby they would serve the Palatinate as well as the Valtelline. Mansfelt with 10,000 foot, 2,000 horse and 6 guns paid for by the King of England, and an equal force supported by the League could make a strong diversion in Germany for the common advantage. As regards the Palatinate alone, he had pointed out that, with this marriage treaty which he hoped would be concluded soon, the Most Christian should unite with his king against the Spaniards. But upon both of these points he had met with strong resistance from the Duke of Angouleme and Bassompierre, among others, who saw him in the king's name, and his negotiations died out to his great astonishment that the French should refuse to listen to proposals for their own advantage, as he had clearly shown. He told me in confidence that he had rather lost his temper with these ministers, predicting calamity for them if they did not remove the scales from their eyes, which the Spaniards caused in their ambitions for monarchy. He drew their attention to the plight of Germany, Flanders and Italy. He told me it seemed to him that at present the King of France was arbiter of the disputes of the world, and the Spaniards put him in this position to oblige him not to declare against them, while advancing their enormous designs.
	He told me that he had something to do with the three forces recently decided upon in France, though since his departure the leaders at Court did not seem disposed to go through with the plans which we desire. The first force for Picardy was placed under Lesdiguières, merely to give him something to do and keep him out of Dauphiné, where he wanted to go and help Savoy and the allies. The second for Champagne was under Angoulême, who had been twice in the Bastille and whose friends and allies could never entirely trust him. The third for Bressa would be under the Duke of Guise, who was always corrupted by the Spaniards, so these forces would do no good for the League. The Spaniards have no troops in the places designated; there is no provision in the state of Milan, in Luxemburg not a soldier, the same in Burgundy. As against the Most Christian the Spaniards are defenceless.
	I tell you frankly, said he, the French are deceiving me if they are doing anything at the present moment for the service of the League, since they are much troubled about their internal affairs and because the queen mother is as far as possible from a rupture with the Spaniards. These provisions of forces are to give some apparent satisfaction to their allies and prevent them from complaining or they are intended for internal affairs. The queen mother only thinks of establishing her authority in the kingdom and aims chiefly against the Prince of Conde, so I fear she may easily divert the forces intended for the Valtelline for the benefit of her own ideas, avenging herself for past affronts. The commanders of the three forces are entirely dependent upon her, especially the Dukes of Angoulême and Guise, as she released the former from the Bastille and has always shown him singular favour. These two would serve her devotedly, especially as it would give them a chance of abusing their mortal enemy. Such is my opinion of the condition of France, and the affairs of these friends will remain in the background.
	The Duke of Savoy agrees with me entirely, though he does not say so openly. The only good thing the French have done for the Valtelline was the sending of Coure to the Swiss with money, but they have no idea of persevering in helping that people. They only did this to stop the Austrians and encourage the Swiss a little. Bethune is certainly behaving like a good Frenchman at Rome, but even he must follow the stream. But as the Spaniards have not armed in any direction because of the League, one is forced to conclude that they have no fear whatever from the French forces. But as regards my king, even if the French do nothing for us, we shall use our arms against the Spaniards without them. My king has already made a league with the Dutch, and money is ready for the necessary preparations. By my next letters I hope to hear that fifty of our ships with fifty Dutch ones are fitted out and have possibly already sailed for Spain, where they will compel the Spaniards to think of their own homes and restore the Palatinate to the King of Bohemia possibly sooner than they think. Perhaps with my king's example and the new tie of relationship which I hope will ensue, the French may also offer their services at last and carry out their league.
	With this he concluded his long speech. It throws some light upon what may be expected from the duke. Personally I have no doubt that he will do nothing of worth for the league, unless he sees the French move first.
	Turin, the 15th July, 1624.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 15. Collegio, Secreta. Esposizioni, Principi. Venetian Archives.	506. The Ambassador of the States was summoned to the Cabinet and the deliberation of the Senate of the 11th inst. was read to him, he replied:—
	I thank you for the news imparted to me. I thank your Serenity for rejoicing at our success. We shall neglect no means of defending ourselves against the enemy. In this connection I may say that my last letters tell me that the affairs in France and England have been completed. The letters are dated from the Hague on the 24th ult., but they give no particulars, because their High Mightinesses have not yet seen all the papers themselves. This much is certain that on the same day at the same hour and one may say at the same moment, the difficulties were overcome at the two Courts. They arranged to renew a mutual alliance for a certain time, signed and sealed by the two crowns. In England they had signed. In France the king accepted the alliance, signed and sealed, promising to assist my masters, and doubtless your Serenity will have received the news. In England I understand that eight or ten days before the king asked to see the full terms of the alliance. He approved of the general sense, but thought fit to introduce some changes, but afterwards everything had been settled. I have not heard whether the king himself signed. At all events the matter has been arranged simultaneously both in France and in England. I expect to receive the particulars and when I do I will come and inform your Serenity.
	[Italian.]
July 19. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	507. ALVISE VALARESSO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Ambassador Fiat arrived on Saturday evening, with no more than ten gentlemen in his company. By the king's order, the Earl of Warwick waited upon him, and without meeting any one else he came by the barges to land at Suffolk house, the place prepared for him. The secretary and other people of his predecessor Tillières rendered him scanty honours. 42l. sterling a day are assigned to him for his expenses. On the following Sunday he went to Windsor to see the king. At his first audience he remarked that he came as a courier as well as ambassador, and the king replied that he welcomed him the more as he brought a happy omen, alluding to his family name of Fiat. The king took him hunting afterwards and the ambassador had some secret audiences during the three days of his stay. As regards his commissions I find he was sent to discover the king's real state of mind, and if he will really agree to the marriage, having thoroughly wrenched himself free from Spain just as on this side they sent Kensington to sound the disposition of France before opening negotiations. One can understand this better because France has always felt doubtful of the king's sincerity, owing to the long appearance of his inclination towards Spain.
	So far as I can gather the French proposals may be summed up under three heads; advantages for the religion, where they have certainly receded from their demand for as much as was conceded to Spain; a desire to arrange the marriage before proceeding to any further alliance, and a request for the prince to go to Calais to fetch the bride. The English, on the other hand, while disposed to yield something in religion from their original rigour, press for an offensive and defensive alliance as well as the marriage. So far my knowledge, and as both crowns appear to desire this marriage equally, there should be no greater difficulty remaining except religion, a question in which the pope has the principal part, the Spaniards being concerned indirectly, and the Catholics here interested. Many of the last would like the French to be firm in demanding concessions for them, on the ground that the prince must make this marriage, as with Spain hostile, he has no princesses his equals.
	Two days ago the Ambassador Fiat returned from Windsor. I called upon him immediately. After we had exchanged compliments I congratulated him in that the success of this marriage, upon which the welfare of Europe depended, rested with his prudence. He told me that although he had not come on purpose to treat for a marriage, as the dignity of his king required that the negotiations should be carried on at that Court, yet it would serve to clear the ground and assist a conclusion. I said that much would depend upon him. As the marriage would bring such advantages, one must not insist too much upon religion and so risk all. He said that the Spaniards in England under the show of helping religion had ruined it. They did not want to make the marriage themselves, but wished to exclude others. It might be said that they had sacrified the Catholics here to their own interests. But France was far from desiring divisions in England; she would procure every advantage for religion, but with discretion. In this negotiation the pope ought, so to speak, to become a Protestant and the King of Great Britain a Catholic. He knew well that the Spaniards had denounced him as a Huguenot and they would start reports about a persecution begun against the Catholics at this time of the negotiations with France to gain advantages at Rome and elsewhere. I remarked that such were the Spanish arts, but France, by proceeding becomingly, needed no further justification; the pope would perceive the truth; it was important to complete the negotiations speedily as the longer they lasted the more time the Spaniards would have to mix their poison therein. The ambassador fully agreed with all this, so that I had more reason to commend than to persuade him. In short he is either a very accomplished dissimulator or an excellent minister for the present occasion, though one cannot easily forecast the result. He promised me the fullest communication and asked me to use my influence with the Catholics, in accordance with my own knowledge of the common interests. He ended by asking if I had enjoyed the buck which his Majesty had expressed the intention of sending to me when the ambassador was hunting with him, and which I subsequently received. I thought it necessary after this to send on purpose to thank his Majesty.
	Yesterday the ambassador came to return my visit, with remarkable promptitude. Among the most important things he told me that the pope's dispensation was granted, upon conditions which the king would certainly accept, and the report of difficulties was a device as the Spaniards relied upon this. The marriage would be arranged first and all the other things would follow after. He admitted that the Catholics here are undoubtedly Spanish. Some of them had presumed to maintain Spanish interests in his presence. He assured me that the Most Christian had three armies ready, and finally he praised Kensington highly without saying a word about Carlisle.
	I find that the ambassador will stay here for some time. He said he would personally go in progress, leaving the embassy in this city, which means that he will go in a private capacity, since no ambassador in all probability has ever previously followed the king on a progress. He sent off a courier yesterday with an account of his first negotiations.
	A courier arrived yesterday from Carlisle, with good news from what I hear, testifying to the increasing favour of the queen for the marriage, although opposition and difficulties are not wanting. The Ambassador Kensington has been to see me, assuring me that the negotiations are prospering, and he expects to leave in a few days. The Count of Tillièeres was certainly removed as too much of a Jesuit, and consequently out of place at this moment. In my opinion, he will make mischief in France if he can, representing the marriage as impossible and the king Spanish as usual. His secretary visited me and spoke with his master's views, that the English, being under the thumb of the Spaniards, would deceive the French, and it was a dishonour to France that they should behave so differently towards her as compared with Spain, as with her they are negotiating a marriage and persecuting the Catholics at the same time. This is a great falsehood, because say what they will the Catholics at present are suffering from little except fear.
	Mansfeld's secretary has not been sent off. He insists upon knowing what they will do with his master if France makes war on Spain without employing him.
	They are beating the drum; one of the promoters announced by mistake that the war was being made against Spain and the Infanta, a mistake that has sent him to prison. Such a beating of the chest has never been made before except for the kingdom's own requirements. The levy continues; some companies have already left and in three weeks all will be completed. The Earl of Oxford will be ready before the others, but one sees many youths among the soldiers enlisted. The subsidy will be paid very soon. The king is urged to send reinforcements to Ireland. He makes difficulties even over this, maintaining that he has no enmity with the Spaniards, but he will certainly yield ultimately.
	He has demanded 20,000l. of the deposed treasurer, who will certainly pay at least half of his fine and will have to withdraw to a distance from the Court. They have sent instructions to the Ambassador Anstruther to arrange some settlement between the Kings of Denmark and Sweden. At Brussels they are holding a gathering of various Spanish ministers to discuss among other things matters concerning England it is believed. We do not yet know how the King of Spain will take the dismissal of the Marquis Inoiosa, but probably he will cloak it over with the usual dissimulation.
	London, the 19th July, 1624.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 19. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	508. MARC ANTONIO MORESINI, Venetian Ambassador Designate to France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	King of Spain pays for 65,000 troops, but only 40,000 are effective. Encloses particulars of the companies in these states. Three leagues from Antwerp I saw Lire, a marshy place, considered very strong. The garrison consists of six companies of infantry divided into three nations, Spaniards, Irish and Walloons. The Spaniards attach great importance to the place as if the Dutch took it, Antwerp would certainly fall.
	Malines, the 19th July, 1624.
	[Italian.]
Enclosed in the preceding despatch.	509. Regiments of Infantry of various nations:—
	Germans, 12,000.
	Spaniards and Portuguese, 4,000.
	Italians, 5,600.
	Walloons, 6,000.
	Light troops, 800.
	Burgundians, 200.
	English, Irish and Scots, 3,000 under Earl of Argyle, Scot, Lord..., English and Earl of Stiron, Irish.
	Cavalry, seventy-two companies of divers nations, 6,000.
	[Italian.]
July 19. Cinque Savii alla Mercanzia, Lettere. Venetian Archives.	510. The FIVE SAGES of the MERCANZIA to the PODESTA of CHIOGGIA.
	Order to send to their magistracy by a trusty person, all the packets recovered from the wreck Fenice, master, Rinaldo Niu, in accordance with the inventory made in the case, upon which they have to decide.
	Cicogna and Valaresso.
	[Italian.]
July 20. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	511. ZORZI GIUSTINIAN, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I spoke to Chalil about the pirates, putting the matter very strongly. He heard me attentively and swore he was as much disturbed as I at the pass things had come to. At the news of the last excuses he had spoken to the Caimecam and would have spoken to the Sultan, only it would look as if he were asking for the captainship at sea. The best way would be to take a force to Barbary and execute the captains, but for this they would need a hundred galleys and that was impossible at present, so they would have to try and destroy them by degrees.
	I replied that if the pirates knew that they would be hunted by the Sultan's galleys, punished by his ministers and excluded from his ports they would not venture to sea so boldly, but at present they were received and encouraged with every facility, whilst the ministers shared their booty. The Sultan's mere commands did not suffice and they ought to execute the ministers who broke them. I cited various instances of the behaviour of the ministers.
	Chalil admitted the truth of what I said and declared that if he again had the captainship at sea, he would certainly make an example of the offending ministers. He promised to speak decisively about the pirates so soon as he was in a position to do so, and I shall communicate this conversation to the other ambassadors, in order that they may bring pressure to bear upon him, for undoubtedly, if Chalil actively helps the arz which we propose to present jointly to the Sultan, it may produce good results.
	The arz is already drawn up, but before it is presented the French ambassador wished to hear from the new ministers at home to whom he wrote about the question of precedence between himself and the English ambassador. He says that the Caimecam recently congratulated him on the capture of three of the pirate ships by the galleys of Spain.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 20th July, 1624.
	[Italian; deciphered.]