Venice: July 1527

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 4, 1527-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1871.

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'Venice: July 1527', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 4, 1527-1533, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1871), British History Online [accessed 23 July 2024].

'Venice: July 1527', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 4, 1527-1533. Edited by Rawdon Brown( London, 1871), British History Online, accessed July 23, 2024,

"Venice: July 1527". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 4, 1527-1533. Ed. Rawdon Brown(London, 1871), , British History Online. Web. 23 July 2024.

July 1527

July 3. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 405. 129. Marco Antonio Venier to the Doge and Signory.
Cardinal Wolsey departed on that day with a magnificent retinue, and will cross the Channel to confer with the most Christian King.
London, 3rd July. Registered by Sanuto, 29th July.
July 4. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 424. 130. Sebastian Giustinian to the Doge and Signory.
His Majesty was to depart on the - for the interview with Cardinal Wolsey. He (Giustinian) would accompany him.
Paris, four letters, the last dated 4th July. Registered by Sanuto, 3rd, August.
July 5. Doliberazioni Senato (Secreta), File no. 7. 131. Decree of the Senate.
Sir Gregory Casal, late English ambassador with the Pope, being about to return to England,—put to the ballot, that a present be made to the aforesaid Sir Gregory of silver utensils and cloths of silk, to the value of about 200 golden crowns.
Ayes, 179. Noes, 12. Neutrals, 2.
July 8. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 340. 132. Audience in the Venetian College Hall.
The English ambassador came into the College Hall, and said his brother had departed on his way to France and England.
July 12. Samito Diaries, v. xlv. p. 350. 133. Audience in the Venetian College Hall.
The English ambassador came into the College, and spoke about giving stipend to Zuanne Saxadello and Count Guido Rangoni.
July 12. Deliberazioni Senato (Secreta), File no. 7. 134. The Doge and Senate to Sebastian Giustinian, Venetian Ambassador in France.
The most Christian King being about to hold a conference with Cardinal Wolsey, desire him (the ambassador), therefore, to perform such good offices with the Cardinal and others, as may benefit the Signory's affairs.
Sir Gregory Casal, late English ambassador at Rome, has quitted Venice, where his brother, the Prothonotary, is ambassador for England. Sir Gregory will pass through the French court. To visit him, and make every possible loving demonstration in his favour; he having done all that could be desired to aid the undertaking. To take an opportunity of announcing this to his most Christian Majesty, that he may bear goodwill towards Sir Gregory and favour him.
Ayes, 180. Noes, 5. Neutral, 0.
July 12. Parti Secrete, Consiglio X., File no. 2. 135. The Council of Ten and Junta to Sebastian Giustinian, Venetian Ambassador in France.
Have remarked two paragraphs in his letters of the 30th ultimo, the one addressed to the Senate, the other to the Chiefs of the Ten. By the former they learn that the Rev. English ambassador [Clerk, Bishop of Bath] said to him, that although the payment of the 10,000 Lansquenets was made with his King's money, yet those troops cost the most Christian King an equal amount of blood (tamen costano allo Christma Maestà tanto sangue). As they do not comprehend the meaning of this, desire him to explain it. In his second letter, addressed to the Chiefs of the Ten, he mentions its having been said to him by the aforesaid ambassador, that at length the general peace would be made; he being of opinion that the duchy of Milan would be left to the Emperor, etc. The Ten comprehend the ambassador's reply, but although he believes that the opinion expressed by the English ambassador was personal, yet it seems to them that had he (Giustinian) been more reserved, he would perhaps have learnt further particulars.
The Council of Ten and Junta warn him to keep on the watch, and endeavour to elicit as much as possible about these important events, most especially concerning the interview between the King and Cardinal Wolsey, and whatever else may come to his notice.
Should he not have spoken to the most Christian King with regard to the above written project for leaving the Milanese to the Imperialists, he is not to say anything further about it; but should his Majesty drop any hint on the subject, or should he (the ambassador) hear on good authority that the negotiation is on foot, in that case he is to perform such offices as to his prudence shall seem fit, demonstrating how injurious it would prove to Italy and to France, and above all to the Signory, were the Imperialists to have the Milanese.
Ayes, 34. Noes, 1. Neutral, 0.
July 16. Navagero Despatches, Cicogna Copy, in the Correr Museum. 136. Andrea Navagero to the Signory.
The Duke of Bourbon's obsequies were performed in great state during five days, in the presence of the Emperor, who takes every opportunity of apologizing for his non-observance of the truce made by the Viceroy with the Pope, and lays the whole blame on the army. He says he has letters from the Prince of Orange, strongly vindicating Bourbon, declaring that he marched upon Rome most unwillingly, and that instead of leading the army, the army led him. These excuses are admitted but by few, and very few indeed are the persons of the Court who do not rejoice exceedingly at his death, abusing him in such terms that worse could not be used against the greatest villain that ever existed.
After the entry of the Imperial army into Rome, reports varied for many days. At one time it was said the Pope had been succoured by the forces of Venice and the League, at another that he was a prisoner. Finally, the worst proved true, to the regret of all persons of account in Spain. A few Flemings and certain bankrupts rejoice at the result. All the rest lament it.
Does not know what passes within the Emperor's breast, but, according to report, he evinced sorrow on receiving the letters and some persons say that he wept. On the morrow, he forbad the performance of the jousts, or of any of the many entertainments which had been prepared, and a number of stages and castles on the Plaza Mayor and other places in the city were dismantled, after having been erected for a variety of entertainments and tournaments, announced for the whole week preceding St. James's day [25th July]. Notwithstanding, after the receipt of the news, on the very day of its arrival, they did not put off the cane game, in which the Emperor himself took part, feigning ignorance of what was known to everybody. Some persons account for this by saying that those who had incurred the expense were unwilling it should be in vain. Believes the reason to be that the Emperor had not yet determined to postpone the rejoicings, but that after the cane game, at the suggestion of those grandees who had already made the same attempt previously, he thought fit at least to make this demonstration of regret for so dire a catastrophe as that which had befallen the Church.
The French and English ambassadors, the Bishop of Tarbes and Sir Francis Poyntz, have at length arrived. Went to meet them, and has visited them frequently. They presented themselves to the Emperor, of whom the English ambassadors [Lee and Ghinucci] had first of all a separate audience, as arranged between them, exhorting his Majesty to peace, requesting him, should fair terms be offered, to accept them. They said their King had chosen to send one of his gentlemen with the Bishop of Tarbes, as the conditions proposed by France seemed reasonable to him, and nothing was wanting but the Emperor's consent.
The Emperor, as usual, made a most gracious reply. Subsequently all the ambassadors together announced the proposals brought by the Bishop of Tarbes, who was spokesman. He used very bland language, and declared that the King of France wished for nothing but peace with the Emperor.
The terms are as follows:—They promise two millions of gold, one payable in ready money, the other in three years. On payment of the first million, the French King's two sons to be released. For the other million they offer as security some of the chief personages of France, who are to remain in hostage, so that the Emperor would be guaranteed not merely for one million, but for three or four. Should he be able to suggest any more valid security, France offers it to him. Is willing to admit the claim of Flanders upon the county of Artois, during the Emperor's lifetime; will also cede the pension and prerogatives demanded by him in the kingdom of Naples, and his claims on the duchy of Milan; the Duke Francesco Sforza to acknowledge its investiture from the Emperor, and to pay his Majesty such sum as agreed upon, or as shall be agreed upon between the Emperor and the Duke. The King will give back Hesdin, if the Emperor restore Tournai. They moreover require that out of the two millions of gold, payment be made to the King of England of what is due to him from the Emperor.
To these proposals, the Emperor replied that he would desire his Council to confer with the ambassadors, inspect their powers, and commence the negotiation. That with regard to money he held it in small account, and would not allow such a consideration to interfere with any agreement for peace, although his expenditure had been great, and he therefore needed pecuniary supplies. He expressed surprise at being now offered less than had been offered at the beginning, in France, by the King and Madame the Regent to the Viceroy, who was told they would give two millions of gold, and pay the debt due from the Emperor to the King of England.
The French ambassadors replied that they knew nothing whatever about this affair with the Viceroy, but that they had never offered more than a million and a half; and never, until now, did they promise a million of ready money.
The matter rested thus for the moment, and some days passed before the Council sent for them.
In the meanwhile the President of Bordeaux [Calvimonte] communicated what is aforesaid to him (Navagero), desiring him to acquaint the Nuncio with the whole. The President also said that they were charged to ascertain, within 20 days, whether the Emperor would or would not accept these terms. This they did not announce, to avoid irritating his Majesty, but on the expiration of the period, should he not have formed any decision, they would obtain one at any rate, being instructed to tell the Emperor, that if these proposals did not please him, he should state absolutely what he required. In conclusion the President said that the demand would be sent to their Kings, and everything decided in a few words.
Whilst delaying the audience of these ambassadors, authentic intelligence was received from Rome of the surrender (dedition) of the Pope, and of the agreements made between his Holiness and the Imperialists; so the ambassadors determined to go again to the Emperor, both to speak to him in the name of their Kings about the Pope, and to urge their own despatch. After telling the Nuncio what he was to say touching the Pope, they then went to the Emperor, who, in general terms, spoke them fair about his Holiness; and with regard to their own despatch, caused them on the morrow to be called before the Council, with which having held several conferences, they elicit that the object is to delay, in the hopes of sowing suspicion amongst them, or that something else may occur whereby to thwart all the projects devised by the most Christian King to render the King of England hostile to the Emperor. The last reply received by them from the Council purported that the Emperor neither accented nor refused the proposed conditions; but that he likewise on his part chose to give a note of what he wished; that the ambassadors would then reply; and that in the course of discussion, some mode of adjustment would perhaps be contrived. This reply seems in fact to aim at delay.
Before the arrival of these ambassadors, when speaking with the Nuncio about Roman affairs, the Emperor said to him that at any rate he hoped at length to be reconciled to the Pope, and to be a good son to him; but that he did not think it possible for him ever to be at peace with the most Christian King. Subsequently, after the arrival of the ambassadors, the Emperor said to the Nuncio that they had come with more lies than ever, and more than ever did they seek to deceive him. It is also sought to sow suspicion between these English and French ambassadors. The Emperor makes it appear that he is nowise dissatisfied with England; and he has several times sent for the English ambassadors apart from the rest, and sends daily to their dwelling Mons. De Praet who is a member of his Majesty's Council, and the secretary, Don John L'Allemand. The English have always communicated everything to their French colleagues, and have done nothing without their consent.
All this seems but little in favour of peace, though the French ambassadors say they have good hope of it. Does not know on what it is based, but for some time past a Franciscan friar, Avemaria, has been here, and conferred several times with the Emperor, secretly negotiating peace between his Majesty and France, yet nothing was concluded. Has been told that the English ambassadors, besides their public negotiations, offer to effect the observance by the most Christian King of all the promises made by him to the Emperor, with the exception of the surrender of Burgundy. This would be the ruin of Italy. Does not believe that the King of France will choose to place himself so utterly at the Emperor's mercy, though the wish to get back his children is great. Is therefore afraid that he may abandon Italy and make terms for himself; but if the report of Mons. de Lautrec's having come with 30,000 infantry be true, it would warrant a feeling of greater security. Has also some reliance that these agreements will not take place, by reason of the small trust placed by the Emperor in the most Christian King, and on account of the very great hatred he bears him; yet it would be well to keep on the watch in a matter of such importance, and be suspicious of everything. Permission was given to the French and English ambassadors to despatch a courier, and after frequent consultations, they availed themselves of it.
Valladolid, 16th July 1527.
July 17. Navagero Despatches, Cicogna Copy, in the Correr Museum. 137. Andrea Navagero to the Signory.
The Emperor's demands have been presented to the English ambassadors separately, and not to those of France, who, however, obtained a copy of them, which they are sending by the present courier. Has been unable to see the articles, but has been promised a sight of them tomorrow or next day.
In two or three days Mons. Migliau will depart for Italy. He is the most in favour of all the young men in attendance on the Emperor, and son of the late Mons. De Vere, who was much favoured by King Philip.
He goes to Rome to acquaint the Pope and Cardinals with the Emperor's regret for what has taken place, to comfort them, and to give them good hopes in his Majesty's name. Does not know whether his mission has any other cause. It is also said that another person is being sent to England, and Mons. De la Chau to France; cannot, however, vouch for this to the Signory. The negotiations of the English and French ambassadors render him suspicious. They have attended the Council frequently, have daily held very long consultations amongst themselves, and do not communicate anything. They are sending the present courier in great haste, and say that nothing whatever has been decided. Don John L'Allemand goes every day to the house of the English ambassadors in the Emperor's name, and the French ambassadors go daily to L'Allemand, and secretly by night remain closeted together for two or three hours. The mission, moreover, of Mons. La Chau to France, should it take place, is not understood by him.
Valladolid, 17th July 1527.
July 18. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 424. 138. Marc' Antonio Venier to the Doge and Signory.
Repeats the account of Cardinal Wolsey's departure across the Channel for the interview with his most Christian Majesty, accompanied by many noblemen and some thousand horse.
London, 18th July. Registered by Sanuto, 3rd August
July 22–25. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlvi. p. 15. 139. Sebastian Giustinian to the Doge and Signory.
Details conversations held by him with Cardinal Wolsey, etc., and with the members of the Royal Council, who had remained at Amiens. They require the Signory to pay half the cost of the Lansquenets, and to disband their infantry. In reply the ambassador urged the reasons of the Signory, and said that the King had promised to pay the Lansquenets. They rejoined that Sir Gregory Casal told them the Signory's infantry was good for nothing. They also spoke ill of the Signory's captain-general [the Duke of Urbino].
Amiens, 22nd, 24th, and 25th July. Registered by Sanuto, 6th September.
July 23 & 30. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 457. 140. Marc' Antonio Venier to the Doge and Signory.
During three days fasts had been solemnized and processions made for the release of the Pope. Moreover at Calais a proclamation (fn. 1) had been issued, establishing the free fair (fiera franca), as at Antwerp and Bruges; this being done according to the treaty with the most Christian King. Cardinal Wolsey arrived from Calais at Boulogne, and made his entry with great honours, triumphal arches having been erected; and there were the figures of a Lansquenet and a Spaniard, threatening to slay a woman, to whom a cardinal gave his hand, signifying that the Spaniards sought to rule Italy, and that Cardinal Wolsey would be the person to release her.
London, 23rd and 30th July. Registered by Sanuto, 18th August.
July 24. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. pp. 402, 405. 141. The Duke of Urbino, Captain-General of the Venetians, to his Ambassador in Venice, Baldo Fabritio.
In justification of his proceedings, refers to what can be said by Sir Gregory Casal, who, having come from Castle St. Angelo to the camp, demanded an explanation. This he (the Duke) said be would give in the presence of the whole Council, so that he (Casal) might ascertain the exact truth.
They went accordingly to the house of the Marquis of Saluzzo, where all being assembled, the Duke narrated all facts to Casal, which were confirmed by those present, as can be certified by Sir Gregory, who, being a gentleman, will not report otherwise. The statement can also be confirmed by the Proveditor Pisani and by the noble Vituri.
With regard to his (the Duke's) opinion, that he should clear himself from similar imputations with the most Christian King and the King of England, whose Majesties Fabritio wrote are dissatisfied with him with regard to that matter, perceiving that the well-grounded declaration of his sincerity and good will does not suffice, and to avoid the imputation of asking leave to withdraw from the Signory's service, and descending to particulars with those most illustrious [Venetian] Lords touching what he wrote to Fabritio, and in conformity therewith,—adds that a very clear proof of his wish to do the Signory service was afforded by his withdrawing across the Po, by his crossing the Alps (le Alpi) [query, Appenines?] (fn. 2) and by his doing what can be testified by so many in the tumult at Florence. (fn. 3) And, in short, Fabritio is to entreat the Signory to ascertain the whole thoroughly, and to hear those who can give true information, as many things are said and not done, and many are done and remain unmentioned.
Ponte Novo, on the Tiber, 24th July. Registered by Sanuto, 28th July.
July 27, Navagero Despatches, Cicogna Copy, in the Correr Museum. 142. Andrea Navagero to the Signory.
Departure of Mons. de Migliau on his way to the Pope, accompanied by the Nuncio's chaplain.
Report that the Emperor will send his ultimatum to Rome by the General of the Franciscans, (fn. 4) who arrived lately from Rome, after having been captured by Moorish corsairs, who made him pay a ransom of 4,000 ducats. They drew one of his teeth, and bastinadoed him cruelly. He is a very worthy man, and speaks freely to the Emperor, to whom he said boldly, that unless his Majesty did his duty by the Pope he could no longer be styled “Emperor,” but “Luther's Captain” as the Lutherans, in his name, and under his flag, perpetrated all their atrocities. The Emperor places great trust in him, and if well inclined as reported, his mission might produce some good effect, as he perhaps aims at becoming Cardinal, and will exert himself the more. He is very popular in Spain, and related to the Count of Benevente and many other grandees, who all vied with each other to pay his ransom, and gave the 4,000 ducats.
The French and English ambassadors are still daily negotiating a variety of matters, but he does not hear that they have yet settled anything. Has been unable to obtain the copy of the clauses given to them by the Emperor, but understands that they are the same as were concluded with the most Christian King at Madrid. Mons. de Tarbes told him that he and his French colleagues had lately been summoned by the Emperor apart, to receive at his hands a written reply to their demands. This they refused to accept, save in company with the English, having been commissioned not to negotiate any matters separately one from the other. The English being then sent for, confirmed the assertion, so the written reply was given to them all together. Mons. de Tarbes read to him (Navagero) its substance, which, so far as his memory serves him, was to the following effect:—The Imperialists, first of all, recapitulate the proposals made by the ambassadors, as mentioned in his former letters, but without saying anything about Queen Eleanor. The Imperialists pronounce them paltry (picioli) and meagre, and reply that the peace having been once settled at Madrid, on becoming terms, between the Emperor and the most Christian King, the Emperor's Councillors are of opinion that they ought to be observed. Should it be said that the King acceded to all demands in order to get out of prison, but that it is not in his power to grant them, those which are incompatible should be specified, and if they are recognised to be such, the Emperor will be content to find some other mode of satisfaction, but is of opinion that such terms as are possible should be observed, in order that the treaty of Madrid may not prove utterly vain.
The Imperialists then add that as the English ambassadors choose to have the reply jointly, they are informed that the Emperor will do whatever may seem fair to the King of England, knowing that his Majesty, as his good friend and uncle, is impartial, and mediates solely from his wish for the general peace; wherefore certain clauses were lately consigned to them, showing what the Emperor thought fair, and these they might take as a reply, and negotiate on this basis; nor would the Emperor fail to do his duty, should the King of England be able to bring the matter to any good conclusion. This much touching French affairs. With regard to what the English ambassadors demanded for their King individually, that the Emperor should pay what he owed him, the debt had never been denied by his Imperial Majesty; nay, he had always told the English ambassadors that he would pay it, and now again replied that whenever requested by the King of England he would give him what was due.
This is the summary of the reply. Subsequently the ambassadors conferred several times with the Council, but he (Navagero) does not understand that they came to any further conclusion. Was told today by Mons. de Tarbes that he is not without hope of peace, and that the Imperial Councillors told him many of the clauses had been inserted pro formâ, and would be omitted; that the important points should be urged, and that they ought now to come to particulars. The Bishop of Tarbes thinks that, from his want of money, the Emperor will easily come to some agreement. Is of opinion that the coming of Mons. de Lautrec into Italy would perhaps produce more effect than anything else, and that, should his forces be as numerous as reported, the Emperor's position would be more perilous than it ever has been hitherto. This fear may perhaps produce some good effect. Other persons at Valladolid are of a different opinion to the Bishop of Tarbes; they think that the Emperor evinces a wish for peace, solely for the sake of gaining time; soothing the most Christian King by fair promises, to prevent him from doing what he might do, always in the hope of getting back his sons without war. This is the opinion of some of the English ambassadors here. Knows not what to say, and can but acquaint the State with everything. Nothing more is said about the mission of Mons. De la Chau to France, nor of any other person to England.
It is reported that the Cardinal of York has arrived at Calais, and was to meet the most Christian King at Amiens. The Imperial Councillors at Valladolid say in secret that the Cardinal intends to separate the Church of England and of France from that of Rome, making himself the head of it, saying that as the Pope is not at liberty, he is not to be obeyed in any way; and that even were the Emperor to release him, he could not be considered free, unless all his fortresses and the whole of his territory, now in the Emperor's hands, were restored to him. I cannot affirm whether this be true, or reported with a view to alienate the Hope from the two Kings.
Valladolid, 27th July 1527.
July 27, 28. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 470. 143. Sebastian Giustinian to the Doge and Signory.
When the King heard that his offer of two millions of ducats for the ransom of his sons had been refused by the Emperor on the plea that more money and other terms had been offered to him heretofore, he said, “We will wage war upon him so much the more briskly, in such wise as to make him perforce wish for peace.”
His most Christian Majesty was on the eve of departure for the interview with Cardinal Wolsey, and he (Giustinian) would accompany him.
Paris, 27th and 28th July. Registered by Sanuto, 20th August.
July 30. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlv. p. 457. 144. Gasparo Spinelli, Venetian Secretary of the Ambassador Venier, to his brother Lodovico Spinelli.
I went to Sion to visit the Rev. Richard Pace, who leads a blessed life in that beautiful place. He wears his clerical habits, and is surrounded by such a quantity of books, that for my part I never before saw so many in one mass. He has rendered himself an excellent Hebrew and Chaldæan scholar, and now, through his knowledge of those languages (queste lettere), has commenced correcting the Old Testament, in which, as likewise in the Psalms, (nel psaltevio) he found a stupendous amount of errors. He has also corrected the whole of the Ecclesiastes, and in a few days will publish them. He is now occupied with the Prophets; and the work will assuredly prove most meritorious, and render him immortal. When the first part is printed, I will endeavour to obtain it.
London, 30th July. Registered by Sanuto, 18th August
July 30. Navagero Despatches, Cicogna copy, in the Correr Museum. 145. Andrea Navagero to the Signory.
Since his last of the 27th, the English and French ambassadors have continued their negotiations; having been several times with the Council. They meet together daily, and are now sending a courier to France. Does not know the cause, nor what decision they have received, nor what they are expecting thence. They communicate nothing. By going frequently to them, and discussing various topics, he seeks to elicit something; but address is requisite, lest it seem that he seeks to learn what they wish to keep secret. They perhaps imagine that any communication made during his visit implies an account of their proceedings. Each nation has a different nature, and therefore one must be satisfied with what can be got. Acquainted as he is with the nature of the Ultramontanes, this reserve would not matter much to him, did he not suspect that, in order to get his sods, the most Christian King may be induced to conclude something to the detriment of the Signory. This causes him to remain in great suspense, which must continue until he learns the final decision. The Bishop of Tarbes is still of opinion that some agreement will be made, while all the others say the contrary. He says that they have come to many particulars, and, amongst the rest, spoke several times about the duchy of Milan; the Imperialists declaring that the King of France must not interfere with what belongs to the Emperor, or prevent him from doing justice on a vassal, should behave erred. The Bishop of Tarbes hopes nevertheless for an adjustment, notwithstanding the many difficulties raised. Suspects that, should there be no other obstacle, the most Christian King will desert Duke Francesco for the sake of getting back his own children, possibly with the idea of not keeping all his promises hereafter; but in the meanwhile Italy might suffer greatly.
The King of England will perhaps not allow any of these arrangements to take place. This gives him (Navagero) greater assurance than anything else; though he cannot but have great apprehensions, seeing that now the chief aim of all parties is to attend to their own interests, for which they sacrifice those of their friends.
The Bishop of Tarbes will go tomorrow or next day to Villalpando to see the Dauphin and the Duke of Orleans. He asked the Emperor's permission, and obtained it.
Having written thus far, understands that the despatch of the present courier is owing solely to the Bishop of Tarbes, who has got it into his head that the peace is in a fair way of being concluded. The Imperial councillors, foiled in their attempt to create suspicion between the French and English, have commenced (especially the Count of Nassau and Mons. La Chau) giving the Bishop of Tarbes better promises than ever. When all the ambassadors are together, they adhere to the terms written by him (Navagero), and the Emperor's words to them are merely general. What they tell Mons. de Tarbes in private, purports that they know the Emperor's will to be excellent, and that he will withdraw many of the clauses proposed by him, as he assuredly wishes to have peace by all means. Like all his countrymen, who think that what they wish is certain to take place, Mons. de Tarbes has such hopes of peace, based solely on these expressions, that he chose to send off the present courier. The French and English ambassadors all together debated whether the courier should be despatched, and the most prudent of them were of the contrary opinion; but Mons. de Tarbes insisted, saying that the despatch can do no harm in any way, which is not the case; as this hope of peace given to the most Christian King by an ambassador of his own in whom he trusts, may cause his Majesty to cool about sending Mons. de Lautrec into Italy, which might prove very detrimental both to his Majesty and to the confederates. Is of opinion that the Emperor's fair promises proceed from fear of the march into Italy of Mons. de Lautrec. Should the Imperialists hear of his acting vigorously against them, they will perhaps come to a satisfactory conclusion. The war should be carried on as briskly as possible, negotiating the peace contemporaneously, and repaying fair words with fair words; but to stay the war from this hope is the greatest error that can be committed. Would to God that the most Christian King had done what was requisite betimes! The world would not have lost a Pope, and matters would be in a better state than they are; though much may still be done. The coming of Mons. de Lautrec is the more important, as the Emperor's affairs were never in greater peril than at present. Should the remedy be delayed by this new and sudden hope of peace, he (Navagero) knows not what to expect. The Imperialists on their part act very cautiously; it does not seem to him that they meet with a suitable return. Should tread in their footsteps, and meet them with their own artifices. Instead of acting thus, after seeing: a thousand times that fair words are not deeds, the words are credited more than is desirable. All that he writes to the Signory on this subject is authentic, as he has it from a person of the utmost trust, who knows everything, and who is of the same mind about the affairs of Italy as himself and every good Italian.
The English ambassadors have been thrice to the Emperor concerning the Pope's affair; speaking to him as if they were accredited by his Holiness and not by the King of England; yet they could only obtain general expressions, notwithstanding the Emperor's respect for his Majesty, most especially at the present moment, when he would have him for his friend; a very sure sign that in this matter he does not intend to do any of the things which are hoped for by many, and which they say he will do; for should he be disposed to release the Pope, and restore everything to him (as he told and tells the Nuncio), it is incomprehensible why the grant, which he would make spontaneously, should not be sold by him to the King of England; making it appear that he does so for his Majesty's sake, and gratifying him so much the more. (fn. 5)
The English ambassadors here, when speaking to the Emperor about the release of the Pope, exhorted him to send the duplicate of the instructions for Mons. Migliau by way of France through D. Jacomo Hieronimi, who was sent hither by Cardinal Salviati, telling him that as the sea voyage was dangerous, and might be protracted, this would secure everything. His Majesty refused to do this, and said, amongst other things, that he would not trust his letters to others. They replied that the letters might be written in cipher, so that the only danger to be apprehended was their loss. The Emperor rejoined, that besides the written commission, Mons. Migliau had received many more instructions by word of mouth, which could not be given to this other individual. From these words it is very evident that little trust can be placed in the written instructions. Will, nevertheless, endeavour to ascertain them from the Nuncio.
Valladolid, 30th July 1527.


  • 1. The proclamation here alluded to was printed A.D. 1846, by the Camden Society, at pp. 102–109 of “The Chronicle of Calais” and the editor, John Gough Nichols, F.S.A gives the reference, “MS. Harl. 442, f. 77.”
  • 2. The Duke of Urbino passed the Appenines on the 25th April 1527. (See Dennistoun's Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, Vol. II. p. 436.)
  • 3. The Republican faction seized the Palazzo Vecchio, but the Duke of Urbino quelled the insurrection, and maintained the established government, thus keeping good faith with the Pope, notwithstanding the injuries received from him.
  • 4. A Spaniard, Francisco Quiñones. Sir Francis Bryan, date Rome, 26th January 1529, styles him “a horesun flateryng Fryer.” (Sec State Papers, Vol. VIII. Part 5. p. 149.)
  • 5. Navagero thought it would have been more politic on the part of the Emperor to represent the release as a concession made to Henry VIII., and not his own spontaneous act. In the original, “Perehè certo se di sua voluntà fusse disposto di liberar Sua Santità “et tornarli il tutto, come ha detto. et dice al Noncio, nom so io perchè quel che faria da se, “non volesse vender al Re d'lnghilterra, et mostrar di farlo per Sua Maestà, et gratificarlo “tanto più.”