Venice: September 1628, 6-10 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

'Venice: September 1628, 6-10', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, (London, 1916) pp. 269-281. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp269-281 [accessed 24 April 2024]

September 1628



Sept. 6. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	365. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The rumours constantly increase about the truces with the Dutch and peace with England, but I cannot learn that there is any foundation, except the coming of the ambassador of Lorraine. I fancy they encourage the belief among the common people, although they keep the negotiations of both affairs very close, and a conclusion may easily follow. I will keep wide awake.
	One may easily believe, when so many interests combine for peace, for which they are most anxious with the English, to secure the title of King of the Romans, to have Caesar more powerful for the undertaking in Italy, they will promise great things to the King of England.
	Madrid, the 6th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 7. Collegio, Secreta. Esposizioni, Principi. Venetian Archives.	366. The Earl of Carlisle, ambassador extraordinary, and Wake, the ordinary ambassador, came into the Collegio and the former spoke as follows:
	After fulfilling the first commissions about his Majesty's goodwill towards your Serenity, we must proceed to express the king's sincere desire for the good of the public cause, tell what he has done and devise what else can be effected while assuring your Serenity of his determination to join counsels and forces with the republic for the relief of the common cause. To avoid being tedious and to leave a memorial of our king's zeal in your archives we have put down the particulars of our exposition on paper. The earl's secretary presented this, it was read and is entered below.
	After the reading the doge said, We have listened attentively to the exposition, which shows that his Majesty is following the right path. It is indeed time the great kings should interpose for the common cause. We have always cherished an equal affection for his Majesty and the Most Christian, and have always desired to see them united, making strong representations at both Courts by our ambassadors. It is to be hoped that the prudence and experience of their Majesties may affect what these offices could not. From the discords between the two crowns all the troubles in Germany, Flanders and Italy have taken root without any obstacle. The sincere intentions of the republic are proved by her acts. These Signors will discuss the exposition of your Excellencies and the Senate will reply.
	The ordinary ambassador said, On the particular affairs with which your Serenity charged me I will add nothing because upon the earl's arrival I laid down my functions and your Excellencies may address yourselves to him. The doge remarked that they had from M. Wake the confirmation of his Majesty's orders about the ships which infest the waters of the republic and they were sure to receive the same from the earl. The ambassadors then took leave and departed.
	Most Serene Prince, Most Illustrious and Excellent Signors:
	His Majesty finds himself involved in open war with Spain and the house of Austria on the one hand, and with France on the other. The rupture with Spain was made at the instance of the league to facilitate the enterprise of the Valtelline. The one with France arose from the perversity of the ministers of that crown, who having first betrayed the allies sought to massacre friends also. Your Serenity has excellent information of the state of affairs, but as the sun makes different parallelaxes, you may be glad to hear his Majesty's views and in a crisis fatal to all Christendom he has sent one to tell you in confidence of his operations and intentions in the expectation that you will reciprocate. The good fortune which has followed the emperor for many years has tempted the Spaniards to march towards universal monarchy more openly than they dared before the balance inclined to their side. At the outset the princes of Germany were of some consideration, the free and Hanse towns not contemptible, France was feared and Great Britain formidable. Now through the misfortunes of the King of Denmark the zeal of the princes of Germany is cooled and the courage of the imperial towns quenched, and the emperor thinks himself absolute master of all Germany.
	The Spaniards, who are one and the same with the Austrians, finding the wind behind them, have thrown away their usual mask of religion, and claim absolute monarchy and the hegemony of all Europe. The case of the Duke of Mantua shows this only too clearly, and if Germany weeps Italy does not laugh. The conflagration is not far off and the most serene republic is paries proximus. However this affair is accommodated the fire will never be quenched without leaving a smoke that will obscure the glory of Italy. God grant that the sparks do not cause fresh danger.
	To this misfortune is added the loss of the Valtelline and Rhetia, one of which is already subject to the Spaniards and the other has secret negotiations far advanced of great prejudice to the public. They are thus dividing Italy from Germany and so shutting in this province that it cannot expect help from Ultramones in time of need except from those friends who are masters of the sea. As a final stroke, France, to whom God gave the power to remedy these disorders, is governed by ministers blinded by private interests and caring nothing for the state, so instead of resisting the unbounded greatness of those who are undermining the public liberty, they co-operate with them for its destruction.
	The honour enjoyed by the Kings of Great Britain in being styled protectors of the liberty of Italy arouses a just feeling in his Majesty about the perils of this province, which cannot fall without the general ruin, and kindles in him a generous desire to remedy the present disorders and prevent future ills. Liberty, though scattered in divers states, forms but a single body of which no one can be a true and healthy member without feeling the peril which threatens any other part.
	As your Serenity is more deeply interested than anyone else and abounds in zeal for the common welfare, we turn to the Senate as to the first oracle in the world, to learn its opinion and know quid agendum, so that we may act in concert for the preservation of what remains and the recovery of what is lost. His Majesty is resolved never to abandon an enterprise well begun, and he will support the King of Denmark powerfully, assist the States and act vigorously in all suitable places. He expects the co-operation of all interested in the same cause, as he cannot support so heavy a burden alone, wherefore your Serenity must not neglect to act jointly with so powerful a friend, as you know full well Dum Singuli pugnant omnes opprimuntur.
	CARLISLE.
	J. WAKE.
	By command of their Excellencies.
	BOSWELL.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	367. To the Ambassador in England.
	To-day your letters from the 25th July to the 7th August have reached us. We have not had time to read them all because they are not yet deciphered. We have already instructed you to follow the king, if the other foreign ministers do the same, and we have directed the ordinary augmentation to be made to you. We merely repeat the order already given with respect to the journey to Scotland.
	The Earl of Carlisle had public audience two days ago, and a private one this morning. We send you a copy of the first for your information. We will send you the other next week, after we have made our reply. Meanwhile we send you a summary of advices about the state of the public cause, which deserve very different treatment from the princes most interested, especially from the most powerful. Your offices have been prudent and adequate, and although private passions have rendered them of little use, you must not abandon them, whenever opportunities occur.
	Enough for the present, as we will answer your very important letters next week.
	That a summary of the advices be sent to the Hague, and that 300 ducats be granted to the Ambassador Soranzo for couriers and the carriage of letters, for which he shall render account.
	Ayes, 135.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 3.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra Venetian Archives.	368. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Secretary Conway has sent me the enclosed reply about Digby and the English ships which are now harassing your Excellencies' subjects and the waters about your islands. I see that he refers the whole business to Wake, so I insist on greater satisfaction. They promise this, especially that Digby be sent away from those waters and possibly recalled out to the Mediterranean. I hope that they will not give similar powers in the future to others, now that equity and the Council will have a hand in the matter. The same Secretary read me the letters prepared for Wake, which really are most emphatic. He is commanded to let all his Majesty's subjects know that they must not attack the ships of your Serenity's subjects. I would they had added "nor search." They must also abstain from plundering the ships of enemies of the crown within such boundaries as shall be arranged by Wake with your Serenity. He must notify everyone immediately, and that prizes must not be taken for sale to your islands. They tell me that the republic might also forbid her subjects to buy them. I tried to get the boundaries fixed without more ado or delay, as signifying the usual station of the guard ships, but the ministers here preferred to let Wake determine on the spot, with the approval of your Serenity, and I did not care to express any mistrust of that minister. In the next place, Wake is to inform Digby of his Majesty's displeasure at his misconduct, and urge him to proceed on the voyage according to his original promise, which was to go to Guinea, off the coast of Spain, to obey what Wake imparts of the arrangement with your Excellencies and to reply to the republic's complaints against him. I could wish that entire faith was given to our representation, without further information from himself, and that they would make an example of him. But there is a difficulty, as Wake sent a list of all the vessels captured by Digby since he arrived in the Mediterranean, and it contains no mention of your Serenity's islands or ships, so they require fresh particulars. Meanwhile the matter is referred entirely to Wake, and I hope it will be settled as justice requires. I may further mention his Majesty's very friendly assurances and trust they will be followed by even greater results,' especially as the impediment which clouded them is removed. I must excuse the delay of this despatch because of these fresh emergencies of the fleet and the duke, which the king has more at heart, and which consequently are more attended to by the ministers.
	Bethampton, the 8th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Enclosure.	369. With regard to your complaints about Sir [Kenelm] Digby, his Majesty prays you to inform the republic that his desire and resolve is punctually and effectually to maintain the good friendship with her, not merely by every act of justice, but by all testimonies of affection. But the words "their seas, channels, interests and protections" are so comprehensive that his Majesty cannot give an exact dimension of boundaries without a more particular examination than can be made here. He has therefore ordered his ambassador at Venice to investigate, together with the republic, their equitable rights and wishes. He does not desire the committal of any acts of hostility which can prejudice the rights, interests and legitimate protection of the republic. Secondly, his Majesty does not intend to deprive himself or his subjects of the right and power to attack, pursue and capture his enemies, wherever they can legitimately do so, and his ambassador at Venice has orders to arrange with the republic about the limitations, and then to acquaint Digby and all his Majesty's subjects with what has been arranged, so that if they transgress they will be treated as contemners of his Majesty's commands, enemies of the laws and of his royal prerogatives.
	[Italian; copy translated from the English.]
Sept. 8 Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	370. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	After spending all Tuesday with the cardinal I came away with the hope that the peace between the two crowns might be advanced and possibly matured by my means. I need not occupy the Senate with the details of our conversation. I assure your Excellencies that by patience I have not only overcome myself, but also the convulsive movements of the cardinal and that doglike disposition that frequently makes him rush into a fury. Thus the business was not broken off nor were my arguments and remonstrances useless or thrown to the winds. I began by speaking of the straits of the Duke of Mantua, remarking that peace between France and England alone could restrain the Austrians and restore the balance. He said this was perfectly true; the difficulty was to find the way, as with respect to La Rochelle there was no middle term between the pertinacity of the English and the determination of the king. He desired peace more than anyone, because it suited his profession and his health better and he knew that France was called elsewhere; but what could we do? Here I took the opportunity to assure him that the intentions of the King of Great Britain were very different from what he represented. He claimed no sovereignty in France and would never prevent La Rochelle from coming to terms with the Most Christian. With this determined, why should not a successful issue be looked for if both kings should send their commissioners to some neutral and friendly place to negotiate? I felt sure that the King of England would not reject such a proposal. The cardinal reflected upon this frank suggestion and seemed rather to approve than otherwise. He asked me if I should send, in his place, and if the suggestion came from me alone or if I had heard something of the views of the King of England and Buckingham. I told him that I was sure of the complete inclination of that king and his favourite towards peace and the good of the cause. He then remarked that to send ambassadors to a friendly town in such a good cause was a thing that really could not be refused in itself; but there were other considerations, the lengthiness of such negotiations, among other things, and it would mean months for an affair that could be settled in twenty-four hours. I must be equally anxious to avoid delay because of Italy. If I had any other proposal, let me state it in the assurance that it would be carefully entertained, as he was always ready to listen to duty and reason.
	I perceived the artfulness of this device to see how far I could go, though I pretended not to. I said that if he and I could arrange something, I could inform my correspondent, who might send a safe conduct, with which he would try to get Buckingham to send someone here capable of advancing the business, with authority to conclude, if we got so far. The cardinal seemed to agree entirely to this and said that if Buckingham would send someone to treat with him that would be the best and quickest way to terminate these quarrels between the two crowns. Here we set ourselves to discuss the points in dispute, which all seemed capable of solution. The most important was that of La Rochelle and the Huguenots, with whom the Most Christian would never consent to treat. The King of England must not even attempt to do so. I replied that I would not presume to oppose his Majesty, but sometimes through greed people lost honest gains. Supposing some humbler interpretation was given to the expression treating, which perhaps suggested an inadmissible equality, then they need not reject all idea of the Rochellese parleying, as if they decided to surrender to his Majesty, that also would be comprised in the term treating, without which, indeed, all communication between men would be destroyed. I stopped here and as he did not answer, that ended the first point.
	Although the words were very stiff I feel sure that when the matter is brought to close quarters many difficulties will be overcome, as men will not yield until they see what is going to happen. For the rest, with great advantage to the King of England, but with scant charity towards one's neighbour and without any regard whatever for honour and conscience, I think they might hinc inde reduce the restitution of the reprisals to his free and sole disposition alone, as I did not find the cardinal restive about this arrangement, or that the voices of the poor subjects could prevail to turn him away from this charitable idea of his. With respect to the queen's household, they would claim the articles of the marriage here, namely that she shall be served by 200 French. The cardinal said that they would not insist upon so great a number and France would be satisfied with forty or fifty. If other difficulties arise, the parties shall adopt the expedients used before these troubles began. The old alliance of both shall be all the same, and to give the finishing touches to everything Buckingham shall come to France as ambassador extraordinary. I urged this somewhat strongly.
	These articles being practically arranged, the cardinal, of his own accord, suggested two others, that the English should send their present fleet to assist the King of Denmark and to trouble the Austrians in Germany, and that France with 20,000 foot and 4,000 horse should go to succour the Duke of Mantua, and not allow the Spaniards any rest in Italy until a good peace is obtained, leaving everyone to enjoy his own without extortion. With matters thus arranged I told the cardinal that my despatch to England was only waiting for his passport. I asked him to give me the note at once, so that there might be no harmful delay. He asked me where I intended to spend the night, and when I replied, at Malese, he said, You will not be out of bed before you have the passport and anything else you want. But I must warn you that I do not want the whole of what has been arranged between us and which I ratify again, to get to England, not because there is any doubt about my keeping what I have promised, but, knowing Buckingham's windiness, I do not want him to publish that I have been asking for peace, or to try by that means to gain advantage and at the same time to conclude the peace between England and the Spaniards. I will send you a minute upon which to draw up your letters, which I ask you to return to me. I do not want my papers on this subject to be wandering at large, especially if the effort proves fruitless.
	I confess that this thorn introduced unexpectedly disturbed the satisfaction I felt with a matter so well started, but I thought it prudent to humour his caprice, and I left him as soon as possible, in order that he might not at any moment withdraw something that he had granted. Accordingly I went to the place agreed. But the passport did not arrive on the following morning, and I did not know what to do. While I was wondering whether this was chance or design, the Duke of Monbason happened to pass, rather late, and from him I learned that the cardinal had passed a bad night and been forced to take medicine. This relieved me, and I decided to come here to Novaglie and await his orders. After two days his anxiously awaited replies reached me. On glancing through them I found the minute, which I did not care about, but no passport, without which I could do nothing. I therefore decided to send my secretary Battisti to him forthwith, to tell him that whether I had the passport or not I could not delay my answer to Contarini any longer. His delay made me suspicious. I thought he merely wished to gain time, or the more my answer was delayed the less likely Buckingham would be to come out or because he had some understanding with La Rochelle, so that he might afterwards laugh at the simplicity of the English and others. So I thought it best to let him know that I was determined to send in order that the English might not have cause to complain of being deceived by the republic, while La Rochelle fell. The cardinal apologised to the secretary, saying that many things had combined to delay the passport, among which secrecy was not the least. It would have to go to the Council and also be registered by the Secretaries of State. Instead of it he would send me an open letter, directing the Governor of Calais to allow anyone to come from England. I did not know what to do here, as I could not tell what credit his private letters would have in England. However, if I get them, and I am not even sure of that, I will send them to Contarini, as they may serve as a safe conduct to anyone who ventures to come to France with them.
	This account will serve to show the difficulties and uncertainties with which one treats here nowadays. I hope I have acted according to the wishes of the State.
	La Novaglie, the 8th September, 1628.
	Postscript.—I enclose a copy of the minute upon which the cardinal wished me to draw up my letter to England. I have also written to Contarini relating my negotiations, so that it may help his own.
	[Italian.]
Enclosure.	371. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to ALVISE CONTARINI, his colleague in England.
	Your packet arrived on the last day of last month. I saw the cardinal on the 5th inst. I urged peace. He asked if I spoke for myself alone or if I had special information of Buckingham's views through you. After reflection I said I had and was sure Buckingham desired peace, which could be made easily. Buckingham was coming on the fleet and it might be possible for them to meet. He said he esteemed Buckingham and did not hate him as he knew the duke thought, but this means would not be good because if the fleet came there would be no peace. I suggested sending ambassadors to a neutral place. He said that would mean delay. I told him that promptitude was greatly desired because if peace was concluded promptly the English fleet would go to succour the King of Denmark. I fancy this made a great impression on him. He remarked that the proposal seemed very convenient for enhancing Buckingham's reputation and re-establishing him in the favour of his parliaments. He added, I do not say this to get the fleet to go elsewhere; we do not want to divert the English from what they think to be best; but because nothing will incline us more to peace than to see the English attending to the welfare of Christendom. I asked him what he thought of a confidant of Buckingham coming here secretly to see if matters could be adjusted. He said that was the best plan of all those suggested. There were great difficulties, because he had not seen the king for a month, but he knew that once La Rochelle was taken the king would incline more to peace than to war. I perceived that no one who wishes to include La Rochelle or the heretics can hope for peace with this crown, and also that they think themselves sure of La Rochelle and do not expect the business to last long. I think a confidential person should be sent here incognito very soon, well instructed upon the intentions of England for the advantage of Christendom, especially about sending the fleet to Denmark in the event of peace. You should send a speedy reply. In the meantime I will surpass myself to advance the business. If it is to succeed it may do so in 24 hours. After the confidant, Buckingham or someone else might come to give lustre to what has been done in secret. Such are my opinions. The thing that pleases me most is having ascertained that the cardinal has no aversion against Buckingham. Everything must be done speedily and secretly.
	[Italian; deciphered copy.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Padova. Venetian Archives	372. The RECTORS OF PADUA to the DOGE and SENATE.
	When the ambassador extraordinary of England started from here to Venice he left behind his nephew, Mr. John Alinton, sick of small pox, as we advised at the time. He grew steadily worse, although visited as often as required by the physicians here, and supplied freely with necessaries for himself and those waiting on him from the household of me, the Captain; but all remedies proved in vain, and yesterday evening about the second hour he passed away. The news only reached us as certain this morning. We have heard that those left in attendance have informed the ambassador by courier, and he may well have heard of it in that way.
	Padua, the 8th September, 1628.
	Postscript.—An agent of the ambassador has just called on me, the Captain, and without touching on other matters has thanked me for the favours shown to his nephew in his sickness whose death, he tells me, the ambassador learned with great grief.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	373. That the extraordinary and ordinary ambassador of England be summoned to the Collegio and that the following be read to them:
	We have a due sense of the honour shown us by his Majesty in this mission of your lordship, and to the confirmation expressed by you of his Majesty's good disposition towards the republic. We cannot respond better than by the expression of our sincere and cordial esteem, which is hereditary towards that crown and has been proved again and again. We are much comforted by what your Excellencies have imparted to us about the wise sentiments of the king upon the current affairs of Europe, as they show his zeal, and we feel sure that he will not allow himself to be turned aside by cunning inducements, to the grave prejudice of the public liberty, as rumoured in many quarters. He shows that he is concentrating upon these affairs, and no better summary could be made of the evils from which the public cause is suffering at present. No one could more unerringly point to the lamentable consequences that may ensue, or point out more surely the remedies to divert them. To this end his Majesty has acted for the relief of more than one prince, and the continuation of this, as announced to us, will be famous.
	We also have played a prominent part, in the support first of one then of another state of this province, in a long course of years, with a great expenditure of men and money. We have not wearied in this and shall continue the same course in the future. The like might be expected from other princes, but the good resolutions of some have already grown feeble, if they have not vanished. Since the unhappy quarrel between his Majesty and the Most Christian disasters have taken such root that the ruin of the general cause seems imminent, unless their Majesties agree to waive their private feelings in the cause of the general welfare and their greater glory. By resuming their intercourse they would render their forces formidable, seeing the community of their interests, their proximity and their kinship, to form a counterpoise to the ascendancy of others, instead of frittering it away between themselves.
	Considering such a reconciliation as the greatest boon and the sole hope of relief, we have several times devoted our offices at both Courts. The upright sentiments expressed by both their Majesties have encouraged us to renew these offices recently with greater hope and in a more definite manner. We shall show no lack of zeal, in what may be expected from a power equally friendly to both monarchs. The two kings may reflect that the most essential and useful maxims of their crowns are based upon a single interest and a single reason of state, and when there is discord between them all the princes most closely bound to them by kin and interest languish. This should induce them to open their ears to such sincere and disinterested advice as that given by the republic. We ask you to represent these heartfelt opinions to the king. We desire nothing that is not for his better service. Our pleasure at your lordship's visit is doubled by the opportunity afforded us to express our friendly sentiments, which will always appear whenever an opportunity arises.
	Ayes, 160.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	374. To the Ambassador in Savoy.
	There are only two points where any good may be looked for to the common cause, the reunion of his Highness with Mantua, and of France with England. The duke can increase his glory in both. To see what harm these dissensions cause not only here but elsewhere in Europe should make his Highness reflect that it is not possible to upset one of the wheels without disturbing all the others, affecting the common liberty seriously for a long time to come, and to kindle the fire between France and England, especially under the present circumstances, may render their differences irreconcilable and hurtful to his Highness. By slipping these ideas into conversation you may obtain some good opening, of which a good representative like yourself can take advantage for the common service.
	Ayes, 160.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Roma. Venetian Archives.	375. To the Ambassador at Rome.
	The Earl of Carlisle has arrived here. We send you a copy of our negotiations with him for your information and to use in general terms as you think may help our service. You will tell M. de Bethune that this minister has represented to us the state of affairs of his king and we have pointed out to him that the best and safest remedy is a reconciliation with the Most Christian, and an adjustment ought to present no difficulties, although to hasten it on will deprive the Spaniards of the means to thwart it. From our affection for the two crowns we desire to see it effected, and if our efforts are considered necessary for the service of the common cause we shall gladly make them.
	Ayes, 106.	Noes, 6.	Neutral, 6.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Roma. Venetian Archives.	376. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The day before yesterday Bethune came to tell me the reply made by the pope last Monday to his office of remonstrance. He professed to have done everything necessary about Mantua. He had not heard about Scappi, whom he considered a prudent minister, but if what was stated proved true he would correct him as he deserved. He was extremely annoyed about Gallo, who was a minister of shallow understanding, and he would remove him from Turin for this, only seeking for some pretext in order not to offend the Duke of Savoy. The pope said he had heard some rumour that Carlisle intended to come to Rome, and the Ambassador of Savoy had pressed and begged him to admit this minister to his presence, adducing many examples of other pontiffs receiving the representatives of heretical princes. He had informed the Congregation of the Holy Office, and let it be clearly understood that without the vote of the cardinals he would on no account admit Carlisle to his presence, not only as a heretic and the minister of a prince outside the fold of the Church, but because it did not behove the pope to hear and welcome the representative of a king, the enemy of two sons of the Church, to wit, the Kings of France and Spain.
	I must add that I find Bethune is very curious to know what the Ambassador Carlisle really went to Venice to negotiate. He told me that they say here that his only object was to justify the behaviour of the King of England to the King of France, and possibly also to accommodate the present affairs between Mantua and Savoy. Bethune is anxiously waiting to learn about the proceedings of this minister, and he told me that I ought reasonably to be fully advised by your Excellencies of all that he has negotiated.
	Rome, the 9th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Roma. Venetian Archives.	377. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	By letters of the 11th ult. from Paris we hear that a very powerful English fleet has been sighted off France, having cavalry on board, indicating that they meant to attempt a landing. Accordingly the queens ordered prayers to be offered in the churches, and all the people were roused to defence. But the pope has learned by a very recent letter from the camp at La Rochelle that this is all a trick of Cardinal Richelieu, who sent the news to Paris in order by this false alarm to induce the nobles to come to the camp and the common people to go to the coast, from which they had withdrawn, in order to be ready when the fleet really did appear, as they expect it will, about full moon, or about the middle of the month.
	Rome, the 9th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	378. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	We hear some talk of a disposition to satisfy the King of England, who is so unfortunate in the failure of his great efforts, by the conclusion of some treaty; but if they grant the truces to the Dutch, as they would like, they will unsay all they have said to the others.
	The nuncios are stupefied (stano stupidi) at the reports of these peaces or negotiations with England, Denmark and the Dutch. I do not fail to point out to them the public advantage, and how so many sinister operations are covered by the transparent cloak of religion.
	Madrid, the 9th September, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Sept. 9. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Firenze. Venetian Archives.	379. AGOSTINO VIANUOL, Venetian Secretary at Florence, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The galleys of his Highness have brought word from Messina that some English privateers, those which were at Alexandretta according to the belief at Leghorn, have sacked the ship of Cosimo Orlandini, who is staying here, on its way from Constantinople, of some thousands of ducats which it was taking to Zante, to take on cargo there, and of everything it had. It is expected that this will incense the Grand Duke and he will decide that the English at Leghorn shall be responsible for all the damage done by the ships of their countrymen to those of Leghorn or any carrying his Highness's flag.
	The Gran Sansone, a most powerful English ship, has arrived at that port from Constantinople, laden with goods to the value of half a million. It fought with the galleys of Malta, as it would not render them obedience. (fn. 1)
	Florence, the 9th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 10. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Candia Rettori, etc. Venetian Archives.	380. ZUANNE TRON, Proveditore of Cerigo, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	A French saetta has arrived in this port to-day. It left Alexandretta forty-four days ago. The master told me that on the 23rd June last four English bertons and a tartana tried to surprise some French ships, which were in the port of Scalderona at the very time when your Serenity's galeasses and galleons were there, but they failed owing to the strength of the galeasses. I enclose the master's statement.
	Cerigo, the 10th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Enclosure	381. Examination of Arnaio Guido, captain of the Madonna del Rosario and S. Francesco d'Assisi.
	Left Alexandria 44 days ago. Touched at no place. On the 23rd June last when in the port of Scalderona where the galeasses and galleons were, there came four English armed bertons with a tartana. Understood the captain was an Englishman of high rank. He sent to Capello, captain of the galeasses, that he wanted all the French ships in the port. The commander refused, as they were under his escort. On receiving this reply the English captain sent two of his ships to board the French. Among others they boarded deponent's and two others, taking away all they could find, amounting to more than 20,000 piastres, it is reckoned. They approached another, but this resisted until the galeasses came up to protect it. The French, when they saw the bertons approaching, fled to the galleons and to land. The English ships fired at the galleons and one shot damaged the foresail. They also fired at the galeasses, killing the captain and ensign of the flagship and three others. They were then put to flight by the galeasses and went about thirty miles away. They crusied about for six days and then disappeared. Heard they stayed some time near Cyprus. Not known where they went afterwards. When he left those waters the galeasses and galleons were ready to start.
	[Italian.]