Venice: May 1557, 21-25

Pages 1099-1118

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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May 1557, 21–25

May 21. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 894. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
This morning, having risen from his bed, Cardinal Caraffa addressed me thus, “Before the Duke de Guise entered Italy, it was reported that the French would ask the Pope for certain fortresses of the Church, nor is it any wonder that such news should have come hither, because the King consults with the Constable, who communicates with the secretaries for transmission abroad, and then his Majesty announces them to the Queen and to Madame de Valentinois; so affairs, after having been kept secret for seven or eight days, are then divulged. This demand was in fact made, for when the Duke de Guise was here he told me what he had not said previously when we met at Reggio, his words being as follows: “So you wish me to invade the kingdom of Naples; were the enemy to attack us with an overwhelming force, what will become of my army? Whither can it retreat in safety?” I answered him that as he was coming for the defence of the See Apostolic, the Papal States would defend him; and as he rejoined that the Pope was old and might die, in which case the army would be in danger, and that it therefore would be well to give him (the Duke de Guise) some of the fortresses in the Roman States, I answered that what he said was true, as were our fortresses in the hands of the enemy, he would have reason to fear, but being held by his Holiness' ministers there was not the slightest cause for apprehension, and that as to the Pope's possible demise, the College of Cardinals contained many of his Holiness' creatures (creature); that Popes were not made in a fortnight, time being allowed for the arrival of the absent Cardinals, the election being made methodically, so that it might be hoped that the future Pontiff would desire the welfare of this Holy See, and that they, having come for its defence, would not abandon him. By these arguments I quieted him, but yet more by adroitly admitting him into the fortresses (con destrezza ammettendolo nelle fortezze), but not so as to give him the power of forcing them, and thus did he consent to move forward. And as he told me besides that he demanded the fortresses because I had made him a promise to that effect, I sent immediately for the writing, as, besides being very reserved with regard to promising, by reason of the power I have, I keep a copy of whatever I negotiate or say or write, so I have chests-full of registers, month for month, and labelled one for Spain, another for Venice, and for the other Powers, so as more easily to ascertain facts; and I showed him a letter written by me to the French ambassador, M. d'Avanzo (sic), immediately after his departure, he having made the same request to me about the fortresses, telling him in general terms at the commencement of the letter, that as the Duke de Guise came for the defence of the Papal States, it was indeed fair for the said States to render his army secure (che l' istesso stato fusse a securtà del suo essereito), but that with regard to particular fortresses, we chose to hold them for ourselves, and thus did I exclude that matter. Then after the Duke de Guise had departed with the army (very well satisfied) to the kingdom of Naples, he did not keep his promise, for we agreed here that his Excellency should have the charge of paying the Duke of Ferrara his due according to the articles of the league, and of satisfying the entire army that entered the kingdom of Naples, both his own troops and those heretofore under the command of the Marquis [Montebello], my brother, as also the forces which were to go with the Duke of Paliano, we here having to pay the garrisons of the fortresses (delle piazze) held by the most Christian King in Tuscany, the troops here in Rome, and those in Romagna; and according to the accounts made out for what has been expended hitherto, we remained debtors for one article (una partita) to the amount of 15,000 crowns, and for another of 18,000, out of which, as the Duke de Guise did not pay the troops of the Marquis Montebello, I sent him 15,000 crowns for two whole rates of pay for the foot, as also for the horse, and as some of the horse were creditors for another rate of pay, I sent 3,000 crowns, so that there remained 15,000 crowns, for which I wrote that provision should be made, and I sent to Tuscany the rates of pay due for the whole of April. M. de Guise, on the other hand, has never given money to my brother's troops, and has allowed many wrongs to be done him, which the said Marquis tolerated (andava tolerando), perhaps contrary to his nature; but when the quartermaster, M. de Tavannes, was saucy, having been rendered insolent by the courtesy my brother showed him, he could no longer put up with it, and told him that he would not obey him, neither did he choose his troops to obey him, as they were in that army to obey solely M. de Guise, to whom having said the like, they becoming rather angry, my brother asked him who he was, and on his answering that he was Lieutenant-General of the League, the Marquis rejoined, “And am I to have no charge whatever?” and being told in reply that he was not (et hauto in risposto (sic) che no'), he said, “Then I shall go away,” and so he departed, and withdrew to Ascoli, where he received a letter from the Duke of Somma, who had also done him other evil offices, saying that M. de Guise was coming to Rome to accuse him to the Pope, so that he would be both blamed and ruined; thereupon the Marquis mounted post-wise and came to justify himself; so we determined to send the Duke my brother to the camp and to keep the Marquis here to employ him as most advantageous, either in Romagna or elsewhere. The Pope, seeing the insolence of these folks (di costoro), who all together are barbarians, both one side and the other, and seek to glut themselves with our blood and our goods (beni), and would to God that all the ultramontanes (tutti gli oltramontani) were out of Italy, and that we could enjoy what belongs to us, for which cause we demanded aid of the Signory, in order not to be compelled to call these others (questri altri) in such great number as to enable them to command us; but as there is nothing else to be done our Lord intends to proceed in such a way that neither these nor those (nè questi nè quelli) may return, as should either of them commit the slightest error, the other would be rendered so insolent by victory as to give law to us. The Pope has determined to raise 4,000 Switzers, having already sent the order, and to-morrow I shall write to Cardinal Triulzi to ask passage of the Signory, with the certainty of its grant, most epecially as his Serenity gave it to the enemies of this See, so it may believed that they will give it to those who will come for its defence.”
He then said that after victualling Paliano all the forces will move in that direction, and that M. de Guise, on being reinforced, would not shun battle; adding, “I know not what the Duke of Alva will do, though I know that, were he to give battle and conquer, and that I were King Philip, I would have him beheaded instantly, as a prudent commander should never risk a whole kingdom by fighting a pitched battle on his own territory.” In conclusion, he told me they had advices from England purporting that Philip would not obtain the assistance hoped for by him, though he might get some money; still less will he be able to make England wage war on the King of France. He also said that he had performed good offices with the Pope to prevent him from carrying into effect the revocation of Cardinal Pole's legatine authority (legatione), demonstrating by arguments that Queen Mary deserved to be favoured because she had never done anything against his Holiness, and, on the contrary, recovered England for the See Apostolic, so that she might he said to have fought for the faith. He said that the Pope blessed him (che'l Papa lo benedisse), and determined to suspend (as he did) the execution of that resolve in accordance with what was written by me heretofore.
Rome, 21st May 1557.
May 21. (Second Letter.) 895. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
At audience of the Pope to-day, he said that peace must be from God, as his Holiness is unable to make it, his will not being shared by the other side, which evinces no sign by facts, but solely in words; so to make a good peace it would be necessary to wage a brisk war, as unless stout resistance were offered, and the enemy convinced of the impossibility of attaining their object, they would never do what they ought; and he continued, “They are reinforcing themselves with foreign troops; we also are doing the like, though, with tears in our eyes, we see Italy swarming with barbarians, than which nothing can be worse, but being unable to do otherwise, we have determined to raise a levy of 4,000 Switzers, and pray the Signory to grant us passage for them, and victuals, on receiving payment, as was granted to others, as these present troops are coming for our defence, which implies that of the Republic, for should we be overpowered and the enemy satisfied in their wishes (e che costoro fuissent voti compotis) you would be compelled to place your neck under a yoke the most unbearable that can be imagined; you would be unable single-handed to resist one who has so many kingdoms and so many States in Italy; the kingdom of Naples, of Sicily, Tuscany, Genoa, the Milanese, and the Papal States. What else could you do but pass under the same yoke in spite of yourselves? We now choose to raise this band of foreign mercenaries, because at any moment we can get Italian troops, and the best in Italy, for the natives of the Papal States are born soldiers.” I made him the same answer as given by me in the morning to Cardinal Caraffa, and the Pope then commenced deploring the miseries of Italy, and narrated from the beginning how King Charles [VIII.] was called into Italy by Ludovic the Moor, [Sforza, 1494, September], and the history of Alfonso of Arragon, with the particulars of the relationship between these two, (fn. 1) the cause of their enmity, (fn. 2) the passage of King Charles to Rome, the fear of Pope Alexander lest he should be deposed, as publicly reported by the Cardinals who accompanied the King, amongst whom was S. Pietro in Vincula, afterwards Pope Julius II.; that the articles of deprivation were drawn up by a certain Vicentine (d'un Vicentino) Bishop of Cesena, (fn. 3) who was then “Auditor della Camera;” that the King lodged in the Palace of St. Mark, and the Pope withdrew into the Castle, having sent for Cardinal Uliverio Caraffa to reside in the Palace of St. Peter [the Vatican?]; that contemporaneously a turret of the Castle fell to the ground; so the Pope was compelled to make terms with the King, who being of a very good nature, went to kiss the Pope's foot, and held his stirrup when he rode forth; that the King traversed (corse) the whole of the kingdom of Naples without any obstacle except from a small castle called S. Giovanni in the Caraffa territory, and Gaeta, both of which were sacked and burned. He then narrated the league formed against the French to expel them from Italy; the appointment made by your Serenity of the Marquis of Mantua to reinstate King Ferandino, (fn. 4) Alfonso's son, who, when on the point of entering Naples in triumph, died at Sarno, a short distance thence; so that there ensued the miserable interregnum, rather than the reign of King Frederick. Having given me these details, his Holiness continued, “Hinc omnis mala labes, for those individuals (costoro) opened this evil gate (questa mala porta) for barbarians, which we would wish to close and are not listened to, by reason, we believe, of our sins, but never shall we repent of having done what we could, and perhaps more than we could. For future centuries we shall leave the confusion to the others who will not have helped us, and who will allow it to be said, 'Formerly there was a decrepid octogenarian, who, when it was supposed that he would keep in a corner bewailing his infirmities, showed himself valorous, and desirous of the freedom of Italy, but was abandoned by those whom it least behoved to do so;' and thus, the penance will fall on my Venetian Lords (miei Signori Venetiani) and the others who do not choose to acknowledge the opportunity for ridding themselves of this plague which commenced under that King, who by reason of his virtues was tolerable (sotto quel Re, che per le virtà sue fu tollerabile); (fn. 5) but there then succeeded this mixed race of Flemings and Spaniards, in whom nihil Regium nihil Cristianum, and they take root like weeds where they attach themselves. They do not resemble the French, who fly off nullo negotio, and who would not remain were they tied and bound. We have seen them masters of the kingdom of Naples and of the Milanese; and they went away on the sudden; they cannot stay there; loco nesciunt. To you we speak confidentially as if we were talking with the Doge and 'the Councillors and the Chiefs of the Ten, because we know that our thoughts will not be divulged. In short, we shall never regret having toiled during this brief space of life, for the honour of God, and for the benefit of this poor Italy, for to tell you the truth we have preferred a life of labour, and never rest; nor do we delight in comedies, musical performances, and field sports (caccie), like certain other Popes, for had these things pleased us, we must have neglected our duty, and remained with a worm always corroding our conscience. We have no other contentment than that of stealing a few moments to say our “office,” which we will never omit to do, both for example's sake, that we may not fail to do ourselves what we preach to others; as also because we have recited it for 66 years; then for the rest of our time, we choose exhibere nos omnibus, and our preference for this toilsome life profits us, for “lere sit quod bene fertur onus;” as with regard to our own sensuality (sensualità), were it the pleasure of His Majesty we should wish to depart hence, relying on the infinite benignity and mercy of our Lord, who would not deny me paradise, as without this hope I should fear death, and be in suspense about hell afterwards.” I said that God would long preserve him for the welfare of Christendom, and give him the means to comfort the world by a peace. He replied, “We have said, and now repeat to you, that we on our part will never fail, and although the troubles increase daily we ought not to despair of quiet, as God gives it when least expected; and we tell you in conclusion that in this result of peace, non sit abbreviata manus Domini.”
I then had read to him the last news-letters from Adrianople, sent to me by your Serenity. He said he thought that the 50 [Turkish] galleys would not come into these waters, and that it was well they should not come, as they never do anything but mischief, nor had the most Christian King ever derived any advantage from this fleet, as the Turks choose to command, and to be masters of the undertaking, but that the King was compelled to avail himself of them, being inferior to the enemy at sea, which matters much; that he will now make use of the Algiers fleet, which will serve the same purpose, and he will be its commander, and that when joined with the King's 40 galleys, his Holiness' four, and some others, he will be master of the sea; whereupon I took leave.
Rome, 21st May 1557.
May 21. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 896. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
I told the Cardinal of Lorraine about the dispute for precedence at Venice between the French ambassador the Bishop of Lodève and the Spanish ambassador Vargas. The Cardinal took me to the King, and his Majesty said that he knew your Serenity could not do otherwise than you had done, the judicature in fact not appertaining to him, but that he thought the controversy very clear, because your Serenity having made the ambassador Vargas a present, as princes are accustomed to do to all ambassadors, it was a sign of his being dismissed entirely; and he returned as a new ambassador, and consequently of the King of Spain and not of the Emperor, who no longer chose to do any business; so being the ambassador of the King of Spain, he (the King of France) did not believe he would compete for precedence with his, it being a thing too manifest to the world who ought to precede, and his Majesty was certain your Serenity would not allow him to be wronged. I made a becoming rejoinder, and the King then told me that the Duchess of Parma and her son had crossed the Channel, the Duchess of Lorraine having also done the like subsequently, not having been able to persuade the Lady Elizabeth to consent to marry; his Majesty adding, that neither would the Council of England have so readily consented to her going beyond sea. (Entrò a dirmi che Madama di Parma insieme con suo figliolo era passata il mare et dopo anche la Duchessa di Lorena, non havendo possuto persuader Milladi Elisabeth a consentir di maritarsi, soggiongendo S. Mtà. che nè anche il Conso d'Inghilterra haveria così leggermente contentato che la fusse passata il mar.) (fn. 6) I asked his Majesty what was being done in England about the troops promised to the King of Spain, and how the Queen contrived to have ample pecuniary supply (et come la Serma Regina si trovava haver larga comodità de denari). His Majesty replied, “The determination to send the troops has been made, as I told you, and although I believe it will be carried into effect, my ambassador nevertheless writes that no great noise was heard; and with regard to money, I believe that at this commencement the Queen will have it, and she is diligently seeking supply through every channel, though I do not know whether she will be able to continue the expenditure for long” (se la potrà continuar molto in la spesa). I asked if the King of Spain was on the eve of departure from England; his Majesty said, “It seems to me that matters are being protracted, and I infer that they are waiting for Don Ruy Gomez to bring money, he having yet to cross, nor do I even know whether he has got to the Spanish coast; and I believe he will encounter many difficulties, for there is no money in Spain, and as you must have heard the fleet crossed to Italy with 3,000 infantry, and the vast sum of money announced proved to be 300,000 crowns, of which 150,000 remained in Genoa as part payment of interest due to private individuals, and with the surplus they talk of raising troops. I asked what was heard about the mustering of forces in Flanders. He said, “As I have told you several times, the words are many and the moneys few. They have many German captains in their pay, but have only raised a small number of foot soldiers, who disbanded from lack of money.” I continued, “Will your Majesty form an army?” He answered, “I have given orders to raise 8,000 Germans, who if not already on the march, it will not long be delayed, and I shall in like manner add a good number of Frenchmen, so I hope that they will not frighten me;” and he added several times, “On these confines both sides are fighting, and lately at Thionville near Metz a very strange case occurred, much to my regret, for in a skirmish my camp-marshal (maestro di campo) was killed, the like befalling the enemy's captain, nor was anyone else either killed or wounded, rank or file; and I greatly lament the loss of that man, for he was a very brave one.”
I then asked what news the King had of M. de Guise, and he said, “Upwards of 30 days have elapsed since my last advice,” which purported that he was besieging Civitella.” In reply to my inquiry whether the King was reinforcing his army in those parts, he said, “Yes, I have sent to raise 6,000 more Germans, who will come straight, besides 1,500 Frenchmen who were landed by the Baron de la Garde, and I shall send as many more.” About advices from Rome he said all he knew was that the Nuncio had just told him that the Duke of Paliano will go to the Duke de Guise, and that the Pope was preparing to make the “privation” of the kingdom of Naples; his Majesty adding, “But if this is true, it surprises me that I also should not have had news of it; you will also have heard that Fantuccio has arrived in Paris.” I said, “Yes, sire, I have heard it;” and with evident satisfaction the King continued, “The Pope has recalled him, and he is going back to Rome postwise, but he did not indeed (altramente) present himself at Court. (fn. 7) I have not had advices from Marshal de Brissac for 33 days, the most recent telling of the capture of Chirasco (sic), but from another quarter I indeed know that he was under Cuni (sic), (fn. 8) and hoped to take it; and that the Spanish galleys landed 200 infantry, who were to cross the mountains and enter the place, but they were unable to do so; and if the Marshal takes it, Fossano also falls of necessity; so I may say that the whole of Piedmont will be in my hands, and by removing the garrisons from several places where they will no longer be needed, the Marshal will have from 33 to 34 thousand foot soldiers in the field.”
His Majesty then said, “An express has arrived from Ferrara with news that the Cardinal of Trent [Christoforo Madruccio] had projected a fine plot to kill the Duke of Ferrara and the whole House of Este; and those 6,000 Germans who were to go to Milan were made to turn towards Casal Maggiore, with the intention of sending them on in due time towards Ferrara, but the thing was discovered and the accomplices captured, so the Duke is in a great fright.” I evinced regret for so strange a case, and inquired whether his Excellency had taken any steps to recover Correggio. The King replied, “None hitherto;” adding, “You must have heard what that fool (quel sciocco) Thomas Stafford has done in England; before his departure he came to me in this very chamber where we now are, and I leaning at that balcony (et essendo io appoggiato a quella finestra) (fn. 9), he narrated to me these projects of his, praying and exhorting me to give him aid and counsel (pregandomi et essortandomi a dargli aiuto et consiglio), but I told him freely that from me, for that purpose, he was to expect neither one nor the other, as I very well know the nature and the mode of proceeding of the English; so I bid him beware, as I already saw him beheaded if he persisted in these opinions of his, but he showed himself quite bent on carrying them into effect, telling me that he had a great claim to that Crown, and that he should find many followers in England; and after he left me the first news I had of him was that he had been captured and taken to London.” When I was in the act of taking leave, the King said to me about the Duke of Ferrara, “This kinsman of mine is greatly terrified; I should wish to see him rather more resolute, and acting like a soldier, and with less love for his money.” Nor will I omit to tell your Serenity that Fiaschino, who arrived from Ferrara two days ago, came solely on account of money due to the Duke; so the Ferrarese ambassador has not yet departed, nor is it known whether he or the said Fiaschino will execute the commission originally destined for the former.
On the 6th instant I wrote what I had heard, on good authority about the Pope's negotiation with the King of England, as subsequently confirmed to me through another channel, with this in addition, that the Pope and his whole family were in fact determined on having Sienna, which it is believed they would have at length accepted, perhaps on the terms desired by the King of England; but when his Majesty saw that he had created distrust between the Pope and France, he no longer continued making his first large offers, but keeps his Holiness in suspense, giving him at one time ample words, and at another limiting them; so, according to their tenor, the Pope in like manner changes his mind, insisting first on war, and then speaking more submissively (et ora parla più rimesso). A great personage, conversing with the Cardinal of Lorraine, to elicit something from him on this subject, said, “Monseigneur, humour this Pope; give him the fortresses in the Siennese, and the King of England will give him Sienna.” The Cardinal replied with an angry countenance (rispose il Cardinale con volto pieno), “Yes, the most Christian King will assuredly give the Pope those fortresses, because his nephews' proceedings certainly gain them for him;” so I in like manner, when talking with the said Cardinal, a good opportunity having presented itself in the course of our conversation, said, “Will your most illustrious Lordship do me the favour to acquaint me with the Pope's mind, that is to say, whether he wishes for war, for peace, or for truce?” and again in an angry tone (similmente accesa nel ragionar) he said, “Shall I tell you? The Pope is very firm in maintaining what he has promised, but of his nephews, the one pulls and the other gives way (l'uno tira et l'altro lassa), and I know not what to say. I then added, “It is anticipated by speculators (dalli speculativi) that the end of the Pope's wish and of his nephews is to have Sienna. I know not what he will do.” The Cardinal replied, “Such is the general opinion, but we are still there, we with our fortresses, which form the greater portion” (che sono per la maggior parte); to which I replied, “Monseigneur! I believe that the Pope would wish for Sienna and these fortresses, but with the satisfaction of his most Christian Majesty.” The Cardinal smiled, and taking my hand, said, “The prirate affections of the priests ruin the world; I also am a priest, but the truth must be told.” (Li affetti particolari delli preti guastano il mondo; sono prete anchor Io, pur bisogna dir il vero.) This recall of Fantuccio (fn. 10) has given no less satisfaction here than the regret felt by them at seeing him remain there in Flanders, so it is rather supposed that the Pope's negotiation with the King of England is perhaps quite at an end, although as it is not certain that the Duke of Padiano is going to the army, and the “deprivation” of the kingdom of Naples, so often promised to the King by the Pope, continues being delayed, his Majesty remains in constant suspicion. I am told by a trustworthy person who heard it from the King's own lips, that if Marshal de Brissac takes Cuni (sic) and Fossano, he, with all his forces, will enter the Milanese, where the King said there is so much confusion and such a want of money that he hoped in a few days to make great progress.
La Ferté Milon, 21st May 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
May 22. Deliberazioni Senato (Register). 897. Motion made in the Senate.
That the ambassador of King Philip be sent for into the College to-morrow morning, and that the Doge do address him thus:—
“We deem it unnecessary to declare how desirous we have been for peace, as the many offices performed by us bear ample testimony, besides our ancient system, proved by the long experience which you and others have of our proceedings. The causes which have confirmed us in this desire are so self-evident that any comment would seem superfluous, and especially if addressed to your Lordship, who is prudent and well versed in the affairs of the world. We are certain that you will perfectly well consider the present moment opportune for continuing the negotiation for agreement, of which his Majesty has always shown himself desirous, by sending those ample commissions to Italy, as told us by your Lordship, [and] by Don Juan Davila (d'Aiala) several times, and as written by our ambassadors. We will hope that the Pope, as universal Father and anxious for quiet, will give ear to it, accepting such form of agreement as becoming, and that he will also be glad of opportunities (esser grato d'haver occasioni) for reconciling himself to his Majesty, receiving him into his bosom, and showing himself a loving parent towards him. To this end as we have not failed striving hitherto, so we shall persevere in such offices as the need requires for the introduction of this peace, as mightily desired for the quiet of Christendom and Italy, on whose repose our eye is always fixed, especially at present, besides the aforesaid reasons, on account of rumours of war which are approaching the confines of our State. Knowing your Lordship to be desirous of the common weal, it seemed fit to us to send for you to let you know what we, with the Senate, have said to you, praying you earnestly to perform for us with his Majesty such office as becomes the present need, and we likewise will have it done by our ambassador resident with his Majesty.
A copy of this writing to be sent to our ambassador accredited to King Philip, desiring him to perform an office, in conformity, with his Royal Majesty, and with the right reverend Legate Pole, and also to speak on the subject to such persons as are or may be empowered by the King to treat any similar negotiation, persuading them accordingly with all earnestness; and should it seem fit to him to do the like with the most serene Queen of England, let him do so, this being referred to his own judgment (all' arbitrio suo).
Ayes (de respons.) 159
Noes 2
Neutrals 4
May 22. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 898. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
After returning to the French camp, M. de Sipierre went with 700 horse to Giulia Nuova, a place upon a hill near the Adriatic, distant some 12 miles from Civitella. To this same place of Giulia Nuova the Duke of Alva was then on the march with his whole army, said to number 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, of which the vanguard, consisting of 2,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry, was already near at hand, when Sipierre heard of it; so, to avoid being shut up in the place, he at night broke through the enemy's lines with all his horse, and returned to the camp, having taken two cavalry standards. The arrival of the Duke of Alva at Giulia Nuova, it being also known that he intended skirting the Adriatic in order to occupy certain passes called “Le Grotte” [Grotte a mare?] to prevent the transmission of victuals to the French camp, and the failure of the attack on Civitella, caused the Duke de Guise to retreat towards the aforesaid grottoes, and Ascoli, making himself master of those passes which the enemy imagined they could get possession of. According to report, the retreat was made in time, owing to Marshal Strozzi, who pointed out to M. de Guise the aforesaid difficulty and danger. The French say that Guise, should he find an opportunity, will soon fight a pitched battle, although the enemy outnumber him both in horse and foot. This news arrived here this morning, but the particulars of the retreat are unknown, because the Roman Government (questi Signori) will not divulge them, but through a wounded soldier who arrived here from the camp it is heard that on the 13th they sent off the artillery in advance, on the 15th the army commenced decamping, and in the course of the 16th it was at a distance of five miles from Civitella, where three guns remained, having been split (spezzate) by the garrison, of whom 300 harquebusiers did some hurt to the French rearguard on its retreat.
The Marquis of Montebello says that the Pope now knows that what he told him about the mismanagement of the French, and the necessity for them to retreat, has proved true, by so much the more as M. de Sipierre was unable to confute one single word of those uttered by him about his departure from the camp having been caused by the wrongs received at their hands. In addition to this he told my secretary that, although his brothers did not wish him to tell the Pope clearly about the neglect of rule (i disordeni) on the part of the French, their weakness, the impossibility of their achieving any expedition, either great or small, the necessity for their retreat, the wrongs they did him (which turn to the Pope's dishonour) their misbehaviour (i mali portamenti loro) throughout the Papal States, and their natural insolence, worse than that of the Spaniards (e la natural sua insolenza peggior della Spagnuola), he nevertheless the other evening, when he was a long while with the Pope, told him the whole, and his Holiness embraced and thanked him, complaining of not having been told these things before. Montebello also told my secretary that his brother the Cardinal [Carlo Caraffa] has always said to him that he can do nothing but execute the will of his Holiness, and that means must be found through some other channel than their own to let him know how matters stand (di farli conoscer le cose come stanno); so they suggested the mission to the camp of Marshal Strozzi that he might make his report to the Pope, who believes greatly in his veracity, and might be thus induced to make the agreement. Marshal Strozzi was also the cause of the retreat of the Duke de Guise, whereby he at one and the same time served the French by preventing the loss of their army, and his Holiness, by letting him know that the undertaking cannot succeed; so his return hither is very anxiously expected.
Cardinal Caraffa has sent me the copy of Cardinal Pole's letter, which at my last audience the Pope (as written by me) said I should receive from him, and I now enclose it. (fn. 11)
The ambassador from Florence, who on Friday last had audience of the Pope, urged him, by commission from his Duke, to make peace. He says that, although his Holiness blustered a little (e che se bene trovò il Pontefice al quanto su 'l bravo), saying he purposed having a levy of Switzers, and had asked your Serenity to grant them passage through the Venetian territory, he (the ambassador) nevertheless did not despair of something favourable coming to pass, because this morning the Cardinal of Pisa [Scipione Rebiba], who is privy to the Pope's will (qual è conscio della volontà del Papa), told him as of himself that his Holiness' honour must be satisfied, and that King Philip ought to say that his ministers did wrong, and give him back what he holds belonging to the Church, allowing his Holiness to inflict such punishment as he pleases on King Philip's soldiers. The ambassador wrote this to the Duke of Alva for transmission to his Majesty, and that he may exhort him, if he really desires peace, to concede the Pope this fume (questo fumo).
To-day at 5 p.m. (a xxi. ore) the maggiordomo of Cardinal Morone in his own presence was arrested and taken to the prisons of the Inquisition. (fn. 12) The sheriff (il Bargello) told the Cardinal that he made the arrest by order of the Pope and Cardinal Caraffa, and when Morone replied that he mistook him, the sheriff rejoined, “If this person is Don Domenico, your most illustrious Lordship's maggiordomo, who came hither four days ago from Modena, I make no mistake, and he is the individual whom I am ordered to arrest.” This is considered an important seizure which may concern the Cardinal, who, on several accounts, is not in much favour with the Pope nor with his kinsfolk (nè delli suoi).
Rome, 22nd May 1557.
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., pp. 223, 224, recto et verso, date London, Printed in Vol. V., pp. 27–31. “Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli,” dated London, 25 May 1557. 899. Cardinal Pole to Pope Paul IV.
Yet greater than his acknowledgment of the divine goodness hitherto, in confirming and augmenting the mutual joy between England and the Pope owing to the many tokens of his Holiness' paternal love for this realm, and its reciprocal filial observance towards him since its return to its obedience to himself individually and to the See Apostolic, would Pole's sorrow be, were any accident through the malice of Satan to interrupt the course of this mutual gladness which until now has been so constant that Pole had received from the Pope nothing but what was replete with goodwill, and deserving of thanks, as he graciously and readily granted him whatever in piety and justice could contribute to the quiet of the kingdom, which, by never retracting after the apostacy of so many peoples (tot popalorum deffectionibus), gave the Pope good cause to rejoice at the return of the prodigal son to his obedience, instanced by him in such a way, as daily to afford increasing proofs of reverence for so loving a Father who had thus elemently received him into the bosom of mercy. When therefore on this account, all the churches resounded incessantly with praises to God and thanksgivings, prayers being offered up, for that these joyful seeds of piety, which already promised good fruit, might from day to day increase; Pole, as his Holiness' minister and legate, inviting and exhorting all men to cultivate the field of the Lord, in which he himself laboured strenuously; there suddenly came many letters from Rome announcing that his Holiness has abrogated the entire authority of legate “de latere” exercised for this kingdom, and also the privileges of “Legate born” (Legati nati), conceded by former Pontiffs to the church of Canterbury, for the convenience of the realm, leaving no one to regulate religion (ad constituendam religionem) except the ordinary episcopal power.
The grief of the most serene Queen, who heard this intelligence before it was known to Pole, may be more easily estimated by the Pope, he having had experience of her extreme piety in bringing back this kingdom to its obedience to the Church, than he, Pole, can write it. The Lords Privy Councillors now in London, both temporal and spiritual, came to Pole's residence immediately on hearing this, and plainly showed him how much this report troubled them, by saying they therefore came in order that after expressing their sorrow, and the very deep wound apparently inflicted on this kingdom, unless a remedy were applied, he might give them comfort, and they first inquired whether he himself knew anything certain about this business. Pole replied, that his information was derived solely from private letters; whereupon the most temperate of his interlocutors expressed their sorrow, by saying it might easily be credited that had the Pope clearly comprehended the state of religion in England a few years ago, and what it now is, he never would have so hastily annulled that authority, through which England was recalled from heresy and schism, to the truth of Catholic doctrine, and to her obedience to the Pope and the See Apostolic, and thus daily confirmed in it. They said that legantine authority was not the ordinary episcopal power; most especially as that authority, in like manner as at the commencement, is now very greatly needed to direct and assist in reforming innumerable abuses which were introduced during the late schism, and for the correction of which the power of the bishops does not suffice. If the authority of a legate was necessary to bring back the kingdom to the purity of Christian doctrine, and obedience to the See Apostolic, in which it had now well nigh commenced to germinate and flourish; yet is the legantine authority no less required for their nurture and establishment there, that the fruit may ripen. Thus spoke the spiritual lords (ecclesiastici ordinis antistites), with the assent of their colleagues. All of them lamented the suppression of the “native legantine authority” (de nativâ vero legatione sublatâ), it being almost a statute of the realm, acquired since so many centuries through the graciousness of former Pontiffs, or rather that they themselves individually were deprived of a right obtained long ago; saying it was the more grievous and insupportable that this should befall from the Pope, because at the very time, when in the name of the whole kingdom, obedience was tendered by the ambassadors, he confirmed all the ancient privileges, which on that return were promised and given by his legate; that were this so ancient a privilege and one so convenient for the whole kingdom, so suddenly taken away, without any fault on the part of the said realm, it is evident what serious suspicion must arise that other privileges already conceded would be less durable; than which nothing could be more odious, nor more pernicious, by diminishing their obedience in the minds of all men; that at this moment, to suppress both legations, is as it were to expose the Church in this kingdom, like a ship without a rudder to a raging sea in a gale of wind; and that were the Pope well aware of this, they could not think otherwise of his piety than that he would change his decision for a more benevolent one, and rather than take away the old ones grant the realm fresh ones, as required by so recent a return to the [Roman Catholic] religion (ubi religio tam recens revocata novis potius indigerit); and they asked Pole's counsel and assistance concerning what was to be done.
Such was the summary of their discourse, to which he replied, commending in the first place their piety for so bitterly resenting their being deprived of that authority, which a few years ago was rejected by them, this being a very strong proof that they were sincere in resuming their obedience to the Pope's authority since they so earnestly sought to retain it amongst them, and that they rightly estimated his Holiness' love for England (et de amore erga hoc regnum) when they persuaded themselves that never would he have taken this authority away from them, had he clearly understood how useful and necessary it was to confirm it in this kingdom for the glory of God and for religion, provided they did not require him Pole, to make the demand spontaneously on his own account. They moreover told him (nor did he think it fit to conceal this from the Pope) that, as the Almighty had made use of the most Serene Queen's medium (opera), to reconcile this kingdom to his Holiness and the See Apostolic, so also should Pole write to the Pope, that it would be extremely worthy of his piety now to request her Majesty to make peace between his Holiness and the King, her consort, who was her assistant in the reconciliation; and it would thus be easy by the Pope's authority to effect the peace of the whole Christian world, as King Philip would doubtless the more willingly strive with the King of France which of them should the more promptly obey (sequeretur) the Papal authority, in order to make peace rather than war, with so much effusion of Christian blood, especially when once the roots of dissension with the Pope are severed. Nor would there be any difficulty in this matter were his Holiness to demonstrate towards King Philip the same paternal goodness as was shown by the See Apostolic to the kingdom of England, after its abrogation of all Papal authority here, to which King Philip is so averse (as Pole himself likewise sufficiently well knew) that although now at war with the Pope, yet nevertheless a few days ago, when certain proposals were made in his presence tending apparently somewhat to infringe that authority, he so opposed the measure, that the Legate himself could not have said more in the Pope's defence, neither could he have acted more vehemently. (fn. 13)
Having said this much and other things to the like effect, the Privy Councillors left Pole, who was also subsequently addressed by private individuals at great length on the same subject, those who are the most anxious for the increase of piety and practical religion (studio religionis) in this kingdom, expressing themselves by so much the more vehemently, and with greater grief of mind; all, however, coming to the conclusion that no more gladsome intelligence than this could be announced to the enemies of the Church; nor any more mournful news to those who are good and pious, and desirous of the obedience of England to the Pope and the See Apostolic. This fact Pole sees clearly, though he endeavours to give consolation, by saying that if this wounds their piety, it must be inferred that God has chosen thus to try them, yet more to demonstrate their faith and obedience, and to render it the more conspicuous; the Almighty being wont to act in this way with regard to those on whom He has conferred some extraordinary benefit, such as He gave by restoring this kingdom to the unity of the Church (ad unitatem Ecclesiœ); but that should they remain firm in their faith and obedience the Pope would convert everything to their greater comfort.
It is unnecessary for Pole to write more about his opinion on this subject to the Pope, so he will merely say that he does not think it now very essential who exercises the legateship a latere, provided the person appointed perform that office to the honour of God and the See Apostolic and advantageously for the Church in England; so should the Pope choose to transfer this burden from Pole to some other Legate, there is no reason why he should delay the act; and although Pole has enough to do in performing his archiepiscopal duties, he will be ready—provided such be the Pope's wish—to aid any person sent by him, with all diligence, toil, and support. But with regard to depriving England of this legateship at present, Pole is of opinion (knowing for certain that were his Holiness on the spot to witness the state of the kingdom he would think so) that such a measure would not only impede the course of religion already established, but seriously prejudice the authority of the Pope and of the See Apostolic, which having been banished as it were from England for so many years, and (as some persons considered certain) much to the lucre of many, it cannot so immediately obtain its obedience in the minds of the multitude, but has need of time, so that it must be exercised in such a way that the entire kingdom may feel its advantage, which it has already commenced tasting, as nothing was reserved for private profit, everything as far as possible being kept for the public, so that even those who previously had willingly dispensed with that obedience, are now no less glad to retain it; but if after this first taste, this power, like delicious food, be snatched from their mouths, it is indeed to be feared that the opinion lately entertained about diminishing the obedience [to the Pope] may take more effect on account of private lucre, than the brief experience of the benefit derived by retaining it for the public.
Pole, therefore, in the name of the most merciful Saviour, beseeches the Pope (with whom by reason of his piety few prayers would be needed did he fully know the present state of England) to give some little credence to his Legate, who is in truth most attached to him, and to hold his hand until he distinctly comprehend how matters are proceeding here, lest some innovation take place; and he prays the God of peace very long to preserve the Pope in safety for His Church. (fn. 14)
London, [25th May 1557.]
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., p. 184 recto, and 185. 900. Cardinal Pole to the same (“Signor” Stefano Sauli). (fn. 15)
By your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship's letter, and by the writing brought me by my messenger [Mr. Pinning] (fn. 16) and from what he told me about the discourse you were pleased to hold with him, I have more fully understood the progress of the events between our Lord and the King here, as also the testification (testificatione) of his Holiness' goodwill always borne by him since the commencement of his pontificate towards the common weal of Christendom and of the Church; and, although to my great regret I had heard of the many impediments which thwarted the execution of his Holiness' pious intentions, it nevertheless pleased me much (and I greatly thank your most illustrious Lordship) that you should have chosen to give me this full information, and I am greatly comforted to hear that you still offer to do what you can to heal this rupture and deep wound in the body of the Christian community.
I have not failed on this occasion to perform such office as seemed opportune and fitting to me with his Majesty, who shows, in short, that, although matters have proceeded so far, he always has wished and wishes to be in harmony and unity (concorde et unità) with his Holiness, nor does he refuse to give him all suitable satisfaction and testimony of his good will and filial observance, both towards the Pope himself and the See Apostolic. With regard to this, when I exhorted him to send some personage yet more to testify this his good will, he replied that he would not fail doing so, were he sure that his Holiness would receive his ministers willingly. When I still insisted on this, he said that had the Pope been pleased to give audience to Don Francisco Pacheco (fn. 17) he might have had certain evidence of it, not merely verbal, but effectual; and as I did not fail to make a rejoinder to this likewise, he at length determined that for the present he would consent to give orders for the performance of an office on this subject with his Holiness. Should the Almighty grant your most illustrious Lordship the grace to be the means whereby to effect some good adjustment, and put an end to this most pernicious discord, it would be the most glorious and profitable work for the Church and all Christendom that at the present moment could be desired, conferring also great honour and eminence on your most illustrious family.
I also communicated to the most serene Queen what your most illustrious Lordship writes me about the continuance of the Pope's paternal affection for her Majesty, who in truth, besides her great merits with the Church and the See Apostolic, is very worthy of it by reason of her great reverence and observance for his Holiness, she having been very much distressed to see these disagreements proceed and continue advancing to such extremities, so greatly to the detriment and peril of all Christendom and of the religion. I have always been of opinion that her Majesty might be an excellent instrument and mediatrix for appeasing them, by reconciling her consort to his Father the Vicar of Christ, from whom he had of yore the great grace to reconcile this kingdom to the honour and service of His Divine Majesty, so much to the consolation of the whole Church; wherefore through the authority of his Holiness, it might be hoped more easily to effect a true and lasting peace between all the Christian Powers; which grace may God of His infinite goodness deign to grant to Christendom, now so sorely afflicted.
Before the arrival of my messenger I had already written to the Pope's Holiness about the great displeasure (dispiacer) caused to the most serene Queen and these Lords of the Council by the first news of the repeal of the two legations centred in my person, (fn. 18) owing to the great detriment which might thence ensue to the affairs of the religion here, to the joy and exultation of the wicked (dei tristi) and to the great sorrow of all good men. They could not believe that his Holiness, being fully acquainted with the state of the religion here, would take away the Legatine authority “de latere,” and still less that of “nativity” (quella della natività); and immediately on my messenger's arrival, on hearing that through him I had received no mandate to that effect, nor any commission from our Lord, they were greatly comforted and confirmed in the hope that his Holiness would not make any further innovation, and therefore they have determined to write again, beseeching him to that effect. I, in truth, when considering the many inconveniences and great scandal which might easily ensue by removing from hence at such a time the two legations, thought I perceived that the goodness of God had guided (governato) his Holiness not to send me the brief nor charge me to do anything in this matter, as, had he acted otherwise, I should have obeyed immediately, as it is my duty to do. I know that your most illustrious Lordship will not think that I am moved to make this demand (instantia) by any private advantage of my own, this Legation yielding me nothing but constant toil, and moreover expense; nor verily am I prompted by anything but the zeal which I am bound to have for the religion, and for the authority of his Holiness and of that Holy See, for which, if necessary, I should be ready to hazard even my life (a metter anche la propria vita).
I pray our Lord God to deign of His goodness to grant your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship the grace to be a good and efficacious means for relieving Christendom from the causes of so many and such great disturbances; and, thanking you much for your courteous offers, I humbly kiss your hand.
London, 25th May 1557.
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., p. 185 recto, 186 verso. 901. Cardinal Pole to the Cardinal of Siguenza. (fn. 19)
My messenger has delivered to me your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship's letter, and it pleased me to hear you were well, though not free from such sorrow as becomes your piety and grade on account of these great public disturbances, for the remedy of which in like manner as I am certain that your most illustrious Lordship has hitherto exerted yourself with the utmost piety and Christian affection, so do I doubt not but that you will always do on every occasion; and in truth it is much to be lamented that the malice of the enemy of all good should have had power to sow and multiply such pernicious discord between such a father and such a son.
May the Divine goodness vouchsafe soon to open some good way to allay it, for the benefit and consolation of the Church.
I have performed the office enjoined me by your most illustrious Lordship with the most serene Queen, who evinced affection towards you, as your worthy qualities deserve; and, humbly kissing the hands of your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship, I pray our Lord God to preserve and prosper you for his service.
London, 25th May 1557.
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., p. 185 verso. 902. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal Vitello. (fn. 20)
I have received from my messenger the loving letter addressed to me by your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship concerning your promotion to the cardinalate. I desire and pray our Lord God it may daily more and more comfort all those who love you, and also give his Holiness more and more cause hourly for greater satisfaction and contentment, as may be hoped from your rare and good qualities, your most illustrious Lordship being diligently intent on proving yourself such as required by a similar grade, for the honour and service of God and the Church. This hope makes me heartily rejoice at this your dignity; and, thanking you for your loving affection towards me, I humbly kiss the hand of your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship, whom may our Lord God deign to favour and ever have in His holy keeping.
London, 25th May 1557.
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. XXIV., Cl. X., p. 185 verso. 903. Cardinal Pole to the Cardinal de' Medici. (fn. 21)
From my Henry (da Enrico mio) [Henry Penning] I heard with much pleasure a detailed account of your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship's state, and how in these so great troubles you comport yourself with such equanimity as becoming, availing yourself of every opportunity to perform good offices with a view to the common weal and quiet, which may our Lord God grant to Christendom now in such great affliction, and ever comfort and favour your most illustrious Lordship according to the need for his service.
(p. 186 recto.) The present of the bust of Socrates (l'imagine di Socrate) pleased me extremely, and much do I thank you for your affection.
My agent will give you some of the [cramp] rings lately blessed by the most serene Queen, as I am sure they will be acceptable to your most illustrious and right reverend Lordship, whose hand I humbly kiss.
London, 25th May 1557.


  • 1. In the year 1455, Alfonso II., being then Duke of Calabria, married Ippolita, the daughter of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, the father of Ludovic the Moor, who was thus King Alfonso's brother-in-law. (See L'Art de Vérifier les Dates, pp. 838, 905. Ed. Paris, 1770.)
  • 2. The cause of this enmity was, that the daughter of Alfonso II. being the wife of Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, the King of Naples resented the way in which his son-in-law was treated by Ludovic the Moor, whose wife was the daughter of Hercules of Este, Duke of Ferrara. Ludovic Sforza being supported by the Duke of Ferrara, whose wife was the aunt of King Alfonso, the latter (or his father Ferdinand I.), to debilitate Ludovic Sforza, prevailed upon her to poison her husband Duke Hercules, who having discovered this plot of Eleanor of Naples, gave poison to his consort instead of receiving it at her hands. (See Malipiero, “Annali Veneti-Archivio Storico Italiano,” vol. 7, parte prima, p. 319. Ed. Firenze, 1843.)
  • 3. Pietro Menzio of Vicenza, Bishop of Cesena from 1486 to 1504. (See Bibliothèque Sacrèe, vol. 6, p. 344.)
  • 4. Ferandino, alias King Ferdinand II., who died in September or October 1496, and was succeeded by his uncle, King Frederick III., whose territories were divided and appropriated to themselves in 1501, by Ferdinand the Catholic and Louis XII.
  • 5. Throughout this correspondence the Pope always speaks respectfully of Ferdinand the Catholic, at whose court in Spain, he is said by Cardella (vol. 4, p. 164) to have resided; but of this I can find no documentary evidence, and my belief is, that Gian Pietro Caraffa's personal intercourse with Ferdinand the Catholic was limited to the period when he was accredited to him by Pope Julius 11., as Nuncio at Naples, in the years 1506–1507; viz. from the 18th October 1506 till the 4th of June 1507. (See Giannone, vol. 3, pp. 413, 414.)
  • 6. In Foreign Calendar, “Mary,” p. 314, date Ghent, 8th June 1557, there is a letter from the Duchess of Lorraine to the Queen in favour of “the late Granado concerning whom she had spoken to her Majesty when recently in London,” although her presence there at that time is not generally known.
  • 7. By a letter from Michiel Surian, date London, 26th April 1557, it seems that the Papal agent Fantuccio was expelled Brussels by the Count de Feria, instead of being recalled by Pope Paul IV.
  • 8. Cunio, alias Cuneo. (See Foreign Calendar, Mary, June 10, 1557, p. 315.)
  • 9. In the 16th century the word “finestra” signified any aperture in a building, and not merely a window, so I infer that the balcony was over a garden, towards which the King's back was turned, Stafford standing before him within the chamber.
  • 10. The first mention of the mission to King Philip of the Auditor di Rota, Fantuccio, is mentioned by Navagero, date 1st December 1556; Fantuccio left Rome 11th December (see Navagero, 12th December), and arrived at Brussels in January 1557, as appears by a despatch from Federigo Badoer, date 17th January in that year. These dates are important for the comprehension of Paul IV.'s policy with regard to the Kings of England and France.
  • 11. Not found, but it was probably the one printed in this volume with the date, Canterbury, March 1557, pp. 994–999.
  • 12. Cardinal Morone, as seen throughout this correspondence, was the confidential friend of Cardinal Pole, who had appointed him vice-protector of England at the Court of Rome during his absence, and this is one of the first overt acts of persecution to which the vice-protector was subjected by Paul IV.
  • 13.
  • 14. De eo vero, an hoc tempore e regno ista legatio tolenda sit, ita quidem censeo (quod idem scio Sanctitatem Vestram si presens ipsa Regni statum perspicere possit iudicaturam) eam rem non modo institutum iam religionis cursum impedituram esse, sed etiam auctoritati Stis Væ et istius Sanetæ Sedis vehementer obfuturam. Cum enim illa tot annos hinc exulaverit, idque ut aliqui persuasum habent cum multorum lucro, non potest tam cito in animis omnium integram suam obedientiam obtinere, sed tempore opus est, quo eam sic exerceri oportet, ut eius commodum universitas Regni sentiat, quod iam gustare cœpit, cum nihil ad privatam utilitatem, omnia, quantum fieri potest, ad publicam referrantur; ob quam causam etiam illi, qui ea libenter antea carebant, eandem libenter nunc retinent; quod si posthunc primum gustum ab ore illorum tanquam cibus gratus hæe potestas tollatur, timendum quidem est, ne plus opinio superiorum temporum ad diminuendam obedientiam propter privatum lucrum, quam tam brevis temporis experientia ad cam, commodi publici causa, retinendam, valere possit. Itaque per viscera misericordiæ Jesu Christi Sanctitatem Vestram obtestor (in quo scio non multis præcibus apud eius pietatem opus fore, si presentem huius Regni statum plane cognitum habeat) ut Legato suo, sibi quidem adiectissimo, tantisper credat, et manum contineat, ne hic quicquam novet, dum hæc quo modo se habeant plane intelligat. Ipsam vero Sanctitatem Vestram Deus pacis quam diutissime ecclesiæ paci ac lætitiæ servet incolumem. Londino.
  • 15. In the former letter to Stefano Sauli, Cardinal Pole addressed him “Molto magro Sigr come fratello”; the title given him on the present occasion is “Signoria Illma et Rma.” In the original MS. the two letters follow each other on pp. 183, 184, and the “heading” of the second letter is written very legibly “al medesimo,” though it may be doubted whether they were both destined for the same person. It is possible that Cardinal Pole's correspondent was Archbishop Sauli, concerning whom there are notices in the Foreign Calendar, 1553–1558, pp. 270, 271, 322.
  • 16. Pinnyng, alias Penning. See letter dated Rome, 2nd May 1557, to King Philip and Queen Mary from Sir Edward Carne. (Foreign Calendar, p. 301.)
  • 17. On the 15th May 1555 Sir Edward Carne wrote to King Philip and Queen Mary from Rome that “the Pope denied having refused to hear Francisco Pacheco or others from his Majesty.” Francisco Pacheco was secretary to the Duke of Alva. See Foreign Calendar, 1553–1558, p. 307 and Index.
  • 18. Cardinal Pole was “Legate de latere” by Papal appointment, and “Legatus natus” as Primate of England, Archbishop of Canterbury.
  • 19. Don Pedro Pacheco. (See Cardella, vol. 4, p. 281.)
  • 20. Vitellozzo de Vitellozzi, alias Vitelli. He was created Cardinal on the 15th March 1557 by Paul IV., with whom his authority became such, that thenceforth the Pope did nothing, either in public or private, without his approval, and through the prudence and address of Cardinal Vitello peace was at length made with the Duke of Alva. (See Cardella, vol. 4, pp. 365–368.)
  • 21. Gianangelo de' Medici, a Milanese, elected cardinal by Paul III. on the 8th April 1549, and who succeeded Paul IV. with the title of Pius IV. on the 26th December 1559. One of the first acts of his reign was to put the nephews of his predecessor on their trial, and to release Cardinal Pole's friend, the Cardinal Morone, from the prisons of the Inquisition, where Paul IV. had confined him on a charge of heresy. (See Panvinio, Lives of the Popes.)